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Trešdiena, 2025. gada 22. janvāris-Strasbūra

3. Eiropadomes 2024. gada 19. decembra sanāksmes secinājumi (debates)
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President. – The next item is European Council and Commission statements on the conclusions of the European Council meeting of 19December 2024 ().

By way of a reminder, after the first round of speakers on behalf of the groups, Members who have received speaking time from their political groups or the non‑attached Members' Secretariat will be called to speak and will be reminded of their allotted speaking time. This means that I ask you to keep an eye on the screens where the current speaker and the next two speakers will be displayed, and then you will be called to come up to the lectern.The normal rules regarding blue cards and the catch‑the‑eye procedure will apply during the debate.

Now, I have the pleasure to invite the President of the European Council, for the first time in his office, to address us in this Ϸվ on the conclusions of the last meeting of 19December. António, the floor is yours.

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António Costa, President of the European Council. – Madam President, Madam President of the European Commission, Minister Szłapka, Honourable Members. In my first speech in the European Ϸվ as President of the European Council, I would like to address my greetings to all of you in this House, elected by the European citizens. I am looking forward to our close cooperation, to the debates and to the exchanges with you, to the debates after the European Councils, and to exchanges with President Metsola and the political group leaders in the Conference of Presidents, because only together can we address the biggest challenges that Europe is facing.

It was that sense of unity that presided over the first European Council I chaired in December. I took away three main message from that meeting. First, on Ukraine: the message was clear. The European Union reaffirmed its support to Ukraine for as long as necessary, and whatever it takes for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This is the message that we conveyed to President Zelenskyy, who joined us for an important exchange. We pledge to strengthen Ukraine's position for every scenario. Peace must be the peace chosen by Ukraine and by the Ukrainians for the sake of Ukrainian security, for the sake of Europe's security.

Second, on enlargement: we are fully committed to enlargement as the biggest geopolitical investment for peace and security for our people and our continent. This is also a central topic in the Western Balkans summit I chaired the day before the European Council. The six Western Balkan countries, as well as Ukraine and Moldova, are working hard to deliver on their commitments. There is no doubt that the future of these countries is in our Union. It is time for us to deliver on our promises as they deliver on theirs.

Thirdly, the European Council had a strategic discussion on Europe's role in the world. We need to renew our relations with the United Kingdom and work for a stronger transatlantic relationship, rooted in our common history and deep bonds with the United States and Canada, a partnership that has underpinned peace and economic growth for decades, based on our shared values and common interests. The European Union and the United States are each other's largest trading and investment partners. It is in the interests of both to keep fostering a stable balance and predictable trade relationship. We are looking forward to working closely with the new US administration to advance positive and fair economic cooperation, and to work on our shared priorities for prosperity and security, while naturally protecting our own interests.

The world today is multipolar, and it opens new opportunities for Europe. The European Union needs to strengthen its bilateral and multilateral relationships with third countries, based on common interests, mutual prosperity and shared priorities like climate action, sustainable development, or poverty and disease reduction. Because the world is multipolar, expressions such as Global South and Global North make no sense. It is in fact a plural world which requires tailored approaches and even more energy in our engagement. Therefore, I look forward to upcoming summits during the current semester with South Africa, Central Asia, Brazil and Japan, and also to the visit from the European Council to India to advance on those challenges collectively and more effectively.

Honourable Members, the European Union is a pillar of the international rules‑based order, upholding the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. Continuing to support an inclusive and multilateral system under the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law, we – the EU – remain committed to all our international engagements, to a comprehensive agenda to tackle climate change, inequality and the reform of global financial institutions. We remain committed to the Sustainable Development Goals, the Pact for the Future and the Paris Agreement. Our Union is a project for peace that has been stable for decades because we value our alliance, our economic interdependency, our integrated societies. But to preserve peace, we need to assume greater responsibility for our own defence, our strategic autonomy and our sovereignty. This is why, since 2014, and especially after 2022, the Member States have been increasing their budgets on defence. Today, the 23 Member States that are also NATO allies altogether are expected to be spending above 2% for defence investment.

We have also taken major efforts together during the last years. We are implementing, with determination, the Strategic Compass. We fully use the new tools we have to ramp up our ammunition production and to acquire the most urgent and critical defence products. The Commission has also already put forward a defence industrial programme, and the European Investment Bank has updated its policy on supporting dual‑use technology. There is an overall sense of urgency and strategic purpose among us. We are on the right track to build the Europe of defence.

That sense of urgency and purpose has led me to invite European leaders for an informal meeting on defence on 3 February. This is the very first time the European leaders will get together in a meeting exclusively dedicated to defence to prepare the ground for the next decisions we will have to take, and to provide political guidance for the White Paper on Defence being prepared by the European Commission and the High Representative. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer will join us for parts of our discussions, because Russia's aggression in Ukraine and our resilience from hybrid attacks are shared priorities. It is in our interest to do more in the field of defence, to become more resilient, more efficient, more autonomous and a more reliable security and defence actor. This way, the European Union will also become a stronger transatlantic partner, including in the context of NATO.

Honourable members. The European Union is also an economic and trade power. Yes, there are important challenges to our competitiveness, but Europe is home to world‑class research and industry, and high‑skilled workers critical for our economic growth strength in the years ahead. We hope that future generations will have the ambition to build a strong and vibrant Europe that brings shared prosperity for all and ensures just and inclusive climate and digital transitions.

The European Council in March will turn to economy, energy and competitiveness. We made it clear in the Budapest Declaration that we all agree with the analysis of Enrico Letta and Mario Draghi, and we must now decide on the right policies and deliver. I'm looking forward to the Commission's proposals on the Competitiveness Compass, the Clean Industrial Deal and bureaucracy reduction. I will work closely with President von der Leyen to advance on these fronts.

Finally, defence and competitiveness go hand in hand. Investing in defence in an integrated way while building a safe European supply chain network, energy autonomy and a innovative industry can boost our economies and job creation, as well as adopting a modern and reinforced European Union budget that is up to the challenges Europe is facing. A budget that invests in our collective security, a budget that forces competitiveness and innovation, and promotes a twin transition that works for citizens and businesses, leaving no one behind, no region forgotten, no problem without solution. Unity is the core element of our Union. United we are stronger and stronger; we are greater. Thank you very much.

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Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. – Madam President,dear Roberta, Mr President of the European Council, dear Antonio, honourable Members, it's a pleasure to join this plenary debate with President Costa for the first time. And I would like to start by thanking you, dear Antonio, for the excellent cooperation between us in the first weeks of our common mandate.

We are only three weeks into 2025, but a glimpse is already there into the change that is coming to global politics. We have entered a new era of harsh geostrategic competition. We're dealing with continent-sized powers and they engage with each other based mostly on interests. This new dynamic will dominate more and more the relations between global actors. The rules of engagement are changing. Some in Europe may not like this new reality, but we must deal with it. Our values do not change, but to defend them, some things must change.

First of all, we have work to do here at home. If we want to protect our interests and uphold our values. We must also be economically strong. And Europe has, as you said, Antonio, all the instruments for successfully playing its role in the concert of powers. We have a private sector with a long innovation tradition. We have a top class workforce, highly educated. We have a unique social infrastructure to protect people from the great risks of life. And we have a huge single market of 450 million people. And that is our safe harbour in rough waters and our strongest leverage in tough negotiations. But our Union and our single market do need attention and care.

For us Europeans, the global race begins at home. And this is exactly what we've been discussing in the European Council. And all Member States agree on that. It is the core of the Budapest Declaration on Competitiveness that we agreed during the Hungarian presidency, and now under the Polish presidency, this consensus must be implemented. And that is why next week we will present our new competitiveness compass, which turns the excellent Draghi Report into action. It will be the North star of this new Commission and drive our work for the next five years.

We are setting three goals.

