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Τρίτη 26 Νοεμβρίου 2024-Στρασβούργο

12. Συνέχιση της κλιμάκωσης στη Μέση Ανατολή: η ανθρωπιστική κρίση στη Γάζα και τη Δυτική Όχθη, ο ουσιαστικός ρόλος της UNRWA στην περιοχή, η ανάγκη απελευθέρωσης όλων των ομήρων και τα πρόσφατα εντάλματα σύλληψης του ΔΠΔ (συζήτηση)
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President. – The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on the continued escalation in the Middle East: the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the West Bank, UNRWA’s essential role in the region, the need to release all hostages and the recent ICC arrest warrants ().

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János Bóka, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, the European Union is deeply alarmed by the continued escalation in the Middle East following the brutal terrorist attacks by Hamas on Israel on 7October 2023. The European Council has condemned, and continues to condemn, in the strongest possible terms such unjustified acts of deliberate violence, and stands with the families of the victims and the hostages taken by Hamas.

It has called on all parties to exercise the utmost restraint, put an end to all hostilities immediately and fully abide by international law, including international humanitarian law. In Gaza, the European Union deplores the unacceptable number of civilian casualties, including women and children, as well as the catastrophic humanitarian situation.

The European Union's position is clear: we call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, and the unconditional and immediate release of all hostages, the urgent improvement of access and sustained distribution of humanitarian assistance at scale throughout Gaza, and an enduring end to hostilities. We remain committed to continue to provide needs-based assistance to people in the Middle East, with particular attention to the most vulnerable. And given the increasing need, we are scaling up the humanitarian engagement.

Furthermore, the European Union stresses the essential role of the United Nations and its agencies, notably UNRWA, in providing essential services to millions of people in Gaza and the wider region. There is also further escalation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, following increased settler violence, the expansion of illegal settlements and Israel's military operation. We strongly condemn this escalation.

Regarding Lebanon, there is a growing humanitarian crisis, and a serious risk of the political and security situation further deteriorating. The Council hasn't had the opportunity to exchange views on the matter, but we follow the news on a possible ceasefire agreement, and are hopeful that it leads to the end of hostilities and sustainable peace, based on UN Security Council Resolution 1701. The recent statements from both Israel and Lebanon give way for cautious optimism. The European Union will continue supporting the Lebanese people, the Lebanese army and the Lebanese institutions in coordination with our international partners.

I can assure you that the situation in the Middle East will remain a priority for the Council.

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Elisa Ferreira, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, I am replacing now the High Representative Vice-President Josep Borrell, who could not be here today because he is in the G7 ministerial meeting in Rome.

In fact, we do not have words to describe the unprecedented level of the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. The Israeli operation in northern Gaza continues, leading to more casualties among civilians, a blockade of aid and people being prevented from returning to their homes. There have been several mass casualties, bombings and attacks on healthcare facilities and workers. The UN has warned that famine is imminent in areas within the northern Gaza Strip, which have practically received no humanitarian assistance for over a month. Either convoys are not allowed to enter or, if they are, looting prevents people from accessing the assistance provided. We therefore need an immediate ceasefire and release of all remaining hostages. We regret that the efforts of the US, Qatar, Egypt did not bear fruit yet.

At the October plenary you expressed clear support towards the United Nations UNRWA and rule-based international order. We are gravely concerned about the impact of the laws voted in the Knesset on 28October, which can effectively obstruct all UNRWA's activities in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Israel's continued attacks against the United Nations must stop. We have to defend our vision of a rule-based global order, especially when the UN Secretary-General, peacekeepers or a humanitarian agency are being threatened.

UNRWA provides essential services to millions of people in the region, not only the West Bank and Gaza, but also Jordan, Lebanon and Syria. In addition to the delivery of life-saving support, UNRWA also plays a fundamental role in providing daily education, health and social services. No UN agency can take over UNRWA's special mandate, as repeatedly repeated by UN officials. It provides services to individuals based on their status, registered Palestine refugees, in several human development fields, namely education, health, relief and social services, and emergency assistance.

Let us stress that no other UN agency is specifically mandated to directly operate health or educational facilities. The Israeli legislation would directly impact UNRWA's delivery of essential education and healthcare services, leaving about 340000 students and over 1million patients without access to school or clinics over the occupied Palestinian territory. Additionally, more than 14500 local jobs in education and healthcare, key for both service delivery and community stability, are at risk.

Recognising the disastrous consequences that this legislation would have on UNRWA's operations, the European Union reached out in advance of the vote in the Knesset to persuade the Israeli Government to reconsider. First, the EU, through its delegation in Tel Aviv, made an outreach to the Israeli authorities, to which 17 Member States and six like-minded partners were associated. On the day of the vote, the High Representative issued a statement urging the Israeli authorities to review its plans to adopt the bills. Then, following the vote, the High Representative Vice-President issued a statement on behalf of the European Union in which he once again condemned any attempt to abrogate the agreement between Israel and the UNRWA, reflecting what was agreed at the October European Council.The European Union also reiterated its firm support to the UN.

Now that the laws have been adopted, we have called on Israel to ensure that UNRWA can continue carrying out its crucial work in line with its mandate adopted by the UN General Assembly. We believe we have to continue our strong advocacy efforts with key like-minded partners, including the UN and G7, towards the Israeli government. UN Secretary-General António Guterres has sent a letter to Prime Minister Netanyahu requesting him not to implement the legislation. The legislation is due to enter into force in less than 90 days.

As the UN itself has relentlessly expressed, there is no alternative to UNRWA. Thus, it is essential that we continue reaffirming our strong support of UNRWA further to the clear language in the European Council conclusions. As a sign of our support, the EU disbursed its entire financial support of EUR82million for 2024.

Finally, on the International Criminal Court arrest warrant issued on 21November against the Israeli Prime Minister and his former Minister of Defence, we would like to call for European Union unity. Now, more than ever, we need to uphold the multilateral order and continue calling for respect for and implementation of the decisions of the International Criminal Court.

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Alice Teodorescu Måwe, för PPE gruppen. – Herr talman! Jag kan inte sluta tänka på de två små pojkarna, Kfir och Ariel, som fortsatt befinner sig i Hamas fångenskap. Mina tankar ackompanjeras av den gråtande pappan vars lilla dotter tillfångatogs den 7 oktober – han som inte visste vilket öde som var värst: Att Emely var död eller i Hamas våld. Flickan frigavs senare och pappan berättade att hon, enbart viskande, beskrev tiden i Gaza som "lådan".

I går, på Internationella dagen mot våld mot kvinnor, borde världen skrikit ut sin avsky över de systematiska sadistiska våldtäkterna, tortyren och terrorn som israeliska kvinnor och barn utsattes för och som de fortsatt utsätts för i Gazas klaustrofobiska tunnlar.

