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听听Die Pr盲sidentin. 鈥� Als n盲chster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache 眉ber ein aktuelles Thema 眉ber die Vereinigung Europas gegen der EU feindlich gegen眉berstehende Akteure: Zeit, unsere Sicherheit und Verteidigung zu st盲rken.

Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass bei dieser Aussprache weder spontane Wortmeldungen noch blaue Karten akzeptiert werden.

听听Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann, Verfasserin. 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Europ盲ische Union ist das gr枚脽te Friedensprojekt der Welt听鈥� 27听Staaten, die 眉ber Jahrzehnte zueinander gefunden haben und die vor 80听Jahren noch im Krieg miteinander waren. Mit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs hatten zwei M盲nner, Charles de Gaulle und Konrad Adenauer, den Mut gehabt, sich hinzustellen auf den Tr眉mmern Europas, um f眉r eine friedliche Version Europas zu stehen und zuk眉nftig Kriege zu 眉berwinden. Welch gro脽artige historische Leistung!

Meine Motivation, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, als ehemalige Bundestagsabgeordnete, mich in dieses Parlament w盲hlen zu lassen, basiert darauf, dass ich mich als Europ盲erin f眉hle und dass wir alle zusammenarbeiten m眉ssen 鈥� 眉ber Grenzen hinweg, weil wir die Herausforderungen nicht mehr national, sondern nur noch gemeinsam leben k枚nnen. Die EU ist gewachsen, weil die L盲nder Sicherheit und auch mehr Wohlstand f眉r ihre Menschen erreichen wollten. Der Druck auf unser Europa war noch nie so gro脽 wie heute. Die Welt ver盲ndert sich rasant, und wir m眉ssen neue Antworten finden. Alte Antworten auf neue Herausforderungen werden nicht funktionieren. Wollen wir die Verantwortung f眉r 450听Millionen Menschen wirklich ernst nehmen und ihnen auch gerecht werden?

Wir haben gestern 眉ber den Wahlausgang in den USA debattiert. Hier gibt es einige, die finden den Ausgang toll, andere sehen ihn mit gro脽er Sorge. Wie auch immer eine Sichtweise ist, wir k枚nnen uns definitiv nicht die Welt machen, wie sie uns gef盲llt. Aber wir k枚nnen Schl眉sse als Europ盲erinnen und Europ盲er daraus ziehen. Wir brauchen ein neues Selbstbewusstsein. Wir m眉ssen uns unserer St盲rke klar werden, im besten Sinne des Wortes. Europa ist ein wunderbarer Kontinent, aber machen wir uns nichts vor: Wir haben uns alle in den L盲ndern und auch hier in der eigenen B眉rokratie derart verstrickt, dass wir gel盲hmt sind. Wir m眉ssen wettbewerbsf盲hig sein und werden, damit Menschen hier bleiben, ihre Ideen bei uns entwickeln, und damit andere Lust haben, in Europa zu investieren.

Meine Damen und Herren, die Sicherheit Europas war noch nie so gef盲hrdet wie heute. Sp盲testens nach dem ersten Angriff Russlands auf die Ukraine im Jahre 2014 wurde uns vor Augen gef眉hrt, dass es Despoten gibt, die im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes wieder Grenzen gewaltsam 眉berschreiten. Die Reaktion auf diesen russischen Angriff auf die Ukraine seitens Europas war erb盲rmlich. Meine Damen und Herren, sie war erb盲rmlich, und die Folgen daraus waren nicht konsequent. Der zweite russische Angriff 2022 fu脽t genau auf dieser Unentschlossenheit, auf diesem dr枚hnenden Schweigen. Putin musste davon ausgehen, dass wir eben nichts entgegenzusetzen haben. Aber wir haben etwas entgegenzusetzen, und wir m眉ssen etwas entgegensetzen, wenn wir in Zukunft in Frieden und Freiheit weiterhin leben wollen.

Sicherheit und Verteidigung liegt in der Hand der einzelnen Nationalstaaten. Wer allerdings glaubt, dass jedes Land sich selbst verteidigen kann, der irrt. Ausschlie脽lich gemeinsam ist dies m枚glich. Die EU hat jetzt reagiert und zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte einen Kommissar f眉r Verteidigung und Sicherheit etabliert. Das Parlament hat aus dem Unterausschuss Verteidigung einen Hauptausschuss gemacht. An dieser Stelle danke ich allen sehr, die sich so konstruktiv an diesem Prozess beteiligt haben. Aber das muss jetzt auch mit Leben erf眉llt werden. Zur Realit盲t geh枚rt, dass es ein weiter Weg noch ist, bis wir uns gemeinsam und wirkungsvoll verteidigen k枚nnen 鈥� 眉brigens in Zusammenarbeit mit der NATO. Wir wollen hier keine Parallelstrukturen aufbauen, sondern gemeinsam diesen Weg einschlagen.