First, closing the innovation gap with our competitors. Second, we need a joint roadmap for decarbonisation and competitiveness. And third, strengthening our economic resilience and security.

And let me give you a few insights on each.

On innovation. Draghi's analysis is very clear. There is a vicious cycle of low investment and low innovation. And this has led, for instance, to a slower uptake of digital technologies here in Europe. So how do we break this cycle? Public investment must definitely play a role. For this to be effective, the coordination between the European level and the Member States needs to improve, in particular, in a few strategic areas where we really have to focus on, for example, AI or quantum or biotechnologies, just to name a few. But we have to focus on that. We have to invest there. Member States have to chip in. But we all know that public funding can never be sufficient.

So to boost innovation at the right scale and speed, private capital has also to come in. The good news is that European companies are already ramping up their investments in innovation. Last year, Europe's industry increased its R&D investment by almost 10% and for the first time now in ten years, that is more than both in the United States and China. But we have to catch up a lot.

So thanks to these efforts, we are now back in second position globally in terms of total private R&D investment. But again, we must coordinate, we must concentrate and we must focus on the crucial areas.

For that to happen and to be successful, we need a conducive capital market for our companies and specifically for our Start-Ups. And to support this, we will be launching a European Savings and Investment Union. We will create new European savings and investment products, new incentives for risk capital, and a new push to ensure the seamless flow of investment across our Union. We must mobilise more capital to let 'made in Europe' and risk-taking innovation thrive here.

My second point: I would like to focus on the issue of energy prices. Energy prices in Europe are still structurally higher than in the United States and in China, and they vary significantly within the European Union. So we must bring them down while we complete the phase out of Russian fossil fuels. So both objectives are important and they should go hand in hand.

How can we achieve this? Not only must we continue to diversify our energy supplies, which we've done over the last two years, we will also have to invest in next generation clean energy technologies, because this is energy made in Europe. So it gives us independence. Take the topics of fusion, for example, or enhanced geothermal or solid state batteries, just to name a few.

We must also mobilise here more private capital to modernise our grids and storage infrastructure. So again, the topic of a deep and liquid capital market. We must remove any remaining barriers to our energy Union and we must better connect our clean and low-carbon energy systems. All of this, and much more, of course, than I mentioned today, will be part of a new affordable energy plan that we will present in February.

My third and final point is how to bolster our economic resilience and security. Global powers are now vying for access to raw materials and vital supply chains. In the last years, we have concluded more than 35 new agreements with partners across the world, precisely to ensure our access to raw materials and hydrogen, for example, and to diversify some of our clean tech supply chains. This work will be even more crucial in the years ahead.

As you know, since the start of this mandate, in less than two months, we have already concluded three partnership agreements with Mercosur, Mexico and Switzerland. And last Monday, we relaunched our negotiations with Malaysia. These partnerships address some of our key economic interests. They open new and dynamic markets for us. They protect our distinctive products with geographical indications and key sectors like agriculture. And they guarantee our access to critical minerals and clean energy.

So widening our network of partnerships was a crucial recommendation of the Draghi report. And we work with Ϸվ and the Council to move these deals forward. This new engagement with countries across the world is not only an economic necessity, but it has to be a message to the world. It is Europe's response to rising global competition. We want more cooperation with all who are open for it. And this, of course, includes our closest partners, I think, of course, of the United States of America. No other economies in the world are as integrated as Europe and the United States. Millions of jobs on both sides of the Atlantic depend on our trade and investment. The trade volume between us is EUR 1.5 trillion. But beyond these numbers is also so much more: friendship, family ties, common history, culture.

This is something we will always keep in mind as we engage with the new American administration. Our first priority will be engage early, discuss common interests, and be ready to negotiate. And when the time for negotiation comes, we will be pragmatic in seeking common ground. But I also want you to know that we will always stand by our European principles. Thank you, and long live Europe.

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Jeroen Lenaers, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, President von der Leyen, President Costa – welcome, President Costa, for your first appearance here as President of the European Council and congratulations on your first EU summit and on the 50th anniversary of the first meeting of the European Council. There is an impressive history there, but now, more than ever, we need to focus on the future. Thank you for being with us today. It's unfortunately not what we were used to in the last months of your predecessor, and we count on you to continue coming here regularly for exchanges with the elected representatives of Europe as this is an important part of our democracy.

Looking back at the European Council summit in December, I must admit it already feels like a lifetime ago. The world looks different. The EPP welcomes the ceasefire in Gaza and the progress it represents for the release of the hostages, and for addressing the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. It is a significant step to end the immense suffering on both sides, and we call on all parties to fully commit to their obligations.

On Ukraine, there is less reason for optimism. President Trump, unfortunately, has not kept his campaign promise to end the war within 24 hours. The fighting, dying and destruction continues also today. The European Council confirmed its unwavering commitment to support Ukraine, and of course we welcome and support that. But I also listened very carefully to President Zelenskyy yesterday asking Europe to step up and learn how to take care of itself so the world cannot ignore it. He even posed the question openly as to whether Europe will even have a seat at the table when the war against Ukraine ends. Now, I don't have to explain here how crucial it is that Europe is sitting at that table when it's about the future of our own continent. We must be there. I'm looking to the European Council to indeed step up and provide an answer to these strategic questions with more ambition.

With the inauguration of President Trump, we have also entered a new phase of geopolitics. Yes, the US remains an important partner and an ally, but it is clear that under the new administration, Europe is also a target. Another wake‑up call that now more than ever, we need to ensure our own strategic independence. We need to bring back competitiveness to Europe and reduce red tape and unnecessary regulatory burden, to make sure our SMEs and industries can flourish regardless of what happens at the world stage. We cannot simply continue business as usual. We need to step up our efforts in the fight against illegal migration, and protect ourselves against the weaponisation of migrants by dictators at our external borders.

And we need to make sure that Europe can defend itself. We need a proper and ambitious European security and defence policy that really prepares Europe for any future challenges. Those future challenges are manifold, and we count on the leaders of Europe to step up their ambition.

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Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora presidenta, señor Costa, bienvenido al Parlamento. Es un honor darle hoy la bienvenida en su primera comparecencia ante esta Cámara como presidente del Consejo Europeo. Su presencia aquí simboliza su compromiso con el proyecto de integración europeo, un proyecto que siempre ha defendido con pasión, con convicción y con resultados. Su liderazgo será crucial en un momento en el que necesitamos más que nunca unidad, determinación y visión.

Señorías, este Parlamento es el corazón de la democracia europea. Y no podemos ignorar que nuestra democracia está bajo amenaza. Frente a las fuerzas democráticas, se alzan fuerzas que buscan dividirnos, debilitarnos y retroceder en los avances que con tanto esfuerzo hemos logrado. Estas fuerzas están alimentadas por las agendas del odio, de las mentiras, de los recortes de libertades, como las que representa la internacional ultraderechista.

Queremos seguir profundizando la relación estratégica con los Estados Unidos y un vínculo transatlántico que nos une y en el que creemos. Los Estados Unidos son un aliado imprescindible para hacer frente a los retos del nuevo tiempo.Pero el regreso de Trump nos plantea desafíos evidentes, y nuestra Unión no puede únicamente resignarse a reaccionar, sino que debe reafirmarse con más fuerza en lo que somos y en lo que defendemos. Nuestra Unión se basa en un conjunto de principios y valores que no están sujetos a cambios políticos, como en otras partes del mundo.

Trump es el síntoma del empobrecimiento de las clases medias, que han visto cómo su poder adquisitivo se deteriora y cómo se les cierra el derecho a cuestiones básicas como la vivienda. No olvidemos esta realidad, porque también en nuestro continente persiste. Por eso, debemos actuar con determinación para reforzar el pilar social con salarios dignos, con ingresos mínimos que protejan a los más vulnerables y con una inversión ambiciosa de al menos 50000 millones de euros anuales en vivienda pública.