Tystnaden är stötande. Europaparlamentet måste samla sig till en resolution om omedelbar villkorslös frigivning av gisslan. Att så fortsatt inte skett på grund av vänsterns terrorkramande är en skam för Europa.

Vi måste kräva att internationella Röda korset genast får tillträde till gisslan, så att de får tillgång till vård. Och vi måste agera mot det faktum att gisslantagandet i sig utgör en krigsförbrytelse.

Det är sedan länge känt att Hamas, liksom Iran, använder sig av gisslantagningar som medel för utpressning. Det Hamas gör – och som västvärlden i praktiken premierar – är att försätta Israel i ett moraliskt dilemma för att tvinga landets beslutsfattare till eftergifter.

Paradoxalt nog skapas därigenom ytterligare incitament för Hamas att ta nya gisslan och att använda det egna folket som civila sköldar. Kriget i Gaza kan avslutas när som helst. Det räcker att Hamas släpper de 86 gisslantagna, varav 13 kvinnor och två barn, och lägger ner vapnen.

För att så ska ske måste palestinska myndigheten ta kommandot, grannländerna kasta ut Hamas och västvärlden inse att det inte kommer att bli fred i regionen förrän Israels existens erkänns av samtliga inblandade parter.

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Γιάννης Μανιάτης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, από την αρχή υποστηρίξαμε το δικαίωμα του Ισραήλ να αμυνθεί και να μπορεί να υπερασπιστεί τους πολίτες του, ώστε να ζουν με ασφάλεια και ειρήνη. Όμως, το δικαίωμα αυτό πρέπει να ασκείται στα πλαίσια του διεθνούς δικαίου.

Η κατάσταση στη Γάζα συνεχίζει να είναι απάνθρωπη. Σύμφωνα με τα Ηνωμένα Έθνη, πάνω από το 90% των κατοίκων της είναι εσωτερικώς εκτοπισμένοι. Πάνω από 43.000 έχουν χάσει τη ζωή τους. Η απόφαση για απαγόρευση της δραστηριότητας της UNRWA είναι μια αδιανόητα επικίνδυνη εξέλιξη. Η τήρηση του διεθνούς δικαίου δεν μπορεί να είναι εθελοντική, όπως υπενθύμισε την προηγούμενη εβδομάδα το Διεθνές Δικαστήριο.

Η μόνη λύση είναι η άμεση εκεχειρία στη Γάζα, η χωρίς όρους απελευθέρωση των ομήρων και η επανέναρξη των συνομιλιών για δίκαιη, διαρκή και βιώσιμη λύση που θα βασίζεται στην ύπαρξη των δύο κρατών, σύμφωνα με τα ψηφίσματα του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ. Ένα ανεξάρτητο Ισραήλ, το οποίο θα μπορεί να προστατεύει τους πολίτες του, καθώς και ένα ανεξάρτητο, δημοκρατικό και βιώσιμο παλαιστινιακό κράτος στα σύνορα του 1967.

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Jorge Martín Frías, en nombre del Grupo PfE. – Señor presidente, señorías, la Comisión ha desempeñado un lamentable papel desde los terribles atentados cometidos contra Israel el 7 de octubre; un papel en el que ha predominado la equidistancia, cuando no el ataque al Gobierno de Israel.

Situar en el mismo nivel —como acaba de hacer la Corte Penal Internacional y ha abrazado, con entusiasmo, el señor Borrell— a una organización terrorista como Hamás y al primer ministro de una nación democrática como el señor Benjamín Netanyahu, denota una falta de claridad moral que demuestra hasta qué punto el multilateralismo está podrido y tomado por las peores causas e ideas del islamoizquierdismo.

¿Cuántas órdenes ha emitido la Corte Penal Internacional contra los cabecillas criminales de regímenes totalitarios como el de La Habana, Caracas, Teherán y Managua? ¿O contra los responsables del UNRWA que han permitido que haya asesinos entre sus empleados?

Señorías, Israel debe defenderse y proteger a sus ciudadanos.

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Bert-Jan Ruissen, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, dat de humanitaire situatie in Gaza uitermate zorgelijk is en dat we er daarom alles aan moeten doen om de hulp ter plekke te krijgen, ik denk dat we het daar vandaag snel over eens zijn.

Als dat echter onze belangrijkste zorg is, dan begrijp ik niet waarom de Commissie en sommige collega’s alleen maar naar UNRWA kijken. Alsof dat de enige instantie is die zou kunnen helpen. Dat is namelijk niet zo. Er zijn wel degelijk alternatieven. Denk aan UNOCHA, UNHCR, het World Food Programme. Instanties die erop zijn ingericht om op heel korte termijn noodhulp te bieden in crisisgebieden. Zeker nu Israël UNRWA terecht in de ban doet vanwege de banden met Hamas, moeten we wel andere instanties gaan inzetten.

Laten we bij dat alles ook de gijzelaars inderdaad niet vergeten. Ook vandaag zeggen we: Hamas, laat ze gaan!

Tegen lidstaten die zich nu blind achter het ICC scharen en zeggen bereid te zijn Netanyahu te arresteren, zeg ik: u vergist zich! Landen hebben hierin namelijk ook een eigen verantwoordelijkheid en hebben op zijn minst de plicht na te gaan of de onderbouwing van het arrestatiebevel wel deugt. Daar zijn namelijk hele grote vraagtekens bij te zetten.

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Hilde Vautmans, namens de Renew-Fractie. – Voorzitter, het wordt moeilijk om me met mijn speech aan mijn blad te houden na zulke uitlatingen van collega Ruissen, maar ik ga het toch maar doen.

De oorlog in Israël en Palestina houdt Europa een fameuze spiegel voor. Wij hebben hier, collega Ruissen, altijd de mond vol over het internationaal recht wanneer het over China of Rusland gaat. Nu echter die westerse bondgenoot geconfronteerd wordt met datzelfde internationaal recht, horen we een oorverdovende stilte, en zelfs protest en ontkenning hier op de banken. Als het arrestatiebevel van het Internationaal Strafhof genegeerd wordt, is het internationaal strafrecht niets meer waard.

Wat me minstens evenveel zorgen baart, is de dramatische humanitaire situatie daar. Het is onwaarschijnlijk wat daar gebeurt. Vóór de aanslagen 500vrachtwagens per maand, nu nog37.

Ik heb hier heel veel analyses gehoord. Ik heb twee heel concrete vragen. Ten eerste: Hoe gaat Europa ervoor zorgen dat het Internationaal Strafhof en de uitspraken gerespecteerd worden door alle Europese lidstaten? En ten tweede: Hoe gaat u ervoor zorgen dat UNRWA nu, onmiddellijk toegang krijgt? Er is, collega Ruissen, geen alternatief … (De Voorzitter ontneemt de spreker het woord)

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Catarina Vieira, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, dear Commissioner, international law emerged as a safeguard against the horrors that humanity should never repeat. But that safeguard is under immense pressure today.