Meine Damen und Herren, wir sind in der Tat unterschiedliche L盲nder, unterschiedliche Sichtweisen und haben logischerweise unterschiedliche Interessen, zumal wir in unterschiedlichen geografischen Gegenden zu Hause sind. Es macht einen Unterschied, wo man lebt. Viele Mitglieder in der EU haben eine russische Grenze. Kollegen sind noch in der Sowjetunion aufgewachsen; sie wissen, was Unfreiheit bedeutet. Deren Blick ist ein v枚llig anderer als derer, die im Herzen Europas leben, wie wir in Deutschland, umzingelt von Freunden. Unsere s眉deurop盲ischen Partner zum Beispiel blicken auf das Mittelmeer in seiner Sch枚nheit, aber eben auch in seiner Herausforderung. Meine Damen und Herren, Premierminister Tusk hat es gerade gesagt: Bei allen unterschiedlichen Sichtweisen werden wir Kompromisse schlie脽en m眉ssen. Ja, es gibt hier vor allem auf der rechten Seite des Hauses Mitglieder bzw. Parteien, die haben sich hier reinw盲hlen lassen 鈥� das muss man sich auf der Zunge zergehen lassen 鈥�, um nicht f眉r Europa zu streiten, sondern um dieses Parlament vorzuf眉hren und den nationalistischen Weg zu gehen.

Deswegen mein Appell: Wir als Demokraten in der Mitte dieses Hauses听鈥撎齟s ist wirklich unertr盲glich, was wir hier sehen. Es gibt Mitglieder, die wollen das Geld Europas, aber sie wollen nicht unsere Union erhalten und verbessern, so wie wir es wollen. Deswegen, meine Damen und Herren, abschlie脽end: Die L盲nder au脽erhalb der Europ盲ischen Union sind nicht an unserem Wohl interessiert. Wenn wir nicht an uns glauben, wenn wir nicht das Wohl Europas wollen, wer dann? Das geht nur gemeinsam. Sch枚n, dass gerade von rechts der Einwurf kam. Wir haben die richtige Richtung eingeschlagen. Lassen Sie uns zusammen f眉r dieses Europa streiten, es verteidigen und den Feinden der Freiheit zeigen, wie stark wir sind!

听听Adam Sz艂apka, President-in-Office of the Council. 鈥� Madam听President, honourable Members, Commissioner, first of all, I welcome the topic of this debate. Enhancing EU security is the cornerstone of the Polish EU Presidency. The EU leaders are going to have an informal exchange of views on European defence in two weeks' time, close to Brussels. The NATO Secretary鈥慓eneral and the UK Prime Minister are due to join them to ensure a broader perspective of the challenge.

Indeed, we are faced with a complex, multi-layered threat landscape. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine now enters its third year. Our adversaries are increasingly using hybrid threats to undermine, influence and erase our democratic and economic system and our institutions. Cyberattacks, information manipulation, sabotage against our critical infrastructure, instrumentalisation of migration, as well as outright military aggression are a part of one single continuum. The variety of threats I just described is a stark reminder that we need to rapidly step up our efforts in security and defence. This implies strengthening our resilience and enhancing our preparedness for all sorts of contingencies.

In the last few years, we have taken important steps forward, notably in support of Ukraine, including with lethal means and training. We must stay the course. Investing in the security of Ukraine means investing in our own security. Ukraine urgently needs more ammunitions and missiles, air defence systems and interceptors, and support for maintenance and repair.

But the heavy鈥憀ifting must also be done closer to home. More than 30 years of under-investment have had its toll on the Member States' defence capacities. Recent increases in defence spending are an important step in the right direction, but not enough. We need to spend substantially more, but also better and faster. By working together, we can address critical capabilities gaps, ramp up production capacity across Europe and mobilise additional funding. In this context, we must also strengthen our relationship with our strategic partners, especially our NATO partners. The European Defence Industry Strategy and its related programme will act as an important building block for this. The role of the European 合法博彩网站 as co-legislator is crucial in order to agree rapidly on an ambitious programme. The Council is also awaiting the forthcoming Commission white paper on military capabilities, the defence industry and the required funding.

We have also given ourselves new instruments and tools to tackle cyber and hybrid threats. With the EU rapid deployment capacity, we have an important new military tool to help in crisis situations, for example, to rescue and evacuate our citizens.

President, honourable Members, Commissioner, let me finish by stressing the importance of European unity at such testing times for international peace and security. Our challenges are complex, but they can be tackled if we remain united in our actions. Thank you very much for your attention.

听听Dubravka 艩uica, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Dear honourable Members, to respond to the complex threat landscape, we have made the defence and security of our citizens a top priority of this Commission's mandate. Russia's brutal and unprovoked aggression against Ukraine now enters into its third year. Our adversaries are increasingly using hybrid threats to undermine and influence our democratic and economic systems and our institutions. Cyberattacks, information manipulation, interference in campaigns, arson, vandalism, sabotage against our critical infrastructure (notably the recent subsea cable incidents), instrumentalisation of migration, as well as an outright military aggression 鈥� this is all part of one single threat continuum. We need to be united to strengthen our security and defence, to build a genuine defence union.