Frente al negacionismo climático y la apuesta por los combustibles fósiles, que son una amenaza directa al planeta y a la vida humana, avancemos en la implementación del Pacto Verde, no solo porque es la única solución para combatir la crisis climática, sino porque es clave para nuestra independencia energética, para nuestra seguridad y para nuestra competitividad global.

Frente a los ataques de los oligarcas digitales a las democracias, defendamos una transición digital al servicio de la ciudadanía y del progreso humano. Apliquemos con firmeza el Reglamento de Servicios Digitales, multando y restringiendo la actividad de estos oligarcas que no cumplan con él. La democracia no se negocia; la democracia se defiende.

Frente al trato inhumano y las deportaciones masivas de inmigrantes, demostremos que la solidaridad y la humanidad son compatibles con una regulación ordenada de los flujos migratorios. Una política migratoria bien gestionada es la mejor garantía para mantener nuestro Estado del bienestar, único en el mundo, y para preservar nuestros valores fundamentales.

Frente a las ansias expansionistas de algunos y frente a los anuncios de represalias arancelarias y sus amenazas a nuestra seguridad, reforcemos nuestros vínculos comerciales con nuestros aliados e impulsemos una industria de defensa europea autónoma.

Frente a la situación en Ucrania y en Oriente Próximo, hablemos con una sola voz y sin dobles raseros. No hay mejor manera de defender una paz justa en Ucrania que autorizando el uso de armas de largo alcance contra objetivos militares en territorio ruso. No hay mejor manera de garantizar una paz justa que destinando los 200000 millones de activos congelados rusos a la reconstrucción y el armamento en Ucrania. Y no hay mejor manera de promover una paz justa y duradera en Oriente Próximo que defendiendo la solución de los dos Estados ante los Acuerdos de Abraham, que solo trajeron más odio y destrucción.

Señorías, estamos conmemorando el centenario del nacimiento de Mario Soares, un hombre que dedicó su vida al proyecto europeo. Las palabras que pronunció en el Colegio de Europa en 1977 hoy deben de ser nuestra guía: «Como portugués y como europeo —decía— confío en que la Europa que todos deseamos no aceptará ser un simple club de países ricos, sino una verdadera comunidad, ampliamente abierta al exterior y fundamentalmente solidaria entre las partes que, por mandato de la geografía o de la historia, necesariamente la componen». Recordemos esas palabras y hagamos nuestra guía para el trabajo que, unidos, tenemos por delante.

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Jordan Bardella, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Présidente de la Commission européenne, Monsieur le Président du Conseil, de l’Ukraine au Moyen-Orient, de la Moldavie à la Géorgie en passant par le Venezuela, l’ordre du jour du dernier Conseil européen a été fourni, et les sujets de préoccupation liés aux grands troubles de notre monde étaient nombreux. Il n’a pourtant pas été jugé bon d’évoquer la question, brûlante, de l’Algérie, malgré l’arrestation arbitraire et au motif politique de l’écrivain franco-algérien BoualemSansal. Son tort? Avoir critiqué dans ses ouvrages et dans ses prises de position le régime algérien, sa dérive autocratique et sa complaisance à l’égard de l’idéologie islamiste.

Aux portes de l’Europe, un régime défie délibérément la France, entretient son peuple dans la misère et l’oppression, instrumentalise l’histoire pour faire oublier ses propres échecs depuis l’indépendance. Il mène une guerre commerciale contre les produits agricoles français, au profit, notamment, du blé russe. Il refuse de récupérer ses indésirables (délinquants, islamistes…), que nous entendons et devons expulser afin de garantir la sécurité de nos peuples et de nos concitoyens.

Sur un plan strictement national, la France doit assumer un bras de fer diplomatique: interrompre l’octroi de visas, remettre en cause le traité franco-algérien de1968, mettre fin à l’aide au développement et geler les transferts de fonds privés à l’égard de ce pays et de ce régime tant que son attitude demeurera ouvertement hostile. L’Europe, quant à elle, ne peut rester les bras ballants face aux outrances d’un gouvernement algérien contre un État membre.

L’accord de 2005 entre l’Union européenne et la République algérienne –que seule l’Union européenne respecte, par ailleurs– doit être suspendu, et sa renégociation, prévue en2025, doit être abandonnée. L’Algérie a perçu au bas mot 172millions d’euros de la si généreuse Europe ces dernières années.Coupons ces versements, que plus rien ne justifie! Cessons d’être les seuls à entretenir la rente de ceux qui, en retour, nous haïssent! Nous devons enfin nous faire respecter par un gouvernement qui, depuis longtemps, a dépassé les limites de l’indécence.

Comment pourrions-nous, nous, l’Europe, prétendre rivaliser avec les grands de ce monde si nous faisons preuve de tant de faiblesse à l’égard de ceux qui rient de notre apathie?

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Nicola Procaccini, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, Presidente von der Leyen, Presidente Costa, onorevoli colleghi, il Consiglio europeo ha affrontato diverse questioni decisive.

Su una in particolare voglio concentrare il mio intervento: i governi europei stanno finalmente comprendendo l'urgenza di prendere misure concrete per combattere l'immigrazione illegale. La risposta più efficace – ormai è chiaro a tutti, diciamo quasi tutti – consiste nel fronteggiare il fenomeno all'esterno dei confini europei.

Infatti servono accordi bilaterali con i paesi di provenienza dei migranti, che vanno aiutati nella lotta al traffico di esseri umani, senza atteggiamenti sterili o snob da parte delle istituzioni europee nei confronti di chi governa quegli Stati terzi.

Soltanto così è possibile offrire a una giusta e limitata quota di uomini e donne di poter contribuire allo sviluppo delle nostre nazioni, avendo loro un lavoro da svolgere, documenti in regola e un mezzo sicuro per venire in Europa. Quanto tempo abbiamo perso dietro la cosiddetta ideologia "no borders" che ha gravemente influenzato questo Parlamento? Quante vite sono andate perse a causa della dottrina immigrazionista? E quante città europee sono state sacrificate nel suo nome?

Finalmente l'Unione europea sta iniziando ad allinearsi sempre di più con l'idea di dover fermare le partenze, mentre, contemporaneamente, si lavora per creare opportunità legali di immigrazione secondo le diverse esigenze dei paesi membri.

È l'approccio pragmatico e di buon senso del governo guidato da Giorgia Meloni, i cui numeri e il cui consenso sono sotto gli occhi di tutti, ma è anche il destino geopolitico che l'Europa deve darsi, anziché piagnucolare per la ritrovata capacità degli Stati Uniti d'America di scuotersi dal torpore naif degli ultimi anni.

Essere presente in Africa e in Asia con la propria politica, con le sue imprese produttive e commerciali e con le sue innovazioni è la missione che l'Unione europea deve darsi per dare un senso alla propria esistenza, piuttosto che consumarsi in chilometri di regolamenti di cui i cittadini europei, francamente, non sentono né la necessità né l'urgenza.

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Valérie Hayer, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Président Costa –bienvenue dans cet hémicycle. Vous verrez qu’on y discute toujours en toute franchise. Vous verrez aussi que vous y trouverez de profonds alliés, parce qu’on sait que vous n’aurez pas la tâche facile, dans les prochains mois, pour mettre les États d’accord. Mais souvent, très souvent, vous aurez le Parlement européen à vos côtés pour pousser les États membres à davantage d’ambition, notamment sur la question de la défense.Vous l’avez évoqué, vous rassemblerez très bientôt les dirigeants autour de cette question. C’est une initiative très importante, que je salue–, à l’heure où l’Europe peine à être audible dans ce nouveau contexte géopolitique devenu, on le sait, imprévisible, il est temps de s’affirmer et de parler d’une voix unie sur les affaires du monde.