In Gaza, we see unthinkable destruction, mass displacement, civilians that are deliberately targeted and starvation being used as a method of warfare. So, naturally, internationally recognised judicial bodies are ringing all the alarm bells about Israeli war crimes. The ICJ concluded that there is a risk of genocide. The ICC issued an arrest warrant against Prime Minister Netanyahu.

But what does this change? Israel is still a major Western partner. Our weapons are still being exported there, our agreements are still not being questioned. Some Member States are even outright dismissing the ICC decision. If we apply double standards for Israel, why would anyone adhere to the rules? International law only works if it's strongly enforced, regardless of the perpetrator, and that is what the European Union must do.

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Lynn Boylan, on behalf of The Left Group.A Uachtaráin, the international order is very clear. Targeted attacks against civilian infrastructure, with the clear aim to cut off men, women and children from water, electricity and heating are pure acts of terror.

These are war crimes. I absolutely agree, and so did President von der Leyen, because they are her words in October 2022. However, fast forward to November 2024 and the ICC have issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, citing starvation and the deliberate deprivation of food, water and medical supplies to a civilian population as the basis for the charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Yet there has been radio silence from President von der Leyen and frankly, the mealy-mouthed responses from some Member States have been shameful. The EU's credibility is in shreds, not just in Palestine and the Global South, but even within its own Member States. Israel is driving a coach and horses through the institutions of international law and multilateralism, and they are being aided and abetted by these institutions.

Arming Israel is complicity with genocide. Trading with Israel is complicity. Absence of sanctions is complicity. International law depends on the willingness of governments to support justice, no matter where the abuses are committed or by whom. The failure to defend international law is a threat to all of us. This is not about politics, it's not about personalities – it's about justice. It's time to sanction Israel.

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Antonio López-Istúriz White (PPE). – Señor presidente, una vez más estamos reunidos aquí, como cada mes desde hace un año, para seguir discutiendo sobre este terrible conflicto, sin aportar ninguna solución desde esta Casa. Pero eso sí, servirá —me imagino— para justificar las redes sociales y las notas de prensa de la ultraizquierda.

Por favor, dejen de utilizar el sufrimiento de los pueblos palestinos e israelíes para sus campañas políticas, señores de la ultraizquierda, y aporten soluciones ya de una vez. Soluciones que yo mismo pienso estudiar si reconocen que Hamás fue la que empezó esa tragedia, si reconocen que Irán financia y apoya a Hamás y a Hizbulá, si piden la liberación de los rehenes israelíes, si condenan las torturas, las violaciones y los asesinatos de Hamás sobre ciudadanos, especialmente mujeres, israelíes, si reconocen el derecho de Israel a existir y a no ser borrada del mapa, como asociaciones con las que ustedes trabajan piden diariamente.

Si confirman estos cinco puntos, entonces merecerá la pena venir aquí a debatir en este pleno.

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Nacho Sánchez Amor (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor López-Istúriz, yo compro esas cinco premisas. Es difícil encontrar nuevas palabras, pero vamos a intentarlo.

Los dobles estándares son el cáncer de la política exterior de la Unión Europea: erosionan gravemente nuestra credibilidad en el mundo y, especialmente, en el sur global. Y, a pesar de ello, insistimos en exhibirlos con frivolidad cada vez que tratamos la guerra de agresión rusa y la monstruosa desproporción del invocado derecho de autoprotección de Israel.

La automática acusación de antisemitismo ante cualquier crítica está vaciando de sentido el concepto: si todos somos antisemitas, al final nadie lo es; estamos castrando el grave contenido de esa acusación de tanto manosearlo. El pueblo judío está perdiendo un escudo, una protección que ha conservado, hasta ahora, todo el sentido histórico y toda su capacidad de proteger.

No hay un Derecho internacional para Rusia y otro para Israel: son el mismo Derecho internacional, y nuestra posición tiene que ser la misma ante similares violaciones. Y eso, por supuesto, incluye los mandatos de detención de los tribunales internacionales, que merecen nuestra protección, para que, tras la guerra, no queden igual de arrasados que la Franja de Gaza.

No hemos podido salvar a Gaza; salvemos, al menos, la justicia internacional.

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Jaroslav Bžoch (PfE). – Pane předsedající, já se budu věnovat v této debatě pouze jedné části, a to je role agentury UNRWA. Je opravdu ta role nezbytná? Je opravdu tak zásadní, nebo je agentura UNRWA součástí celého problému? Pokud vezmeme v úvahu, že agentura UNRWA funguje už dekády a dekády let, tak vlastně podporuje generace závislé na mezinárodní pomoci bez jasného plánu na ukončení uprchlických statusů. Nejde pouze o humanitární pomoc. UNRWA dělá samozřejmě i ostatní projekty, například školství. Co se učí ve školství? Co vyučují zaměstnanci agentury UNRWA? Je to džihád například vůči Izraeli? Je to džihád srdcem nebo mečem? Jak může být agentura nezávislá, pokud vezmeme v úvahu, že bývalý šéf se opakovaně scházel s teroristickými organizacemi? O to závažnější jsou informace o možném zapojení zaměstnanců do hrůzného teroristického útoku dne 7. října 2023. UNRWA nedokázala zajistit neutralitu personálu, ale umožnila, aby infrastruktura agentury byla zneužita k šíření nenávisti a násilí. Pokud opravdu chceme, aby ta role byla nezbytná, tak musí okamžitě dojít k reorganizaci celé agentury, protože v tuto chvíli je spíše součástí problému než jeho řešením.

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Rihards Kols (ECR). – MrPresident, dear colleagues, the escalation in the Middle East calls for moral clarity and actionable pragmatism. Israel has every right to defend itself against terror and peace cannot be built while hostages remain captive. We demand their unconditional and immediate release.

But let us address another obstacle to stability: UNRWA. This organisation – intended as temporary measure – has evolved into a bureaucratic nightmare, from educational curriculums promoting hatred to the misuse of facilities by Hamas, it has abdicated neutrality and failed its mandate.

Alternatives do exist, as we have heard in public expert discourse. Yet, MrBorrell has continued to fuel anti‑Israel sentiment, shifting the Overton window to dangerous extremes.

This failure of balance does not foster peace. It undermines it. Events like the recent pogrom‑like violence in Amsterdam show us the consequences of this recklessness.

Peace in the Middle East demands engagement from all regional players and solutions that address the root issues, not one‑sided narratives or institutional inertia.