In the last few years, we have taken important steps forward, notably in support of Ukraine. I will repeat what was said by the Council: the Commission's agenda is based on the conviction that the best investment in European security is investing in the security of Ukraine. The European Union has also invested in our defence industrial readiness with the following tangible initiatives: the European Defence Fund, the Act in Support of Ammunition Production, and through support to the joint procurement of defence products through the European defence industry reinforcement through common procurement Act (EDIRPA). We will have to ramp up our defence production to address the defence capabilities gaps and the shortfalls in military material. This means spending substantially more but also better.

As the European Union, we provide added value, European scale, European coordination and European funding to support joint funding or joint investment across the board, not just on ammunition but in all areas of defence production. The European defence industrial strategy and the proposal for a European defence industry programme are important building blocks for this.

We should also not forget the key potential of building synergies when funding dual鈥憉se technologies. The role of the European 合法博彩网站 as co-legislator is vital in order to rapidly deliver an ambitious European defence industry programme (EDIP) and support the Commission's agenda. We also need modernisation and innovation and we need to get to work on our projects of common interest 鈥� our defence shields for air and for space. To prepare the way ahead, the forthcoming white paper will address the military capabilities, defence industry and funding which is required in order for the European Union and for our Member States to step up rapidly, in line with NATO capability targets.

Security and defence remain intrinsically linked with transatlantic security. Together with the white paper on defence and the Union preparedness strategy, which will respond to different threats, scenarios and security challenges, as well as the new cybersecurity crisis management blueprint, the new European internal security strategy will set the stage for the European Union's work on preparedness, security and defence. The internal security strategy will cover all threats, both online and offline. We will ensure, and this will ensure, that security is integrated in European Union legislation and policies by design.

In parallel, our security calls for improving our ability to cope with many armed conflicts and surging crises in the European Union's wider neighbourhood. The European Union's 22 common security and defence policy missions and operations are testament to the global volatile security environment. With the European Union's rapid deployment capacity, we have an important new military tool to help in crisis situations, for example, the rescue and evacuation of our citizens.

To conclude, strengthening the European Union's security and defence capabilities requires a comprehensive, cross-sectoral, cross-border approach. And we count on the European 合法博彩网站's support in putting the European Union on track to protect our people.

听听Christophe Gomart, au nom du groupe PPE. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, chers coll猫gues, notre ordre mondial est bouscul茅 par Donald Trump. 脌 pr茅sent, 350听millions d鈥橝m茅ricains ne sont plus pr锚ts 脿 payer pour 450听millions d鈥橢urop茅ens. O霉 est l鈥橢urope? Certains se d茅sinscrivent de X, d鈥檃utres jouent d茅j脿 la solidarit茅 am茅ricaine plut么t qu鈥檈urop茅enne. Trump avance pourtant sans masque: il veut nous diviser et nous transformer en place du march茅 pour les Am茅ricains.

J鈥檃ppelle donc 脿 un r茅veil europ茅en et 脿 une coop茅ration sinc猫re entre nous. Acheter davantage am茅ricain en Europe, c鈥檈st d茅truire tout espoir d鈥檃utonomie strat茅gique. Prenons l鈥檈xemple de l鈥檈space: ce sont nos donn茅es, notre navigation, nos communications, notre observation de la Terre. Sans l鈥檈space, l鈥橴kraine ne pourrait plus faire la guerre. Notre autonomie dans l鈥檈space devrait donc 锚tre notre priorit茅, et notre coop茅ration une 茅vidence.

Pourtant, que se passe-t-il? Nos champions sont en difficult茅. En听2024, l鈥橧talien Vega a lanc茅 deux fus茅es, le Fran莽ais ArianeGroup une seule, quand SpaceX en lance une tous les deux jours et demi. Qu鈥檃ttendons-nous pour concentrer nos forces et utiliser en priorit茅 nos lanceurs europ茅ens? Enfin, en avoir, c鈥檈st bien, 脿 condition de savoir aussi les prot茅ger. C鈥檈st un sujet connexe, 脿 traiter d鈥檜rgence.

听听Sven Mikser, on behalf of the S&D Group. 鈥� Madam President, colleagues, European security is at a precarious point. While Russia's bloody war of aggression against an EU candidate country 鈥� Ukraine 鈥� is grinding on, we are also seeing an increase in provocations and acts of sabotage against EU Member States' interests and infrastructure, and ever bolder attempts by Russia and others to wage hostile information operations and interfere in our democratic processes.

In order to meet these extraordinary challenges we need to get our act together. This inevitably involves an increase in defence expenditure, both in individual Member States as well as at the Union level, to properly finance our joint instruments and programmes, to boost our defence industrial capacity, to maintain our technological sovereignty, address critical capability gaps and improve our overall resilience and readiness to act.

Increasing our defence spending and improving our defence industrial capacity and competitiveness are almost universally recognised as priorities by pro-European political forces, and so is the need to continue our assistance to Ukraine in the fight against Russian aggressors. But in these uncertain times, it is absolutely imperative that there is strong public support in all our societies for what the political leaders see as our strategic goals on the global stage.

It is deeply alarming that some of the hostile information operations in our partner countries, but also within the EU, are bearing fruit, boosting the standing of anti-EU and pro-Russian parties and politicians, and weakening the cohesiveness of our societies and our ability to swiftly respond to external threats. It is also deeply unsettling to see that actors from countries we regard as our allies are starting to engage in similar activities.