Je voudrais d’abord vous parler d’Ukraine: Nord-Coréens, Cubains, Ghanéens, Sri-Lankais, Indiens, Syriens, Népalais, voilà quelques-unes des nationalités parmi les troupes russes aujourd’hui en Ukraine. La Russie fait le choix d’internationaliser son conflit barbare. Alors la priorité de mon groupe, Renew, c’est la victoire du peuple ukrainien. La victoire comme cheminement vers une paix juste et durable. Une paix qui doit être obtenue pour les Ukrainiens, avec les Ukrainiens et aux conditions des Ukrainiens.

Monsieur le Président, continuons de soutenir l’Ukraine et je vous le demande, travaillez sur les sanctions. On a un vrai problème avec leur mise en œuvre. Elles sont encore contournées. Il faut pourtant qu’elles s’appliquent pleinement: contre les responsables de cette guerre, contre la flotte fantôme russe, contre les pays tiers complices de la Russie.

Puis il y a le Moyen-Orient. Notre appel à la paix y a toujours été clair. Il est d’ailleurs encore d’actualité, parce que l’accord sur le cessez-le-feu et la libération des otages est indispensable. Mais, et les derniers jours nous l’ont montré, cet accord est fragile. Le cessez-le-feu à Gaza doit être appliqué sans violation et il doit durer. Les otages, tous les otages, doivent être libérés. L’aide humanitaire doit être acheminée sans aucune entrave. À terme, nous savons que seule une solution à deux États offrira une paix durable à la région. Une paix que les habitants, partout, appellent à cor et à cri.

Je veux enfin avoir un mot pour le peuple géorgien. Là-bas, la démocratie est attaquée au grand jour par les soutiens de Poutine. À Tbilissi et ailleurs, les manifestants prennent les rues depuis des semaines, des mois, après qu’on leur a volé leur élection. Malgré les répressions, chaque semaine un peu plus violentes, ils chantent notre hymne européen, ils brandissent notre cercle étoilé. Parmi eux se trouve SaloméZourabichvili, au courage extraordinaire, à qui je veux rendre hommage ici. Nous n’oublions pas les Géorgiens, nous les entendons et nous resterons à leurs côtés.

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Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, good morning also to the President of the Commission, but especially, of course, very much welcome to you, Mr Costa, as President of the Council. We're very happy you're here. Indeed, as my colleague already said, it didn't happen that often that the Council President was present in Ϸվ, and I do think it's good that you are showing that you are willing to open up this debate with the European Ϸվ, because there's a lot at stake, and the Council has a lot of challenges.

If we look at the situation of Europe, to our east we have a dictator that is willing to go to war in countries like Ukraine. To our west, in the United States, we have a capitalist autocrat. I can't mention it differently. You have to be more diplomatic, so I can say that. But also on our southern side, of course, in the Middle East, there's turmoil continuously. So we need a Council that is stepping up, that is fighting for a strong Europe and replying to that.

But let's be honest, the councils have become a bit obligatory. If you read the Council conclusions – and I think less and less people read those Council conclusions – I just want to mention one example. With all these challenges, EU and the world, and what do the Council conclusions say? 'The European Council held a strategic discussion on the EU's global engagement and priorities in the current geopolitical context.' That's it. That was it! It's great you had that discussion, but what does it mean? What does it mean?

And also, here, when the President is saying 'our values will not change', then I hope that you will also challenge the leaders of Europe more in these discussions, because our international credibility is at stake. If we are saying the rule of law is important, international law is important, but when there is a ruling from the International Criminal Court and there is an arrest warrant for Netanyahu, and some of our leaders are saying 'we're not going to follow that through', then we have a credibility problem. That should be discussed and not only these lovely broad sentences.

We also need more targeted councils, I think, and therefore I very much welcome your specific council on 3February on defence, because I do think these general councils discussing everything are not solving a lot. We need to have more focus and be challenging enough to each other and therefore I'm happy also that the Commission will come forward with its Competitiveness Compass and that also you already said in March you want to discuss that, because Draghi said this is an urgent matter and it needs to be addressed now. But he said that in September last year. So the urgency is maybe a bit relative here.

And I know here Trump is of course changing the world but I think we need to be more proactive and more trusting in each other, because Trump is shooting himself in the foot as well. In his energy definitions, now even renewables are not defined as an energy source any more. What will that do, with all the investors that want to invest in renewables? It is a chance for Europe. And it's the same that he's pausing the Inflation Reduction Act.

So he is creating uncertainty in the United States. That is a chance for Europe, but then we need to step up. Then we need to talk about the investment gap. Then we need to talk about maybe not always the bureaucracy on reporting, but the bureaucracy in our State aid rules, access to finance. That's what we should be discussing and not always get distracted by only the blah-blah on red tape but really look at what is hampering our industry.

And, therefore, we also need more rules on lead markets, we need more energy cooperation, cross-border infrastructure: that's what we need. And that's also where we hopefully can be more concrete when we are expecting a clean industrial deal from the Commission and the Council to discuss that. We are ready. I hope the Council is as well.

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Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Président, les armes se sont enfin tues à Gaza. L’entrée en vigueur du cessez-le-feu est un immense soulagement, et sa préservation doit être au cœur des échanges du Conseil, plutôt que la signature à tour de bras de nouveaux accords de libre-échange, MadamevonderLeyen.

Je pense aujourd’hui aux 2millions de Gazaouis qui ont vécu depuis dix-huit mois dans la peur et la faim et qui voient enfin une lueur au bout du tunnel. Je pense aux centaines de milliers d’enfants dont le seul terrain de jeu était un champ de ruines, et qui vont pouvoir retrouver quelques instants de répit et d’insouciance. Je pense aux otages israéliens et aux prisonniers palestiniens qui vont enfin retrouver leurs proches, et la liberté.

Mais l’espoir précaire qui se lève garde un goût amer, car trop de temps a été perdu. Au moins 46000civils ont déjà été massacrés sous les bombes israéliennes. Ces femmes, ces hommes, ces enfants ont été abandonnés par l’Union européenne, qui n’a pas seulement été impuissante, mais complice du martyre des Palestiniens. MadamevonderLeyen, MonsieurCosta, combien de vies auraient pu être sauvées si les États européens n’avaient pas été si lâches, s’ils avaient cessé d’envoyer des armes à BenyaminNetanyahou, si l’Union européenne avait suspendu son accord d’association avec Israël? MadamevonderLeyen, vous n’avez rien fait pour arrêter la guerre, mais vous pouvez encore agir pour rétablir la paix. Car, si le massacre s’est provisoirement arrêté, le supplice des Palestiniens, lui, est loin d’être terminé. Ceux qui ont survécu se retrouvent sur un champ de ruines, quand ils ne continuent pas d’être pris pour cible, comme cet enfant abattu par un missile israélien ou encore le camp de Jénine, en Cisjordanie, sujet à de nombreuses attaques.

En un an et demi, tout un territoire a été rasé, sa population affamée et massacrée, l’aide humanitaire bloquée, les hôpitaux délibérément détruits par un gouvernement génocidaire d’extrême droite dont le chef est sous mandat d’arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale.Alors oui, l’Union européenne doit le dire clairement: les criminels de guerre doivent être jugés, la colonisation illégale des territoires palestiniens doit cesser, et enfin un État palestinien souverain doit être créé.

Madame von der Leyen, vous ne pouvez racheter votre inaction coupable pendant le génocide, mais vous avez le devoir, à tout le moins, de tout faire pour protéger les survivants et offrir une promesse d’avenir aux enfants de Gaza.

Alors aujourd’hui, pour conclure, je pense à ces mots du poète palestinien MarwanMakhoul: «Je dois écouter les oiseaux, et pour écouter les oiseaux, il faut que cesse le bruit des bombardiers, qu’il cesse à tout jamais pour qu’enfin la Palestine retrouve sa liberté.»