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Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner, I would first of all say that MrKols is wrong, of course:the European Union carried out a very extensive evaluation to satisfy itself that there is no risk whatsoever of the diversion of EU funding from its intended purpose. That has been established time and time again by the European Commission.

I would call on the President of the Commission to make a statement putting the full weight of the European Commission behind a request to the Government of Israel to request the Knesset to extend the 90-day period, because, as everybody knows, there is no replacement for UNRWA.

As our HR/VP said, all ICC decisions are binding on all Member States. Despite the overwhelming support of EU Member States, we have had no statement from the President of the Commission, and I think it is reasonable to conclude that that silence undermines the legitimacy of the Court and of international law.

The EU Action Plan on the ICC states: 'The EU and its Member States will undertake consistent action to encourage full cooperation of states with the ICC, including the prompt execution of arrest warrants'.

(The speaker declined to take a blue-card question from Rihards Kols)

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Alice Kuhnke (Verts/ALE). – Herr talman! Krigsbrott, brott mot mänskligheten – det allvarligaste och mest avskyvärda som vi människor kan göra mot varandra – det är vad ni som vägrar att göra vad som krävs för att stoppa Netanyahu har möjliggjort.

Alla de civila – som mest är kvinnor och barn – som dödats i Israels anfall eller som dött av svält på grund av att mat, medicin och annan nödhjälp medvetet hålls borta får vi aldrig tillbaka. Inte heller gisslan som dödats i Hamas tunnlar.Men ni har fortfarande chansen att tänka om och göra rätt. Upprätthåll ICC:s arresteringsordrar. Pausa EU:s associeringsavtal med Israel. Inför omedelbart vapenembargo. Och öka stödet till UNRWA.

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João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, quando propusemos este debate, tentaram travá-lo, mas a gravidade da decisão de Israel de tentar impedir a ação da UNRWA tornou impossível impedi-lo. Aqui continuamos a intervir pelos direitos do povo palestiniano, como na iniciativa que protagonizámos neste mesmo Parlamento Europeu, dando voz aos palestinianos e à própria UNRWA, através de Marta Lorenzo, sua diretora para a Europa.

Disse-nos que o que está em causa não é a agência, é o povo palestiniano que serve, as suas vidas, os seus direitos. São as 350 000 crianças palestinianas a quem a UNRWA garante educação nos territórios ilegalmente ocupados. É a garantia de metade da resposta humanitária e 2/3 dos cuidados de saúde primários na Faixa de Gaza.

Há que travar Israel nesta tentativa de impedir a ação da UNRWA, criada em 49 para acudir aos refugiados palestinianos, refugiados que Israel quer condenar à fome e à doença e retirar da equação política. O papel da UNRWA é fundamental. A questão que resta é: o que vai fazer a UE para o defender?

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Grzegorz Braun (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący, trwa kolejna debata na temat ludobójstwa w Gazie, na temat ludobójstwa, które dokonywane jest tam przez terrorystyczne państwo żydowskie. Ale debata będzie jałowa, ponieważ w tym samym czasie jeden z premierów państwa członkowskiego zaprasza ludobójczego premiera państwa położonego w Palestynie i gwarantuje mu nietykalność w sytuacji, gdy międzynarodowy Trybunał upomina się o pana Netanjahu i jego rzeźników.

Może więc czas najwyższy podnieść tę debatę na wyższy poziom? I może czas ogłosić koniec eksperymentu, jakim jest żydowskie terrorystyczne państwo w Palestynie? To państwo powstało mocą demokratycznego głosowania w Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych przed laty. Proponuję głosowanie, proponuję inicjatywę Unii Europejskiej: wnieśmy do Narodów Zjednoczonych tę kwestię i przegłosujmy zakończenie eksperymentu, który kończy się ludobójstwem. Niektórzy mówią o rozwiązaniu dwupaństwowym. Poprę to rozwiązanie, jeśli (przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos)

(Przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos)

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Lukas Mandl (PPE). – MrPresident, dear colleagues, (inaudible) defend democracy and the rule of law, separation of powers, independent justice, freedom of speech and opinion, freedom of press.

These are pillars our civilisation is about. And who is fighting at the utmost frontier for this civilisation and for these values? It's the Israeli Defence Forces, it's the Israeli government and it's the Israeli people in the first place.

So, I very much listen also to courts, but I also very much use my right to say my opinion in the framework of freedom of speech, freedom of expression.

I think Churchill won the Second World War, not alone, but he was the leader. Netanyahu will win the war for this very civilisation, not alone, but he is the leader.

He will be politically defined by the people of Israel in the first place because this is a democratic country – and this is one other of the pillars of our civilisation.This is also what people in The Hague, decision takers there should understand.

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Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, let's be clear about the actions of some individuals and political groups in here. It is hypocrisy to question the ICC arrest warrant. It is shameful that the far-right groups and the conservative EPP attempted to block this issue from today's agenda. I expected such behaviour from anti-democrats, but what justification does the EPP Group have?

The ICC arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, former Defence Minister Gallant and Hamas commander-in-chief Deif should not be questioned by anyone. It is an obligation of all our Member States to implement it. It is their obligation – not question it, by anyone.

Respect for international law must be maintained consistently, regardless of who is the aggressor and who is the victim. And as far as I know, there is not an international law for Israel and another international law for the rest of the world.

There is no difference between perpetrators and those silently and actively watching people being killed. Don't forget that silence is to be complicit. Stop defending war crimes, for God's sake!

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Elena Yoncheva (Renew). – MrPresident, dear colleagues, the humanitarian situation in Gaza is an urgent matter that affects hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees.We must acknowledge the essential role played by the humanitarian agencies actively working on the ground.

UNRWA is a leading organisation providing food, shelter and health care to nearly 2millionpeople and it's responsible for 63% of primary health care just in Gaza. It's the only UN organisation, UN agency educating more than 350000 children in Gaza and in the West Bank. Those services are crucial for the well‑being and dignity of the people there.

Yesterday, positive news regarding the possible peace deal for Lebanon offers a hope, a powerful reminder that peace is achievable. We must extend similar efforts to Gaza, promoting a two‑state solution. As the Union, we have the capacity to play a more active role in fostering peace.

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Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, ahora mismo, 600000 niños necesitan vacunas contra la polio en Palestina. Hasta un millón de personas han encontrado refugio durante la guerra gracias al trabajo y esfuerzo del UNRWA sobre el terreno. Sería una catástrofe humanitaria, señora comisaria, prohibir la presencia del UNRWA en Gaza y Cisjordania.

No existe un plan B por parte del Gobierno de Netanyahu; si se prohíbe la presencia del UNRWA, nadie proporcionará ninguna ayuda a los palestinos. Repito: nadie. Sin embargo, Israel sí tiene un plan A, y ese plan consiste en dos pasos, señores de la extrema derecha: limpieza étnica y genocidio; porque lo que está cometiendo es un genocidio.