Improving our defence readiness will not come for free. That is a significant price tag that our taxpayers will have to pay. In order to make sure that the European people continue to rally behind our efforts to protect our territories, our democracy and European values we need to make sure that we see this important endeavour through in a responsible and socially just way, without alienating large swaths of our societies and making them vulnerable to the machinations of our adversaries.

听听Alberico Gambino, a nome del gruppo ECR. 鈥� Signora Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, sentiamo spesso parlare di pace, ma, come richiamato dalla Presidente del Consiglio dei ministri italiano, onorevole Giorgia Meloni, la pace non 猫 un diritto acquisito, n茅 qualcosa di eterno: 猫 una conquista quotidiana che richiede impegno e determinazione.

A chi critica le spese per la difesa, ricordo che esse servono a garantire sicurezza, servono a ricostruire stabilit脿 in terre devastate dai conflitti e servono a essere un deterrente per tenere lontane le minacce dalle nostre comunit脿.

Parlare di difesa non significa abbracciare una logica bellicistica, ma garantire sicurezza e benessere ai cittadini europei. Ed 猫 per questo che dobbiamo essere quanto pi霉 ambiziosi e pragmatici possibile e far s矛 che, appunto, gli investimenti 鈥� e sottolineo, investimenti 鈥� per la difesa debbano essere tenuti fuori dal patto di stabilit脿. Solo in questo modo potremo costruire un'Europa pi霉 preparata nel rispondere alle sfide globali che ci attendono.

Un'Europa forte e coesa non significa un'Europa che rinuncia alle sue sovranit脿 nazionali, ma un'Europa che si pone come garante della pace e della sicurezza per tutti i suoi popoli. Questo dobbiamo affermarlo con chiarezza e orgoglio.

听听Hilde Vautmans, namens de Renew-Fractie. 鈥� Voorzitter, in maart komt de Commissie met een witboek voor defensie. Ik heb er alle vertrouwen in dat de Commissie daarbij zeer goed en ambitieus te werk gaat. In de Raad en de lidstaten heb ik echter minder vertrouwen, vanwege hun eerder vertoonde kortzichtigheid. De lidstaten hebben sinds de vaststelling van het eerste Europese defensieplan in 1954 niets anders gedaan dan dwarsliggen. Er wordt al ruim zeventig jaar gesproken over Europese defensie. Als we deze nu niet tot stand brengen, wanneer dan wel?

We moeten strijden voor onze collectieve veiligheid. We kunnen niet langer op de Amerikanen rekenen om ons te hulp te schieten. Dit zal niet zomaar overwaaien: president听Trump is een symptoom van een veranderende Amerikaanse samenleving.

Onze burgers verwachten dat we investeren in defensie en veiligheid en hun belastinggeld effici毛nt besteden. We moeten werkgelegenheid scheppen en aan de industrie werken.

Ik hoop dan ook dat het plan van de Commissie zeer ambitieus is en een Europees leger omvat. Met het besteden van meer middelen op dezelfde manier komen we namelijk nergens. De Commissie moet bij de lidstaten lobbyen en ervoor zorgen dat ze samen meer dan alleen hun eigen 5听% uitgeven en deze middelen bovendien anders besteden. Het is nu of nooit voor het voortbestaan van ons continent.

听听Hannah Neumann, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. 鈥� Madam President, dear colleagues, a 155听mm shell of a German manufacturer can't be used in a French howitzer, making it even more difficult for Ukrainians to defend their country against Russian aggression. That is where we stand, 25 years into the Common Security and Defence Policy.

For five years, I have been a Member of this House. We have written strategies, handed out subsidies, backed Member States to cooperate. And their response? Thanks for the money, but leave the rest to us. All of them putting national egoism above the security of European citizens and that of our friends in Ukraine, failing to come together to fix the problems we have. Nowhere is this failure more apparent than in cybersecurity. We are building our digital societies on technology controlled by a man in the White House threatening to annex Canada along with his Nazi鈥憇aluting sidekick. Attribution of cyber attacks? We need to ask the Americans storing our data. Our companies do it in the US. Secure processors? We buy them from the US IT experts. We are lacking 1 million. This, my dear colleagues, is beyond naive.

What use are another 4听000 battle tanks if Russians can hack our command and control structure? What use are another 4听000 battle tanks if our elections are manipulated by algorithms of TikTok and X? There is only one response to Russian aggression and to Make America Great Again 鈥� it's Europe united, including in defence. When we speak of defence, let's not forget cyber.

听听Marc Botenga, au nom du groupe The Left. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Commission, Conseil, 芦il faut augmenter nos d茅penses militaires禄. Vous le r茅p茅tez de mani猫re obstin茅e, 芦augmentez vos d茅penses militaires禄, tout en cherchant 脿 convaincre les gens qu鈥檌l n鈥檡 a plus d鈥檃rgent pour les salaires, pour les pensions, pour les factures d鈥櫭﹏ergie. Qu鈥檌l n鈥檡 aura ni m茅decin 脿 l鈥檋么pital ni salle disponible aux urgences. Qu鈥櫭� l鈥櫭ヽole, les enfants seront entass茅s dans des classes petites et froides, sans enseignant. Mais qu鈥檌l faut augmenter les d茅penses militaires!