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Alexander Jungbluth, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Remigration – das brauchen Deutschland und Europa! Jetzt hat sogar der Europäische Rat alle Parteien in Syrien dazu aufgefordert, die – ich zitiere – freiwillige Rückkehr syrischer Flüchtlinge in Sicherheit und Würde zu gewährleisten. Endlich vernehmen wir vom Rat also eine sinnvolle Forderung. Die Machthaber in Syrien sollen die Heimkehr ihrer Landsleute anstreben, und wir als EU sollten sie dabei tatkräftig unterstützen.

Statt aber endlich Maßnahmen zu starten, zeigen die Asylzahlen der vergangenen Jahre genau das Gegenteil. Über eine Million Migranten sind im vergangenen Jahr unter dem Deckmantel „Asyl” in die EU eingewandert, 240000 davon nach Deutschland. Die deutschen Medien feiern das, weil es einen angeblichen Rückgang um 30Prozent bedeutet. Wir als AfD sehen keinen Grund zu feiern, wenn jährlich eine Großstadt nach Deutschland einwandert mit Personen, die zum Großteil für unseren Arbeitsmarkt ungeeignet sind und lebenslang auf Transferleistungen angewiesen sein werden.

Die Bürger in Europa und auch in Deutschland wollen keine Anschläge mehr von ausländischen Terroristen auf Weihnachtsmärkte, wie es in Magdeburg geschehen ist. Sie wollen keine Silvester mehr haben, an denen Migranten Städte auseinandernehmen. Sie wollen keine Gruppenvergewaltigungen mehr, und sie wollen auch keine täglichen Messerangriffe mehr. Sie wollen nur noch eins: Remigration.

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Paulo Cunha (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, o acordo político fundador da estabilidade na liderança das instituições europeias tem por base três pilares inegociáveis: a consolidação do projeto europeu, o apoio inequívoco à Ucrânia e a defesa intransigente do Estado de direito.

A nova administração americana evidencia o quanto necessitamos de fortes laços transatlânticos com os Estados Unidos. Mais do que nunca, as dimensões da soberania e da autonomia estratégica da Europa são cruciais para garantir a sua independência e resiliência frente aos desafios globais.

Queremos construir uma Europa que seja parceira e não esteja dependente de parceiros, capaz de construir entendimentos internos acerca da essencialidade de políticas como a redução dos preços da energia e o desbloquear do investimento em todo o mercado único, enquanto alicerces do nosso crescimento económico.

A habitação precisa de uma resposta digna ao fenómeno complexo em que se tornou, enquanto a crise demográfica ameaça o nosso crescimento como potência mundial.

Esperamos que a nova liderança do Conselho Europeu seja um marco da construção da União Europeia, coesa e forte, unida em torno dos seus propósitos e valores, e que o seu presidente seja mobilizador das vontades e construtor de compromissos entre todos os governos da União Europeia.

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Harald Vilimsky (PfE). – Frau Präsidentin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Man kann auf der Autobahn der geopolitischen Entwicklungen unterschiedlich unterwegs sein. Man kann zu schnell unterwegs sein, man kann zu langsam unterwegs sein, man kann auf der falschen Spur unterwegs sein. Aber das, was diese Europäische Union mit dieser Kommission macht, ist, sich mit Hochgeschwindigkeit als Geisterfahrer der internationalen Entwicklungen zu betätigen. Und man braucht nur den Blick in Richtung USA zu lenken, wo sich zurzeit mit Donald Trump als neuem Präsidenten sehr viel Gutes ereignet und Dinge, die mehrheitsfähig sind, z.B., dass all die Illegalen, die in den USA aufhältig sind, nun abgeschoben werden in ihre Heimat, während die Europäische Union zur selben Zeit Tür und Tor offenhält, um weitere hunderttausende Illegale auf den Kontinent zu lassen.

Weiteres Beispiel WHO: Die USA steigt aus aus der WHO. Gut so, aus diesem Bill-Gates-Verein auszuscheiden, der nur unrühmliche Rollen eingenommen hat in der ganzen Pandemie-Phase. Pariser Abkommen: Die USA steigen aus; das Pariser Abkommen, das zu einer Deindustrialisierungswelle geführt hat in ganz Europa– gut so.

Und daher meine ich: Wenn die Europäische Union mehr vom Spirit eines Donald Trump oder vom Geist eines Viktor Orbán hätte oder dem, was sich gerade in Österreich mit der FPÖ und Herbert Kickl manifestiert, dann wäre diese Europäische Union gut und richtig unterwegs.

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Beata Szydło (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie przewodniczący! Szanowni Państwo Komisarze! Rzeczywiście, od ostatniej Rady minął zaledwie miesiąc, a jesteśmy już w zupełnie innej rzeczywistości geopolitycznej. I czas też wyciągnąć wnioski z błędów, które zostały popełnione w poprzednich latach. Słuchając pani przewodniczącej von der Leyen, mam jednak wrażenie, że mimo iż mówi o tym, iż trzeba wziąć pod uwagę chociażby uwagi pana Draghiego, trzeba wzmocnić konkurencyjność gospodarki europejskiej, to nadal pokazuje ten sam kierunek, który niestety doprowadził do tego, że gospodarka jest mniej konkurencyjna i że Europa ma ogromne problemy i kryzysy. I to wszystko rozpoczęło się od momentu, kiedy został na siłę przeforsowany, i cały czas w tę stronę idziemy, Zielony Ład.

Pani Przewodnicząca mówi o tym, że trzeba odchodzić od paliw kopalnych, trzeba wzmacniać energetykę. Pełna zgoda. Tylko pytanie jest takie: dlaczego Niemcy uruchomili wszystkie swoje elektrownie węglowe? Dlaczego chcą kupić nowe złoża węgla na przykład w Polsce? Pani Przewodnicząca mówi o umowie Marcosur. Dzisiaj przed Parlamentem Europejskim, tutaj, będą strajkować europejscy rolnicy. Oni nie są z tej umowy zadowoleni. Mam nadzieję, jako były polski premier, że polska prezydencja, która rozpoczęła swoją pracę w Unii Europejskiej, będzie tym momentem i tą prezydencją, która doprowadzi do tego, że Europa rzeczywiście i Unia Europejska zmieni ten zły kierunek i wreszcie się przebudzi.

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Karlo Ressler (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, poštovani predsjedniče Vijeća, predsjednice Parlamenta, povjerenice, oči svijeta ovog tjedna, razumljivo, usmjerene su na Washington i na inauguraciju novog starog predsjednika Trumpa. Politički trenutak, signali koje vidimo moraju nas u potpunosti osvijestiti. Ako se ne trgnemo, Europa će nastaviti tonuti u labirintu vlastite rastuće birokracije.

Geopolitička utakmica postaje sve oštrija. Europska sigurnosna, energetska, vanjska i migracijska politika zbog toga traži dodatnu ozbiljnost i dodatnu odgovornost. Nova stvarnost traži strateški pristup, odlučnije djelovanje diljem svijeta, ali još više, od važnosti je ovdje, doma. To prije svega znači smanjenje birokratskog tereta, pametnija i veća ulaganja u obranu, ali također spremnost za hibridne ugroze.

Pred nama mora biti godina jasnog odmaka od „business as usual” pristupa, jasna godina odmaka od prethodnih pogrešaka, ali također jasna i snažna godina odvažnih politika koje će dovesti do konkurentnije, sigurnije i snažnije Europske unije.