La Corte Penal Internacional emitió un mandato claro: Netanyahu es un criminal de guerra, y los criminales de guerra tienen que ser perseguidos también en Europa. Sin embargo, la señora Von der Leyen —que estará aquí mañana— ni siquiera se molestó en hacer un comentario al respecto. Una verdadera vergüenza.

Dejen de socavar el Derecho internacional y humanitario y los derechos humanos y cuiden a la población palestina, que está pasando hambre, está sin hospitales y, sobre todo, está siendo asesinada. ¡Viva el pueblo palestino!

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Konstantinos Arvanitis (The Left). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αυτό που συμβαίνει στη Γάζα, αυτό που συμβαίνει κατά του παλαιστινιακού λαού είναι γενοκτονία. Εμείς από την πρώτη στιγμή –η Αριστερά κατήγγειλε την ιμπεριαλιστική επίθεση του Πούτιν στην Ουκρανία, την εγκληματική επίθεση της Χαμάς– καταγγείλαμε την παράνομη κατοχή των παλαιστινιακών εδαφών. Όμως, η ιστορία δεν ξεκίνησε από την εισβολή ή από την επίθεση της Χαμάς. Είχαμε άλλα που είχαν προηγηθεί, με αποφάσεις που δεν έγιναν δεκτές από τον Οργανισμό Ηνωμένων Εθνών, που απαιτούν την ελεύθερη ύπαρξη του παλαιστινιακού κράτους.

Εμείς καταγγέλλουμε την παράνομη κατοχή της Κύπρου από τον τουρκικό στρατό. Στο δίκαιο δεν υπάρχουν δύο μέτρα και δύο σταθμά. Τα δύο νομοσχέδια που υπερψήφισε η Κνέσετ παρεμποδίζουν τη δραστηριότητα της UNRWA, που είναι ο βασικότερος πάροχος ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας στην Παλαιστίνη. Είναι βάρβαρη, είναι απάνθρωπη η πολιτική του Νετανιάχου, είναι σαφές. Διαβάστε, λοιπόν, την πρόσφατη απόφαση και το ένταλμα σύλληψης του Διεθνούς Ποινικού Δικαστηρίου, όπως διαβάσατε και τα προηγούμενα. Όχι δύο μέτρα και δύο σταθμά. Ή με το δίκαιο ή με την παρανομία. Και εδώ το δίκαιο φωνάζει.

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Hildegard Bentele (PPE). – Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, there is one single action that could decisively change the situation in Gaza: the release of the hostages by Hamas, unlike an ICC arrest warrant that oversteps its competences. It's been 417days!

The State of Israel has had to fight repeatedly for its survival. The attack of 7October was not spontaneous: it was backed by extensive military preparations and significant funding. Israel, understandably, is now determined once and for all to ensure its security with all its might.

However, the release of the hostages by Hamas would put significant pressure on Israel to alter its current actions in Gaza. Releasing 100hostages in exchange for improving the humanitarian conditions for millions of Palestinians – only terrorists devoid of any humanity can reject that logic. Israel is offering USD5million per hostage to anyone who assists in their liberation.

Blurring the lines between terrorists and civilians, as well as the tolerance of terrorism, is one of the greatest threats to any society. I hope more and more people will become aware and engaged in this fight, and draw a clear line between those who are willing to embrace the values of life, dignity and humanity, and those who don't.

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Marta Temido (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, o último relatório de avaliação do Comité Especial da ONU é inequívoco. Em Gaza, os palestinianos são alvo de ações que intencionalmente lhes são apenas dirigidas por serem palestinianos, de condições de existência fatais, com privação de água e alimentos, de assassinatos em massa e atentados à sua integridade física e psíquica, de desumanização permanente. Em suma, de uma política com características consistentes com aquilo que é um genocídio.

Já na Cisjordânia, onde a expansão dos colonatos israelitas e a restrição de direitos económicos, sociais e culturais dos palestinianos constituem efetiva discriminação, vive-se um regime de apartheid. Foi neste contexto que o TPI emitiu mandados de detenção, nomeadamente em relação ao primeiro-ministro Netanyahu, por responsabilidade criminal, à luz do direito internacional.Esta não é uma decisão política. É uma decisão judicial. E cumpre aos 123 signatários do Estatuto de Roma, nomeadamente os 27 Estados‑Membros da União Europeia, garantir o seu cumprimento.

Mas sabemos bem que, para a população de Gaza e Cisjordânia, confrontada com uma estratégia para lhe tornar a vida insuportável,confrontada com o novo modelo de guerra sem precedentes, o cumprimento deste mandato chegará sempre tarde de mais. Por isso, não deixaremos de insistir para que os Estados-Membros da União honrem a sua especial responsabilidade histórica e usem a sua diplomacia comum, agora mais do que nunca.

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Irena Joveva (Renew). – MrPresident, I used to believe that the European Union embodies its core values, but how can anyone still believe that? What we are witnessing is crimes against humanity. Israel went as far as to making targeted deadly attacks on UNRWA staff and property, and when that didn't make them leave, they decided to ban them.

Still, the EU's silence and failure to condemn Israel's actions means we are de facto supporting it. I'll admit, I was hopeful last week that the EU will stand united in backing of the ICC ruling to issue arrest warrants against senior Israel leaders and Hamas officials, as we portray ourselves as defenders of the rule of law.

Yet, once again, the deeply rooted double standards have prevailed. You should be ashamed. And to all of you who still pick and choose when and for what you uphold EU values, there is no decision to be made. Do better colleagues and be quiet when the children are sleeping, not when they are being killed.

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Emma Fourreau (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, s'en prendre à l'UNRWA, comme le fait Israël, c'est affirmer définitivement que l'on veut la fin du peuple palestinien. Mettre en doute sa neutralité, jusqu'ici en Europe, c'est affirmer définitivement que le droit international n'a plus aucune valeur aux yeux des défenseurs du génocide.

Les pires criminels de guerre, toujours, piétinent le droit international et entravent l'action humanitaire. Israël détruit, massacre les femmes, affame les enfants, assèche les ressources vitales pour les Palestiniens pour les regarder mourir à petit feu.

Le boucher Netanyahou veut couper la dernière main tendue à la Palestine et porter le coup fatal à une population plongée dans un effroyable désastre humanitaire, que les ONG et les médecins constatent avec impuissance.

Israël interdit les activités de l'UNRWA; l'Union européenne doit répondre avec fermeté, en suspendant enfin l'accord d'association et en réaffirmant son soutien aux actions de l'ONU. Tous les États membres ont le devoir d'exécuter le mandat d'arrêt délivré par la Cour pénale internationale à l'endroit du criminel de guerre Netanyahou.