D茅masquons cette supercherie, car il s鈥檃girait de se d茅fendre contre la Russie. Je veux bien, mais les d茅penses de l鈥橭TAN sont d茅j脿 pr猫s de dix fois sup茅rieures 脿 celles de la Russie. Je ne dis pas que nous devrions pour cette raison 锚tre dix fois plus puissants que la Russie, mais, ne pas arriver 脿 se d茅fendre avec ce budget, c鈥檈st quand m锚me un peu dingue. O霉 va cet argent? Que faites-vous de cet argent? Et, surtout, combien d鈥檃rgent allez-vous encore prendre aux soins de sant茅 pour le mettre dans le militaire?

Avant de vider les poches des travailleurs pour remplir celles des actionnaires des multinationales am茅ricaines, expliquez-moi un peu ce qui est fait, actuellement, de l鈥檃rgent d茅pens茅 pour le militaire et pour les armes. Et voyons o霉 nous pourrons rationaliser.

听听Hans Neuhoff, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 鈥濿ir m眉ssen mit den Realit盲ten wirtschaften und nicht mit Fiktionen鈥�, sagte einst Otto von Bismarck. Ihre erste Fiktion besteht in dem Glauben, die internationalen Beziehungen w眉rden einer verbindlichen Rechtsordnung unterliegen. Die Realit盲t besteht darin, dass das System der internationalen Beziehungen anarchisch ist. Es unterliegt dem Prinzip der Macht.

Eine zweite Fiktion ist, dass Russland, eine milit盲rische Gro脽macht, es hinnehmen wird, wenn die NATO in ihr strategisches Vorfeld eindringt. Die Realit盲t ist, dass Russland die Aufnahme der Ukraine in die NATO als existenzielle Bedrohung betrachtet und milit盲risch vereiteln wird. Wir k枚nnen das verurteilen 鈥� 盲ndern k枚nnen wir es nicht. Die Folgefiktion ist, dass die EU Russland als Feind betrachtet, der demn盲chst auch einen Mitgliedstaat angreifen wird. Die Wahrheit ist 鈥� und ich kann mich hier auf den Geheimdienstchef der NATO berufen 鈥�, dass es keinerlei Hinweis auf solche Absichten der russischen F眉hrung gibt und im 脺brigen auch kein Motiv f眉r eine solche Kamikaze鈥慉ktion.

Meine Damen und Herren, die Weltordnung befindet sich im Umbruch. Die alte Ordnung ist versunken, die neue Ordnung ist noch nicht da. Ein solcher Zustand gebiert Ungeheuer. Anstatt aber in Hysterie zu verfallen, sollten wir den Verstand anschalten. Und was wir dann brauchen, ist eine umfassende und realistische Risikoanalyse. Wir von den Souver盲nisten unterst眉tzen ausdr眉cklich den Aufbau einer unabh盲ngigen europ盲ischen Verteidigungsf盲higkeit. Unabh盲ngig muss aber hei脽en: unabh盲ngig; unabh盲ngig von au脽ereurop盲ischen M盲chten, unabh盲ngig auch von den USA. Der Vorschlag von Generalsekret盲r Rutte, die Gunst der USA zu kaufen, indem wir unsere Zwei鈥慞rozent-Plus鈥慚ittel der amerikanischen R眉stungsindustrie in den Rachen werfen, ist an Torheit kaum zu 眉berbieten. Die franz枚sische Position, dieses Geld allein in europ盲ische Entwicklung und Produktion zu investieren, ist dagegen richtig. Wir m眉ssen mit den Realit盲ten wirtschaften und nicht mit Fiktionen.

听听Wouter Beke (PPE). 鈥� Voorzitter, volgens听Donald听Tusk moeten we niet vragen wat Amerika voor onze veiligheid kan doen, maar moeten we onszelf vragen wat wij voor onze veiligheid kunnen doen. In deze tijd van geopolitieke spanningen kunnen we niet blind vertrouwen听op de Amerikaanse veiligheidsparaplu. Trump is tot president verkozen. Poetin zaait chaos, zowel aan onze grenzen als in het hart van onze democratie. Hybride aanvallen en cyberaanvallen zijn schering en inslag.

We moeten meer dan ooit onze rug rechten. Dit kunnen we alleen als we samenwerken; niet alleen in Europa, maar ook daarbuiten, om stabiele regio's aan onze grenzen tot stand te brengen. Daartoe moeten we niet alleen onze defensie-industrie en militaire uitgaven versterken, die noodzakelijk zijn, maar moeten we ook assertiever en daadkrachtiger zijn.

In 1991 stelde voormalig premier Mark听Eyskens schamper dat Europa een economische reus, een politieke dwerg en een militaire worm is. Laten we ervoor zorgen dat die militaire worm tot het verleden behoort.