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Estrella Galán (The Left). – Señora presidenta, señor Costa, ¿a qué les suena si les digo que, durante el año 2024, cerca de treintapersonas al día han perdido la vida intentando llegar a las islas Canarias? Más de 10000personas han muerto intentando llegar a la frontera sur de Europa. Es una cifra inaceptable, ¿verdad? Y es tremendamente dolorosa, pero no se trata de un accidente, de una catástrofe natural ni de algo inevitable. Es consecuencia directa de las políticas crueles de control de fronteras que están provocando que las rutas sean cada vez más peligrosas. Unas políticas que, supuestamente, lo que persiguen es una migración ordenada y regular. Se trata de un eufemismo —y ustedes lo saben de sobra— porque sin vías legales y seguras no hay migración regular que valga. Lo sabemos. No engañemos a la población, a los votantes. No queremos vías legales y seguras. No las quieren y por eso tienen que jugarse la vida.

Entretanto, en diciembre, el Consejo, señor Costa, eliminó la cláusula humanitaria, lo que es muy preocupante, porque con esto estamos criminalizando a las ONG de rescate, que solo tratan de salvar vidas.

Y, en paralelo, la Comisión ha empezado a desmantelar el derecho de asilo, entregándose a las políticas de la ultraderecha bajo la excusa de amenazas híbridas.

Este Parlamento no puede ser cómplice. Los derechos humanos se hunden como el Titanic y nos vamos a quedar como la orquesta, tocando bajo la música de la ultraderecha. Conmigo no cuenten.

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Ioan-Rareş Bogdan (PPE). – Doamnă președintă, concluzia fiecărui consiliu trebuie să fie aceasta: să nu o luăm razna. Altfel, ne vom întreba, cu duioșia Julietei din scena balconului din Verona, de ce blochează fermierii capitala – de disperare; deschidem granițele să ne vină lucrători ieftini, importăm obiceiuri aflate la 180 de grade de civilizație europeană, am umplut piața de alimente non-UE proaste, doborâm recorduri de indecență în numele corectitudinii politice, îi punem pe fermieri să producă numai mușețel și industria auto doar triciclete.

Ne întrebăm, de ce se radicalizează cetățenii care nu-și mai găsesc de lucru ca acum 20 de ani? Ne întrebăm, de ce câștigă teren mișcări politice care până mai ieri păreau o glumă? Pentru că pentru fiecare decizie care nu a ținut cont de bunăstarea europenilor în primul rând, dar i-a fericit pe alții, europenii s-au simțit cu pieptul sfâșiat. Ne luăm de Trump că vrea să aducă SUA strălucirea de altădată. Ce ne împiedică să gândim la fel? Să negociem în numele rădăcinilor noastre comune, să ridicăm din nou marea civilizație europeană și bătrâna Europă acolo unde îi este locul: principalul factor civilizator și de progres al lumii libere, cu o economie care să funcționeze la capacitate maximă pentru a produce bunăstare, doar bunăstare pentru cetățenii europeni.

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY
վäԳپ

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Enikő Győri (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! A decemberben végetért magyar elnökség esélyt adott arra, hogy az Unió egy új irányt vegyen. Arra ösztönzöm Önöket, merjenek továbbmenni ezen az úton, hogy ismét naggyá tegyük Európát.

Világos célok mentén politikai elnökséget vittünk. Stratégiai szempontból gondolkodtunk egy erős Európa érdekében. Ezért ment a miniszterelnök békemisszióra. Amíg nincs béke Európában, addig ugyanis nem lehetünk erősek.

Példátlan ellenszélben dolgoztunk. A Néppárttól a Baloldalig, Önök előre kiállították a rossz bizonyítványt. Tizennyolc dosszié esetében az EP blokkolt, ez 18 elvesztegetett lehetőség volt.

Ursula von der Leyen sutba vágta a lojális együttműködés elvét. Aztán decemberben politikai ellenfeleink megköszönték a munkát.

Ideje lenne leküzdeni az Orbán-fóbiát, mert az eredmények tagadhatatlanok. Megszületett a Budapesti Nyilatkozat az Unió versenyképességéért. Románia és Bulgária a schengeni övezet tagja lett. Újraindítottuk a befagyott nyugat-balkáni bővítési tárgyalásokat, nekikezdtünk a védelmi ipari együttműködésnek, letettük egy gazdabarát közös agrárpolitika alapjait. Az illegális migráció elleni küzdelemben a határok megvédésére és a kitoloncolásokra helyeztük a hangsúlyt.

Kérem a Bizottságot, hogy ezen vonalak mentén dolgozzon! A patrióták ezt számon fogják kérni Önöktől!

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Petar Volgin (ESN). – Г-жо Председател, уважаеми колеги, през последните години Евросъюзът пише най-срамните страници в своята история. От обединение на силни и независими държави, той се превърна в малко кученце, в пудел на глобалистките сили. Неспирното налагане на принципа на антиселекцията в рамките на този Съюз доведе до там, че огромното мнозинство от ръководителите на ЕС са хора без качества и без никаква способност да взимат самостоятелни решения.

Средностатистическият европейски началник дори не е личност в истинския смисъл на думата. Това е хомУнкулус. От латински идва тази дума и означава малко човече, изкуствено създадено, алхимическите транснационални лаборатории. Тези малки човечета дори не осъзнават вредите, които нанасят с действията си на европейските държави. Те не схващат даже простичкия факт, че войната в Украйна изобщо не е за свобода и демокрация. Тази война се води, за да бъде лишена Европа от евтините руски енергийни ресурси и да бъде накарана да плаща за много по-скъпите американски.

Именно защото не мислят, тези еврохомункулуси ще съсипят нашите държави и затова трябва да освободим час по-скоро Европа от сегашния модел на Европейския съюз.

Spontane Wortmeldungen

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Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule președinte, în primul rând, doresc să vă spun succes în noul mandat și să vă mulțumesc că sunteți prezent până la capăt, pentru că, iată, doamna președintă, ca de fiecare dată, își spune cuvântul și pleacă. Asta nu este comunicare, asta nu este înțelegere. N-a reușit să stea niciodată președinta Comisiei până la capăt. Vă mulțumesc special că rămâneți aici.

Domnule președinte, ați spus între altele că doriți o pace solidă pentru Ucraina și o pace aleasă de Ucraina. Cum veți face acest lucru? Pentru că am aici un raport și aș dori să-mi răspundeți; am un raport prin care se arată că 3,5 miliarde impozit pe profit în Rusia în 2023 au fost plătite de companii americane și europene, între care companii cu sediul în G7 și în UE – 17 dintre primele 20 de companii care au alimentat bugetul Rusiei. Dacă se va continua să se alimenteze bugetul Rusiei, Rusia va fi puternică și nu vom putea să obținem acea pace. Apoi, ați spus că doriți o industrie competitivă și suntem de acord, dar spuneți-mi cum putem să facem o industrie competitivă, când din mandatul trecut am avut un program pentru reindustrializare și, din păcate, stă în raft. Nu s-a început această reindustrializare.

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Ľubica Karvašová (Renew). – Madam President, I think it's also a pity that the President of the European Commission has left the room, because the message I had was over to her and to the European Commission: I think it's very important that the new Competitiveness Compass which, as the President has said, will be released next week, reflects the current EU‑US reality.

Donald Trump is not only a reality for our relationship, but it is also an opportunity for Europe – and I was missing that word 'opportunity' as it was not outlined by the President of the European Commission in her initial remarks: an opportunity to really make sure the European Union competes and offers companies and investors from across the Atlantic something that the US will no longer be able to offer.

I mean, red‑tape and a savings and investment union is a bare minimum, but it is not something that makes Europe now more competitive and could make us more attractive for companies and investors from the US. So I count on the European Commission making bold steps, ambitious steps, to make sure we make this also an opportunity for Europe.