«L'affirmation de la paix est le plus grand des combats», disait JeanJaurès. Ajoutons aujourd'hui qu'il n'y a pas de paix sans justice. Justice pour le peuple palestinien!

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Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, kolegice i kolege, slušajući neke rasprave, mogli bismo se zapitati je li postoji razlika između Rusije i Izraela. Njihovi lideri imaju optužnice Međunarodnog kaznenog suda. Međutim, ipak postoji jedna fundamentalna razlika. Ona je sljedeća: 24. veljače 2022. Rusija je pokrenula agresiju. 7. listopada 2023. Izrael je bio žrtva agresije. I to je ključna razlika.

Kad se neki pitaju zašto se tretiraju različito Rusija i Izrael - zato. Jer je jedan pokrenuo agresiju, drugo je bila žrtva agresije. To ne znači da žrtva agresije može činiti što želi. Mora se držati međunarodnoga prava i ako to ne čini, mora se i odgovarati. Ali međunarodna zajednica, ako je išta od nje još ostalo, ne smije izjednačiti agresora i žrtvu. A ne smijemo to ni činiti mi, ovdje, u ovome domu.

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Matjaž Nemec (S&D). – Mr President, dear colleagues, in the light of the daily war crimes committed in Gaza and Lebanon, the ICC arrest warrants are a grim consolation for tens of thousands of victims. I welcome the ICC's decision and call on all states to respect it and to defend international law and institutions. Let us be clear: protecting international law and ensuring accountability for all, regardless of nationality or position, is imperative.

The ICC must fulfil its mandate to uphold justice and prevent future violations. This applies equally to Putin and Netanyahu – both facing war crimes charges. What's even more striking than the double standards often applied, including in the EU institutions, toward Israel, is the silence of President von der Leyen. Silence is complicity.

In 2012, the European Union received a prize for its contribution to post-war peace in Europe. The question is: does it still deserve it? The actions of its leaders speak for themselves. Not in my name!

Ceasefire now! Sanctions now! Peace now!

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Lucia Yar (Renew). – MrPresident, dear colleagues, nothing can justify the brutal Hamas attack on 7October or the suffering of Israelis still held hostage. While recognising Israel's right to self-defence, it is impossible to justify its response, resulting in over 40000 civilian deaths in Gaza.

And I want to address this humanitarian catastrophe happening in front of our eyes: this winter, millions of Palestinians face hunger and diseases, lacking homes, food and medical supplies.

The role of UNRWA is vital. It is providing essentials like food, water, healthcare and education, and there is no replacement in the region.Israel's bills labelling this UN agency as terrorist organisation take effect in two months. Yet, as I said, there is absolutely no viable alternative in the region that can replace this agency's crucial aid.

Let me be clear: Israel has no planB for war refugees, and if we all fail to act, history will judge us.

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Per Clausen (The Left). – Hr. formand! Arrestordren fra Den Internationale Domstol var klar. Den israelske regering har systematisk brugt sult som krigsvåben mod den palæstinensiske befolkning, forhindret dem adgang til lægehjælp og bevidst angrebet civile, og vi kan kun forvente, at Israels bandlysning af UNRWA vil få yderligere katastrofale konsekvenser for den humanitære situation i Palæstina. Man må stille sig selv spørgsmålet: hvordan kan EU forsvare sin troværdighed, hvis vi tillader Netanyahu at fortsætte dette folkemord uden konsekvenser? EU må i det mindste suspendere sin associeringsaftale med Israel, indføre en våbenembargo og indføre sanktioner mod Israel. Jeg må sige, at jeg skammer mig over EU's hykleri, over, hvordan EU på den ene side hævder at forsvare menneskerettighederne og den internationale lov, og på den anden side har forholdt sig passive, mens tusindvis af uskyldige palæstinensere er blevet dræbt. Menneskerettigheder og international lov kan ikke gradbøjes. Det er på tide, at EU sætter handling bag ordene og gør alt, hvad vi kan for at forhindre krigsforbrydelserne mod det palæstinensiske folk.

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Wouter Beke (PPE). – Voorzitter, een moorddadige aanslag op 8oktober in Israël. De beelden uit het Midden-Oosten: tienduizenden burgerslachtoffers, waaronder veel kinderen, ook in de Gaza. Onafgebroken Israëlische bombardementen in Libanon. Om nog maar te zwijgen van de gruweldaden van Hamas en Hezbollah die hele samenlevingen ontwrichten, vaak gesteund door het Iraanse regime.

Er is geen goede kant aan dit verhaal. Er is maar één kant waar we achter moeten staan en dat is die van het internationaal recht. Als vredesproject, par excellence, moet Europa meer doen, zowel in de humanitaire ondersteuning van slachtoffers als rond sancties tegen daders van zulk geweld.

Meer dan ooit moet er een duurzame oplossing gevonden worden in het Midden-Oosten, te beginnen met een tijdelijk en een gedragen vredesbestand. Daarvan is vandaag sprake. Een tijdelijk bestand van zestig dagen kan een eerste stap zijn. Het kan het begin zijn. Waar is Europa om dat mede mogelijk te maken?

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Cecilia Strada (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, per la seconda volta ci troviamo a discutere di Gaza e di Medio Oriente ma di nuovo senza un testo da votare, lasciando il Parlamento ancora vergognosamente muto davanti a una catastrofe umanitaria, davanti a un genocidio.

Ogni mese a Strasburgo parliamo di Ucraina, giustamente, e votiamo ogni tipo di sostegno alle vittime e di condanna dell'aggressore. Su questo invece stiamo zitti, nonostante le gravissime violazioni dei diritti umani e del diritto umanitario, l'invasione della sovranità territoriale del Libano, i mandati di arresto per la leadership di israeliani e di Hamas, le vergognose leggi anti-UNRWA che aggraveranno ancora di più la situazione della popolazione palestinese, che è già allo stremo.

Io ringrazio davvero di cuore l'alto rappresentante per aver mantenuto la barra dritta sui diritti umani in questi mesi, di fronte a un Consiglio invece incapace di mostrarsi responsabile.

Alla vigilia – forse – di un accordo sul cessate il fuoco in Libano, possiamo solo ribadire quel che chiediamo da inizio legislatura: cessate il fuoco a Gaza, che si vieti il commercio con gli insediamenti illegali e l'esportazione di armi verso Israele, che si liberino gli ostaggi e che i criminali di guerra vengano perseguiti senza impunità, quando sono terroristi e anche quando sono capi di governo.