听听螕喂维谓谓畏蟼 螠伪谓喂维蟿畏蟼 (S&D). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 伪纬伪蟺畏蟿慰委 蟽蠀谓维未蔚位蠁慰喂, 畏 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 尾蟻委蟽魏蔚蟿伪喂 伪谓蟿喂渭苇蟿蠅蟺畏 渭蔚 渭喂伪 蟽蔚喂蟻维 伪蟺蠈 喂蟽蟿慰蟻喂魏维 蟺蟻蠅蟿蠈纬谓蠅蟻蔚蟼 蟺蟻慰魏位萎蟽蔚喂蟼. 螒蟺蠈 蟿慰谓 蔚蟺蔚魏蟿伪蟿喂魏蠈 蟺蠈位蔚渭慰 蟿畏蟼 巍蠅蟽委伪蟼 蟽蟿畏谓 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪, 蟿畏谓 伪谓伪胃蔚蠅蟻畏蟿喂魏萎 蟺蟻伪魏蟿喂魏萎 蟿畏蟼 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪蟼 蟽蟿慰 螒喂纬伪委慰 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 螒谓伪蟿慰位喂魏萎 螠蔚蟽蠈纬蔚喂慰, 蟿畏谓 魏蟻委蟽畏 蟽蟿畏 螠苇蟽畏 螒谓伪蟿慰位萎, 苇蠅蟼 魏伪喂 蟿喂蟼 蠀尾蟻喂未喂魏苇蟼 蔚蟺喂胃苇蟽蔚喂蟼 魏伪蟿维 蟿畏蟼 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪蟼 魏伪喂 蟿蠅谓 魏慰喂谓蠅谓喂蠋谓 渭伪蟼. 危萎渭蔚蟻伪, 蟺蔚蟻喂蟽蟽蠈蟿蔚蟻慰 伪蟺蠈 蟺慰蟿苇, 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蟽蟿伪胃慰蠉渭蔚 蔚谓蠅渭苇谓慰喂 渭蟺蟻慰蟽蟿维 蟽蟿喂蟼 纬蔚蠅蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏苇蟼 伪蟺蔚喂位苇蟼, 蟿喂蟼 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼 魏伪喂 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺伪蟻维纬慰谓蟿蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 胃苇位慰蠀谓 谓伪 渭伪蟼 未喂蠂维蟽慰蠀谓 魏伪喂 谓伪 渭伪蟼 伪蟺慰未蠀谓伪渭蠋蟽慰蠀谓. 螚 蟽蠀谓蔚蟻纬伪蟽委伪 蟽蟿畏谓 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 维渭蠀谓伪 蔚委谓伪喂 魏蟻委蟽喂渭畏 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻慰蟽蟿伪蟽委伪 蟿蠅谓 蟺慰位喂蟿蠋谓, 纬喂伪 蟿畏 未喂伪蟽蠁维位喂蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蔚喂蟻萎谓畏蟼 魏伪喂 蟿畏蟼 蟽蟿伪胃蔚蟻蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼 蟽蟿畏谓 蟺蔚蟻喂慰蠂萎 渭伪蟼. 螜未喂伪委蟿蔚蟻伪 渭蔚蟿维 蟿畏 螖蔚蠀蟿苇蟻伪 渭蔚 蟿畏 未喂慰委魏畏蟽畏 韦蟻伪渭蟺 未蔚谓 苇蠂慰蠀渭蔚 魏伪谓苇谓伪 蟺蔚蟻喂胃蠋蟻喂慰 纬喂伪 伪蠀蟿伪蟺维蟿蔚蟼. 螚 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 慰蠁蔚委位蔚喂 谓伪 蠀蟺蔚蟻伪蟽蟺喂蟽蟿蔚委 渭蠈谓畏 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 魏伪喂 蟿伪 蟽蠉谓慰蟻维 蟿畏蟼, 谓伪 蔚蟺蔚谓未蠉蟽蔚喂 蟽蔚 魏伪喂谓慰蟿蠈渭蔚蟼 蟿蔚蠂谓慰位慰纬委蔚蟼, 谓伪 蔚谓喂蟽蠂蠉蟽蔚喂 蟿畏谓 伪渭蠀谓蟿喂魏萎 蟿畏蟼 尾喂慰渭畏蠂伪谓委伪 渭蔚 魏慰喂谓维 蟺蟻慰纬蟻维渭渭伪蟿伪, 魏慰喂谓苇蟼 蟺伪蟻伪纬纬蔚位委蔚蟼, 伪位位维 魏伪喂 渭喂伪 伪渭蠀谓蟿喂魏萎 尾喂慰渭畏蠂伪谓喂魏萎 尾维蟽畏 蟺慰蠀 未蔚谓 胃伪 蟺蔚蟻喂慰蟻委味蔚蟿伪喂 渭蠈谓慰 蟽蔚 魏维蟺慰喂蔚蟼 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼. 螠蠈谓慰 苇蟿蟽喂 胃伪 魏伪蟿伪蠁苇蟻慰蠀渭蔚 谓伪 伪谓蟿伪蟺慰魏蟻喂胃慰蠉渭蔚 蟽蟿喂蟼 蟺蟻慰魏位萎蟽蔚喂蟼 蟿慰蠀 渭苇位位慰谓蟿慰蟼.