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Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Gerbiama pirmininke, gerbiamas AntónioCosta, gerbiami komisarai. Gaila, kad Ursulos von der Leyen nėra mūsų tarpe. Bet aš norėčiau iš karto atkreipti didelį dėmesį. Donaldo Trumpo sprendimas pasitraukti iš Pasaulio sveikatos organizacijos yra gėdingas. Tai suduos didžiulį smūgį daugeliui dalykų, pradedant nuo baisių grėsmių pandemijų reguliavime, didelio mirtingumo skaičiaus aplinkui, ir tai neabejotinai turi tapti Europos Sąjungos skubiu atsaku, ką turime daryti, kad būtų užtikrinta Pasaulio sveikatos organizacijos tvirta veikla. Donaldo Trumpo pasitraukimas iš klimato, iš Paryžiaus klimato kaitos, irgi gėdingas. Ir vėl gi taršos problemos bus, bus didžiulės katastrofos ir mes vėl neteksime daug gyvybių. Lettos raportas, Draghi raportas atkreipė dėmesį į investicijas ir inovacijas. Bet investicijos į inovacijas, į sveikatos sektorių, į sveikatos žmonių stiprinimą yra vienas iš svarbiausių dabar uždavinių. Mes turime per didelius skaičius per ankstyvų mirčių. Su tuo reikia būtinai žiūrėti – sveikatos politika turi būti taip pat ant Tarybos ir Komisijos darbo stalų.

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Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Presidente do Conselho António Costa, bem-vindo! Falo na nossa língua comum, como falei consigo há uns anos, quando falámos, precisamente, dos incêndios, um tema comum aos nossos países. E falo nesta língua, porque é uma língua europeia.

Gostava de lhe transmitir a importância de os territórios periféricos do nosso continente não ficarem fora das redes de transporte — como a Galiza, o meu país, como Portugal —, de não ficarem fora dessas redes prioritárias europeias. Também, que projetos que pretendem instalar-se na Galiza, como o da macrocelulose Altri, não venham destruir essa natureza tão importante.

E também lhe quero falar de paz. O senhor é um homem de paz, e queremos que, em Gaza, não se repita mais a história desse genocídio. E o Conselho tem muito a dizer e tem muito a fazer.

Também queremos que a dimensão social seja tida em conta, que os direitos sociais sejam uma prioridade para a União Europeia, e que não exista cacofonia como a que existiu, aqui, com Gaza, entre a Comissão e o Conselho.

Muito boa trajetória neste mandato, Senhor Costa.

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Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, presidente Antonio Costa, la mejor respuesta ante el regreso de Trump a la Casa Blanca es establecer una...

(la presidenta interrumpe al orador)

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President. – There is no interpretation, I'm being informed. I'm sorry. We have a technical problem here. You can speak, we can hear you, but there is no interpretation. We have to wait a bit, Juan Fernando, we need interpretation.

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Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Haben wir Übersetzung?

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Die Präsidentin. – Ich hoffe.

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Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Wow, was für eine Situation. Und jetzt? N have to wait for the go. So. Okay. Okay. Juan Fernando Lopez Aguilar. Haben wir. Übersetzung. Frau Präsidentin. Es ist möglich. Konnte ich wieder anfangen? Danke. Presidente Antonio Costa. Blanca. ESTA masada. Ninguna concession. Transition. Autonomie. State Innovation.

Señora presidenta, señor presidente Antonio Costa, la mejor respuesta ante el regreso de Trump a la Casa Blanca es establecer una relación basada en el respeto mutuo, que exige que la Unión Europea se respete a sí misma y respete su legislación: ninguna concesión; ningún retroceso en el compromiso contra el calentamiento global y la transición ecológica justa; ningún retroceso en la autonomía estratégica, que exige innovación, pero también inversiones —incluido el capítulo de la defensa—; y, sobre todo, ninguna imitación a Trump en su agenda cruel contra los migrantes.

Esto exige que el Consejo y la Comisión tengan competitividad absoluta y que los Estados miembros cumplan eficazmente sus obligaciones legales con respecto a cada uno de los reglamentos del Pacto sobre Migración y Asilo. Y, dado que está el Consejo tan obsesionado con los retornos, solo cabe recordarles que hacerlos operativos exige negociar acuerdos mutuamente beneficiosos con los países de origen y tránsito, y eso solo puede hacerse con el incentivo de contrataciones en origen y vías legales y seguras que den una oportunidad a los trabajadores, que de otro modo arriesgarán la vida en manos de organizaciones criminales para llegar a la Unión Europea, donde tienen garantías, seguridad y un perfecto respeto a su dignidad y a sus derechos fundamentales.

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João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor António Costa, as conclusões da sua primeira reunião como presidente do Conselho são motivo de preocupação. Quem criou expectativas com a sua eleição estará hoje certamente desiludido, verificando que, afinal de contas, nada mudou nas políticas da União Europeia.

As preocupações com as desigualdades sociais têm apenas lugar de nota de rodapé. As conclusões do Conselho e a sua intervenção, hoje, neste debate, insistem no militarismo, na guerra, na indústria do armamento, no desvio de recursos orçamentais para a produção de armas e de munições.

Nada disso serve aos povos. Nada disso corresponde às necessidades e às prioridades dos povos e nada disso contribui para construir um futuro melhor.

Por isso, o desafio que lhe deixamos é claro: ponha nas prioridades da sua agenda o aumento de salários e de pensões, o direito a uma habitação digna e acessível para todos, o investimento público nos serviços para garantir a saúde, a educação, a cultura, a proteção social. Ponha na sua agenda a prioridade do travão ao aumento do custo de vida e da construção da paz, em vez da insistência na guerra.

Se fizer essas opções e colocar essas prioridades na sua agenda, certamente, poderá corresponder, efetivamente, às necessidades e às prioridades dos povos da União Europeia.

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Thijs Reuten (S&D). – Madam President, Council colleagues, I must say I was a bit disappointed with the Council conclusions in December, and it's nothing personal, dear Mr Costa – you are depending on 27 Member States.

The Council conclusions on Ukraine 1 to 9: good. But which countries that so far have given little to nothing of their military stockpiles to Ukraine did you convince since?

On enlargement, 'continued importance', 'their place is in the EU': great. But the question is, do we really want it? I don't see the commitment. Too much appeasement of destabilisers in south east Europe.

Then Georgia: for 55 days, they are on the streets for their European future. And we come up with some diplomatic passport sanctions next week. It's a reflection of the dangerous waiting mode the Member States are in. We wait for 5 November, we wait for 20 January, and we hope.

If you really want what you are saying, you need a more federal Europe with majority decision-making on foreign policy, on defence and much more. I wish you all the best.

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Fabio De Masi (NI). – Frau Präsidentin! Der Stromausfall, den wir hier gerade erlebt haben, der ist ja ein Symbol für die Situation, in der die Europäische Union steckt. Wir hatten früher die Kommission Juncker, jetzt haben wir die Kommission Bunker. Frau von der Leyen bunkert sich ein am Place Schuman, sie verweigert die Realität, den Austausch mit der Bevölkerung und auch mit diesem Parlament. Was erleben wir denn in den USA? Eine wahre Zeitenwende. Eine Weltordnung geht zu Ende, und wir haben dort einen Präsidenten, der jetzt aus der internationalen Mindestbesteuerung aussteigt, der uns Strafzölle androht, wenn wir nicht mehr von seinem schmutzigen Fracking‑Gas kaufen. Währenddessen haben wir uns völlig nackt gemacht in diesen Verhandlungen, weil wir uns abgeschnitten haben– zum Beispiel mit Energie‑Sanktionen–von billigerem Gas, ohne eine Alternative zu haben. Jetzt sind wir eben erpressbar, und wir beklagen uns über einige Oligarchen in den USA, die jetzt die Kommunikationsinfrastruktur beherrschen.