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Ingeborg Ter Laak (PPE). – Voorzitter, ik vraag u om even stil te staan: 90% van de bewoners in Gaza hebben geen huis meer. Van alle doden: vier op de tien doden zijn kinderen, de meesten tussen de vijf en negen jaar, en toegang tot humanitaire hulp is nul. Wij mogen niet wegkijken.

Momenteel is de hele regio instabiel, met meerdere fronten waar gevechten plaatsvinden. Daarom zijn humanitaire organisaties zoals UNRWA nodig om humanitaire hulp te verlenen en meer slachtoffers te voorkomen. Wij moeten blijven werken aan een vreedzame en duurzame oplossing voor het complexe conflict. De onderhandelingen over een staakt-het-vuren en de onderhandelingen over het vrijlaten van alle gijzelaars moeten daarom doorgaan. Want alleen samen, met alle partijen, kan er een oplossing worden gevonden voor dit conflict.

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Thijs Reuten (S&D). – Voorzitter, de geweldspiraal in het Midden-Oosten draait door. Dag in, dag uit. We gaan het normaal vinden: enorme aantallen slachtoffers verdwijnen naar pagina zes en zeven, terwijl we wegkijken en de vernietiging van Gaza, de Palestijnse bevolking en dorpen/wijken in Libanon op haar beloop laten. De struisvogelpolitiek moet stoppen!

Er is geen rechtvaardiging voor het onvoorstelbare aantal burgerslachtoffers door geweld, maar ook door honger en verdrijving als wapen. De EU moet het internationaal recht strikt naleven. De arrestatiebevelen van het ICC zijn gerechtvaardigd en simpelweg bindend. Netanyahu’s barbaarse en disproportionele moordcampagne ondermijnt duurzame vrede en de vrijlating van de gijzelaars, want Netanyahu heeft de gijzelaars vanaf het begin in de steek gelaten.

Geen enkele hoeveelheid humanitaire hulp van de EU verbloemt het gênante gebrek aan concrete actie richting Israël. Schort het associatieverdrag op. Stop de levering van wapens en stop het goedpraten van oorlogsmisdaden. Een mensenleven is een mensenleven. Recht op leven zou niet af moeten hangen van je nationaliteit of afkomst. En de reactie van de EU evenmin.

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Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE). – Pane předsedající, vážená paní komisařko, dámy a pánové, osobně příliš často nekomentuji rozhodnutí jakéhokoliv soudu, protože moc soudní má být nezávislá na moci politické. Ale odmítám jako občan, aby bylo vlastně využíváno Mezinárodního trestního soudu k politickým hrám. Zatykač na představitele státu, který se brání barbarským útokům proti civilistům – dávat na úroveň těch, kteří tento barbarský čin spáchali, to jsou vůdci Hamásu –, to je podle mě naprosto, naprosto neskutečné. Jakým právem soudci hodnotí vlastně utrpení nevinných civilistů, kteří byli zavražděni, uneseni a vyhnáni ze svých domovů? Jakým právem soud zlehčuje útoky teroristů, které jsou zločinem proti civilizovanému světu? Já chci žít ve společnosti, která se drží právních zásad. A pevně věřím, že Evropská unie řekne tomuto absurdnímu rozhodnutí jednoznačné NE.

Catch-the-eye procedure

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Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, dana 7. listopada 2023. izvršen je najsmrtonosniji napad izravno usmjeren na židovski narod još od vremena Drugog svjetskog rata. I budimo iskreni, Izrael je mnogo puta ponudio ruku Palestincima. Dopustio je stvaranje Palestinske samouprave devedesetih. Ehud Barak nudio je stvaranje palestinske države na najvećem dijelu Zapadne obale i cijelom teritoriju Gaze. Ariel Šaron je 2005. naredio povlačenje iz Gaze i rušenje svih židovskih naselja. Od tada goleme količine novca ušle su u Gazu, dovoljno da postane nova Švicarska. Što su s time napravili? Gradili tunele i proizvodili rakete kako bi mogli ubijati izraelske civile.

Ukratko, stvari su jasne. Teroristička organizacija Hamas treba prestati postojati. Bilo kakvo relativiziranje toga je sramotno. Zato žalosti da i sada neki zastupnici u ovome domu pokušavaju izjednačiti teroriste sa žrtvama, dok istovremeno diljem Europe islamisti, propalestinski pristaše, šire govor mržnje i podržavaju teroriste. Zato je važno nastaviti solidarizirati se sa žrtvama terorističkog napada na Izrael i poduprijeti pravo Izraela na samoobranu. Islamizam predstavlja prijetnju, ne samo Izraelu, već i budućnosti Europe i zato treba podržati Izrael u njegovoj pravednoj borbi protiv ovog zla.

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Hana Jalloul Muro (S&D). – Mr President, we have to call for a ceasefire in Lebanon and Gaza, for humanitarian aid to reach families in northern Gaza. We have always condemned the terrorist attacks of Hamas on 7October. We demand the release of all hostages with no conditions. Families are suffering and Netanyahu is not bringing them back home.

We need an arms embargo that will avoid more deaths. We need the terrorists of Hezbollah to surrender arms and to reinforce the Lebanese Government and Lebanese institutions. We need to support the ICC decisions: we support them for Putin, so we need to support their decisions for Netanyahu, who is responsible for the killings of thousands of civilians.

We need to maintain the international law system. We need peace. People in the Middle East have the right to live. The lives of Jews and Arabs are worth the same. They are brothers and sisters. Ceasefire now!

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Tiago Moreira de Sá (PfE). – Senhor Presidente, a política externa da União Europeia parece ter esquecido a máxima do cardeal Richelieu, segundo a qual os Estados não têm imortalidade. A sua salvação é agora ou nunca.

Os idealistas capturaram os realistas e estão a destruir as relações internacionais da Europa. A UE ataca e ofende o presidente eleito dos Estados Unidos da América, um aliado fundamental. Ataca e ofende o primeiro-ministro de um Estado-Membro, a Hungria. Ataca e quer prender o primeiro-ministro de Israel, uma democracia amiga e o principal poder no Médio Oriente, que foi vítima de um ataque genocida a 7/10.

O resultado está à vista. Amiga dos seus inimigos e inimiga dos seus amigos, a União Europeia vai acabar cercada de inimigos e sem amigos para a ajudar a defender-se.

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Nina Carberry (PPE). – Mr President, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza has reached unprecedented levels, with countless lives depending on the indispensable work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. Suspending funding for UNRWA would be catastrophic, cutting off critical services to millions of Palestinian refugees. No organisation matches UNRWA's comprehensive aid delivery in Gaza, and recent Israeli legislative efforts to ban its operations threaten to violate international law and jeopardise regional stability.

At this critical moment, the international community must uphold humanitarian principles, stand against these violations, and strengthen support for UNRWA's vital mission to save lives and maintain stability in the region.