听听Roberto Vannacci (PfE). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, circa due anni fa il presidente Draghi, quello che ha scritto il noto rapporto, ci disse: "Volete la pace o il condizionatore?"

Ecco, oggi non abbiamo n茅 l'uno n茅 l'altro, perch茅 in Ucraina tuonano i cannoni e il condizionatore non lo possiamo accendere per il grande costo dell'energia.

Incrementare le spese in difesa, con un crescente costo dell'energia e delle materie prime, ci ridurr脿, come nel caso Draghi, a non avere n茅 burro n茅 cannoni. Se vogliamo avere entrambi 鈥� il burro e i cannoni 鈥� dobbiamo far scendere il costo dell'energia e delle materie prime, che sarebbe l'unico provvedimento che rilancerebbe tutta l'economia nella zona europea.

Ma per fare questo dobbiamo parlare con la Commissione, che sembrerebbe anteporre altri interessi a quelli dei paesi europei. E dobbiamo parlare con chi ha chiuso le valvole del gas che fluiva dall'Ucraina in Europa e che ha causato l'immediato incremento dei prezzi e delle bollette, che poi paghiamo noi cittadini europei. Ma soprattutto dovremmo volerla, la pace, a tutti i costi, non averne il terrore, come sembrate averne voi, signori della Commissione, e voi, signori del Consiglio.

听听Reinis Poz艈aks (ECR). 鈥� Labdien, priek拧s膿d膿t膩jas kundze! Labdien, cien墨jamie kol膿模i! T膩 nu gad墨j膩s, ka man n膩c膩s ar墨 piedzimt Padomju Savien墨b膩 un k膩du br墨di tur pavad墨t. Un tad, kad tas viss sabruka un m膿s atguv膩m savu neatkar墨bu, visi bij膩m 募oti priec墨gi, ka kara jau nu Eirop膩 vairs piln墨gi noteikti nekad neb奴s. Viss ir sadal墨ts, viss priec墨gi, bet realit膩te ir cita.

Izr膩d墨j膩s, laiki main膩s, un es piekr墨tu kol膿模im iepriek拧 teiktajam, ka mums ir j膩samierin膩s ar jauno realit膩ti. Jaun膩 realit膩te ir t膩, ka, ja m膿s gribam saglab膩t m奴su Eiropas v膿rt墨bas, tad mums ir j膩k募奴st fiziski sp膿c墨giem un j膩sp膿j fiziski ar墨 t膩s aizst膩v膿t. Tas vien墨gais veids, k膩 拧o karu nov膿rst, ja to dara pr膩t墨gi. T膩 nav v膿j膩 izmesta nauda, t膩 ir invest墨cija darbaviet膩s, invest墨cijas ekonomik膩 un taj膩 skait膩 ar墨 m膩jok募os un, ja k膩ds t膩 nedom膩, lai apskat膩s k膩da ir m膩jok募u situ膩cija 拧obr墨d Bahmut膩, Severodo艈eck膩 vai Rube啪naj膩, vai jebkur citur, kur pabiju拧i krievu atbr墨vot膩ji.

听听Nathalie Loiseau (Renew). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, et si Donald Trump avait raison? Et si nous devions faire plus pour nous d茅fendre? La r茅ponse est oui, 茅videmment.

On ne sous-traite pas sa s茅curit茅, sauf 脿 dire qu鈥檕n ne la prend pas au s茅rieux. Il a fallu l鈥檃gression russe contre l鈥橴kraine pour que nous commencions 脿 nous r茅veiller. Il va peut 锚tre falloir une deuxi猫me pr茅sidence Trump pour que nous nous levions enfin. Renforcer la d茅fense europ茅enne n鈥檃 rien d鈥檜ne marotte id茅ologique. C鈥檈st ce que nos compatriotes nous demandent, 脿 juste titre et avec insistance. Renforcer la d茅fense europ茅enne, ce n鈥檈st pas non plus faire un petit peu plus sans rien changer 脿 nos habitudes.

Avec le livre blanc sur la d茅fense, avec le programme europ茅en pour l鈥檌ndustrie de la d茅fense, nous pouvons soit amorcer un vrai changement dans la bonne direction, soit rater le coche. Il nous faut renforcer notre industrie de d茅fense, non plus en saupoudrant nos soutiens, mais en consolidant des poids lourds europ茅ens. Il nous faut nous affirmer davantage dans l鈥橭TAN, non contre elle, et faire en sorte que notre voix compte. Il faut faire de l鈥橝lliance atlantique ce qu鈥檈lle aurait toujours d没 锚tre: un partenariat entre alli茅s qui se respectent.

Nous devons cesser de tout attendre des 脡tats-Unis, mais aussi d鈥檃cheter notre tranquillit茅 en achetant 脿 tour de bras des armes am茅ricaines. La d茅fense europ茅enne ne progressera qu鈥檃u prix d鈥檜ne pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne. Maintenant que nous sommes r茅veill茅s, mettons-nous debout sans tarder, car c鈥檈st 脿 nos portes que la guerre gronde.