Aber was tun wir denn, um zum Beispiel das Kartellrecht einzusetzen oder Milliardäre angemessen zu besteuern? Wir machen einen Rüstungswettlauf, obwohl wir sozusagen jetzt schon das Dreifache der Rüstungsausgaben Russlands haben. Wir haben 89 Großwaffensysteme, die USA nur 27. Frau von der Leyen ist nur Kommissionspräsidentin geworden wegen des Rüstungsfilzes in Deutschland. Wir müssen raus aus dieser Logik und endlich wieder die eigenen Geschicke in die Hand nehmen.

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)

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Dubravka Šuica, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members. many thanks for this lively debate and very constructive debate. As all of us know, the world is moving fast. So must we.As has become evident recently, the geostrategic and security context is more challenging for the European Union than ever before.

However, we can build on some solid ground of unity and togetherness, and we should engage constructively with our partners internationally. That was a clear message from the leaders at the December European Council.

With regard to the new American administration, there are very relevant spheres of mutual interests across the Atlantic. Let us explore these spheres and look at mutual gains rather than differences in opinions.

Whatever we agree on with our partners internationally, the competitiveness of the European economy is key. We have a strategic agenda for the Commission, as you know, and it is very reassuring that this vision is shared by the European Council. We will need to timely implement our competitiveness compass.

Honourable Members, since the European Council meeting of 19 December, we have witnessed some positive developments in the Middle East. In Syria, the situation has been rather stable. Together with our partners, we should invest in humanitarian, economic and capacity-building support to help rebuild the country. This will also help create the appropriate environment for the safe, voluntary and dignified return of Syrian refugees.

Regarding Gaza, we are hoping that the ceasefire is going to be permanent. We are keen to rebuild Gaza as soon as possible. We will also take forward a multi-year support programme for the Palestinian Authority and coordinate reforms. This programme will be instrumental on the way to a two-state solution. This means that we will also continue our collaboration with Israel based on the Association Agreement.

The world is watching how we sustain our support to Ukraine. One of the most immediate challenges is the energy system. Just like the brave Ukrainian resistance, we will be steadfast.

Dear Chair, dear President of the European Council, honourable Members, to conclude, we are glad to see that there is a large degree of support in this House to bring our joint vision forward. Let us keep our sense of unity and our sense of action. The world is calling for a strong and united Europe. Let us rise to this occasion together.

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António Costa, Presidente do Conselho Europeu. – Senhora Presidente, Caras e Caros Deputados, agradeço muito as questões que foram colocadas. Infelizmente, como compreendem, em cinco minutos não tenho a oportunidade de responder a todas, mas vou responder àquelas que creio que correspondem ao sentido geral das vossas preocupações.

First of all, Mr Lenaers, we have been there to support Ukraine since the very first day of this terrible war. The European Union is overall the first Ukrainian supporter, and we will be there as long as necessary during the war, in peace negotiations and on reconstruction.And we will be present to help guarantee a comprehensive, just and lasting peace.

Querida Iratxe, lo que está alimentando a los populismos son las desigualdades. El acceso a la vivienda —en especial por parte de la clase media— y el efecto de la calidad de vida en el rendimiento de la gente son clave para afrontar las causas profundas del populismo.

Tenemos que estar juntos —todos nosotros— para defender lo más precioso, que es la democracia. La democracia, hoy por hoy, está sufriendo un ataque. Hay un ataque a la libertad de expresión y a la libertad de información.

Nosotros tenemos un marco legal muy potente, que tenemos que saber utilizar para proteger a nuestros ciudadanos, para proteger su libertad de expresión y su libertad de información contra los algoritmos controlados por los oligarcas tecnológicos. Este es también el combate por la libertad.

Monsieur Bardella, j’ai pris note de votre souci à propos des accords entre l’Union européenne et l’Algérie et je vais me renseigner sur ces sujets. Oui, la migration est un phénomène qui nous concerne tous, nous avons d’ailleurs approuvé le nouveau pacte sur la migration et l’asile en avril dernier. La Commission européenne a présenté en juin ou en juillet le plan de mise en œuvre de ce pacte. Les États membres viennent de présenter, en décembre, leurs plans nationaux de mise en œuvre du nouveau pacte sur la migration et l’asile.

Il est maintenant temps d’agir, et nous devons aussi avoir conscience de ce qui a déjà été obtenu. En comparant 2024 et2023, il faut garder à l’esprit la forte réduction des arrivées irrégulières dans l’Union européenne (autour de 40%). Nous attendons désormais la présentation, par la Commission, d’une nouvelle proposition de directive «retour». Toutefois, nous devons être conscients que la gestion de ces phénomènes complexes doit s’accompagner d’une réflexion sur les voies légales d’immigration. Elles sont en effet l’unique façon d’apporter une réponse positive aux besoins de notre économie tout en luttant contre les passeurs et l’immigration irrégulière.

Madame Hayer, l’Union européenne est née comme un projet de paix, une paix qui se trouve toujours au cœur de nos ambitions: la paix en Ukraine, la paix au Moyen-Orient, la paix à Gaza. Nous saluons le cessez-le-feu à Gaza, mais nous voulons qu’il constitue le premier pas vers une paix durable à Gaza. Pour cela, nous devons soutenir dès maintenant, sans économiser nos efforts, l’aide humanitaire au peuple de Gaza, qui souffre.

En ce qui concerne la Géorgie, je vous invite à réfléchir: je crois nécessaire de faire évoluer la manière dont nous effectuons traditionnellement les missions d’observation électorale. En effet, la manipulation électorale ne se limite désormais plus au jour des élections, mais elle commence bien avant. Nous devons commencer plus tôt la surveillance des processus électoraux, pour nous intéresser à la vérité et à l’authenticité de ces processus.

We are a Union of diversities, with different histories, different cultures, and we also look at the world from different geographical point of views. We need to use the European Council meetings to build common positions. That's why I introduce certain points – to have a free discussion without the pressure of taking concrete conclusions and publishing the conclusions. In order to achieve a position of unity, we need to talk and we need to listen to and try to understand each other to build a common position. We take very seriously the Draghi Report. In October, we approved the Budapest Declaration and we tasked the Commission to present, in the coming months, new and concrete proposals. Today, Madam von der Leyen updated all of us about the incoming proposals that the Commission is preparing. On the Council, we will come back on economics, on energy security and competitiveness in our Council in March. Before leaving, I would like to express my best wishes to the Polish President under the leadership of my very good friend and predecessor, Prime Minister Donald Tusk. All the best for the Polish Presidency. Thank you very much.

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Die Präsidentin. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 178)

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Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR), kirjallinen. – Arvoisa puhemies,

Ukrainan sotaa on käyty jo noin kolme vuotta.

Vaikka sota on ovellamme, Euroopan toimissa Venäjää vastaan on ihmeellistä rimpuilua.

Saksan demariliittokansleri Scholzin häpeällinen toiminta Ukraina-aseavun torppaamisessa on viimeisin surullinen osoitus tästä.

Ukraina tarvitsee juuri nyt mahdollisimman vahvan selkänojan

a) ensinnäkin puolustaakseen Eurooppaa ja

b) mahdollisia tulevia rauhanneuvotteluja varten.

Emme voi ajaa itseämme tilanteeseen, jossa Putin näkee Ukrainan taustalla heikon Scholzin, heikon Macronin ja sitä kautta heikon Euroopan.

Kysyn, mikä on toinen vaihtoehto Ukrainan tukemiselle?

Naton pääsihteeri Mark Ruttea mukaillakseni:

Jollette satsaa puolustukseen kunnolla, niin vaihtoehtoinanne on muuttaa Uuteen-Seelantiin tai ottaa venäjän oppikirjat esiin.

Siinä tilanteessa me Euroopassa olemme. Ja tähän olisi nyt syytä viimeistenkin herätä.

(Die Sitzung wird um 10:29 Uhr unterbrochen.)

IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
President

Pēdējā atjaunošana: 2025. gada 10. februārisJuridisks paziņojums-Privātuma politika