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Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi, cred că avem datoria să nu tratăm cu dublă măsură. Avem două conflicte și trebuie să avem aceeași definiție a atacatorului și a celui care se apără. Trebuie neapărat să fie eliberați ostaticii. Discutăm din octombrie anul trecut eliberarea de ostatici și nu s-au întors acești ostatici. Trebuie, de asemenea, să se găsească căi diferite și multe pentru a aduce ajutoare umanitare. Totuși, nu putem să spunem că Israelul este singurul vinovat atât timp cât Hamas a atacat, atât timp cât Hamas este o organizație teroristă, atât timp cât am avut și alte atacuri din partea acestor organizații teroriste.

Cred că trebuie să ne poziționăm corect și să încercăm să găsim soluția pentru pace, pentru a nu mai muri oameni și a nu mai rămâne copii fără hrană, copii fără mamă și tată. Asta este soluția, nu să ne poziționăm de-o parte și de alta, în funcție de alte principii. Asta este datoria noastră: să tratăm la fel conflictele internaționale.

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Jaume Asens Llodrà (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, por orden de la Corte Penal Internacional, Netanyahu ya es un fugado de la justicia que debe ser perseguido, detenido y juzgado.

Pero no olvidemos una cosa importante: al lado de él, en el banquillo de acusados, deben estar también los Estados Unidos y Europa, porque los líderes occidentales no participan directamente de los crímenes de Netanyahu, pero los hacen posible con su apoyo financiero, político y militar.

Es cierto: los cientos de miles de víctimas —la mayoría niños, niñas, mujeres...— apuntan con su dedo acusador a Netanyahu, pero también a Occidente. Su complicidad no es pasiva, es activa; como decimos los abogados penalistas: es cooperador necesario, tiene las manos manchadas de sangre.

Por eso, estas órdenes de detención son un aviso a esos líderes —a muchos de sus compañeros y compañeras— que, quizá algún día, reciban algún aviso de la Corte Penal Internacional, que ya no es un mero instrumento al servicio de los poderosos, al servicio de Occidente, para perseguir a sus enemigos, a Putin, o los crímenes cometidos en África o en Asia; ahora está ganando independencia.

Por tanto, yo que muchos de ustedes, no dormiría tranquilo porque, a veces, la justicia actúa, y no siempre sale gratis cometer delitos o apoyarlos.

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Marc Botenga (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, quel embarras pour la présidente de la Commission, UrsulavonderLeyen, alors qu'aujourd'hui la Cour pénale internationale dit de Netanyahou– l'homme qu'elle a rencontré à Tel-Aviv, à qui elle a serré la main avec un grand sourire, à qui elle a promis tout son soutien, l'homme à qui l'Europe vend encore des armes, à qui on donne des fonds publics européens– qu'il faut l'arrêter pour crimes contre l'humanité, pour crimes de guerre!

L'embarras de Mmevon der Leyen, qui n'arrive pas à poster un tweet pour dire: «Ah ben oui, Poutine, oui oui, je veux qu'il soit arrêté, mais M.Netanyahou, mon allié, mon ami, doit être arrêté aussi!», est palpable partout dans le monde. Et, partout dans le monde, on voit que cette Union européenne a deuxpoids, deuxmesures et– même si elle prétend le contraire– que les vies palestiniennes ne valent pas, pour cette Union européenne, ce que valent les vies ukrainiennes. Que même dans ce Parlement, on n'arrive pas à voter une résolution pour condamner les crimes de guerre israéliens. C'est inacceptable!

Alors aujourd'hui, dans ce monde, l'Europe a un choix à faire: est-on du côté de la justice ou du côté du colonialisme, illégal, israélien? Faisons ce choix et faisons-le maintenant.

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Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, μαίνεται η σφαγή του παλαιστινιακού λαού από το κράτος-κατακτητή Ισραήλ, με την εισβολή στον Λίβανο, τις δολοφονικές επιθέσεις σε Συρία και Ιράν και την εγκληματική απαγόρευση της UNRWA. Τα προσχήματα για τις ισραηλινές θηριωδίες έχουν καταρρεύσει. Το Ισραήλ διώκεται διεθνώς για γενοκτονία και ο Νετανιάχου είναι υπό σύλληψη ως εγκληματίας πολέμου.

Η ελληνική κυβέρνηση στερείται πλέον άλλοθι για να συνεχίζει τη στρατιωτική, οικονομική, πολιτική συνεργασία με το κράτος-δολοφόνο Ισραήλ. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση εντείνει τους εξοπλισμούς και η ελληνική κυβέρνηση, με τη στήριξη όλων των κομμάτων του ευρωατλαντικού τόξου, εμπλέκεται όλο και πιο βαθιά. Απόδειξη, η επίσκεψη του Γενικού Γραμματέα του ΝΑΤΟ Ρούτε στην Ελλάδα, που κηρύχτηκε ανεπιθύμητη από τον λαό με τεράστια διαδήλωση στην Αθήνα.

Αλληλεγγύη στο δίκαιο του παλαιστινιακού λαού. Λευτεριά στην Παλαιστίνη με αναγνώριση ανεξάρτητου παλαιστινιακού κράτους στα σύνορα πριν τον Ιούνιο του 1967, με πρωτεύουσα την Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ, μία ανεξάρτητη πατρίδα δίπλα στο κράτος του Ισραήλ.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

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Elisa Ferreira, Member of the Commission. – MrPresident and honourable Members, the humanitarian situation in Gaza continues to deteriorate. Too many people are dying. We believe that the European Union cannot stay silent.

Last week, at the Foreign Affairs Council, the High Representative/Vice-President proposed to the European Union foreign ministers to suspend the political dialogue with Israel. Member States did not agree with this proposal. We do hope that Member States will be able to agree on sanctioning violent settlers and those that enable them in the West Bank, as well as Hamas supporters.

After the United States election, the European Union's engagement on the two-state solution will be all the more important, including through the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution. Some 100 states and international organisations participate in the initiative.

The recent meeting in Riyadh, which gathered nearly 100 representatives of states and international organisations, demonstrated the broad interest in this platform. The High Representative/Vice-President will chair – with the Belgian Foreign Minister, incoming Commissioner Hadja Lahbib – the next meeting of the Global Alliance in Brussels on 28November, at the invitation of Belgium and the European Union.

Our intention is to use the meeting to push for more structured cooperation on practical contributions to help protect and advance the two-state solution. We should try to reinforce this alliance, as we know well that only a political solution with the deep involvement of Israel and Palestine's neighbours will bring peace and stability in the Middle East.

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President. – The debate is closed.

Τελευταία ενημέρωση: 9 Δεκεμβρίου 2024Ανακοίνωση νομικού περιεχομένου-Πολιτική απορρήτου