听听Merja Kyll枚nen (The Left). 鈥� Arvoisa puhemies, sotilaallista uhkaa, hybridivaikuttamista It盲merell盲 ja teknologiaj盲ttien vaalivaikuttamista: Eurooppa kohtaa monenlaista uhkaa. Meid盲n on pystytt盲v盲 vastaamaan n盲ihin uhkiin uskottavasti ja p盲盲tt盲v盲isesti. Turvallisuuden ja puolustuksen vahvistamisessa on huomioitava koko yhteiskunta siviileist盲 puolustukseen.

EU:n on kyett盲v盲 seisomaan omilla jaloillaan ilman riippuvuutta ulkopuolisesta teknologiasta tai Yhdysvaltojen sotilaallisesta tuesta. Liian pitk盲盲n olemme luottaneet ulkopuolisen auttavaan k盲teen kriisitilanteissa. T盲m盲 ei en盲盲 toimi, sill盲 Yhdysvaltojen painopiste on siirtynyt pois Euroopasta.

Me Suomessa tied盲mme, ett盲 todellinen turva on rakennettava aivan itse. Siksi EU:n on panostettava rajatylitt盲v盲盲n puolustusteollisuuteen ja kokonaisturvallisuuden kehitt盲miseen. Meid盲n on rakennettava eurooppalaista turvallisuutta yhdess盲 ja itsen盲isesti.

听听Ond艡ej Dost谩l (NI). 鈥� Pan铆 p艡edsedaj铆c铆, v谩啪en铆 kolegov茅, po zvolen铆 Donalda Trumpa si 艡ekn臎me na rovinu: bezpe膷nosti Evropy u拧kod铆, pokud budeme sponzorovat americk茅 zbroja艡e a v茅st ciz铆 v谩lky. 膶esk谩 republika zaplatila stamiliardy za americk茅 F-35 st铆ha膷ky, kter茅 sv臎t nevid臎l, proto啪e dod谩ny n谩m budou mo啪n谩 za p臎t, mo啪n谩 za deset let a mezit铆m je拧t臎 zdra啪铆. Na tohle se m谩me zadlu啪ovat? Na tohle m谩me br谩t pen铆ze z d暖chod暖 nebo ze zdravotnictv铆? Kdy啪 u啪 zbroj铆me, tak pros铆m nakupujme alespo艌 v Evrop臎. Pokud jde o v谩lky, nem谩me d暖vod bojovat ciz铆 v谩lky, jako tu na Ukrajin臎, kter谩 za膷ala p艡evratem v roce 2014 podn铆cen媒m miliardami ze Spojen媒ch st谩t暖. Neb媒t Brit暖, tak u啪 tato v谩lka byla dva roky ukon膷ena. Nejlep拧铆m 艡e拧en铆m z hlediska bezpe膷nosti Evropy je ukrajinsk谩 neutralita a obnova norm谩ln铆ch vztah暖. Toto je jedin茅 dosa啪iteln茅 艡e拧en铆. Na拧铆 bezpe膷nosti neprosp臎je ani podporovat p艡evraty v Gruzii nebo v B臎lorusku a zni膷it tyto zem臎 podobn臎, jako byla zni膷ena S媒rie. Pros铆m toto vezm臎me v potaz, kdy啪 se bav铆me o bezpe膷nosti Evropy v budouc铆ch letech.

听听Riho Terras (PPE). 鈥� Madam听President, colleagues, now more than ever, we must do and not only declare, and strengthen our security and defence. We need to follow a basic principle: put money where your mouth is. There is no threat more existential than the threat to our security. And there is no other way to handle it than to do it the united way.

The only way we can really step up against the hostile actors in the East is to invest in our defence capabilities. The 2听% of GDP was yesterday. It was a peacetime minimum. Today, we are at war, even if some people are having difficulties to admit it. The EU Member States on the eastern flank have increased their defence spending dramatically. Some countries are paying close to 5听% of GDP today. I believe there must be a Union鈥憌ide benchmark established for all members to demonstrate unity. As Prime Minister Tusk said, it should be 5听% of GDP.

听听Tobias Cremer (S&D). 鈥� Madam听President, dear colleagues, a lot of people have called Trump's re-election a wake鈥憉p call, also in this Chamber. But when it comes to defence, Trump's election is not a wake鈥憉p call; it's the alarm sounding again after us hitting the snooze button over years, again and again. So this is not the time for Europe to merely wake up, but to finally get up and to face up to the new geopolitical realities that the United States will increasingly turn its attention towards Asia, and that we must take greater responsibility for our own security right here.

And, colleagues, we must not interpret every Trumpian provocation literally. But when it comes to defence, you must finally take him seriously. And that means that we need to get our own house in order. We need to spend more and better on defence while strengthening our social cohesion and resilience. We need to streamline and democratise our decision鈥憁aking processes in the defence area, and we need a strong and united Europe that has the capacity, but also the courage to act boldly. Such a Europe is in our own self-interest, but it is also a strong ally that even Mr听Trump will not want to lose.

听听Christophe Bay (PfE). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, l鈥檌d茅e d鈥檜nir l鈥橢urope contre les acteurs que l鈥橴nion europ茅enne juge hostiles pourrait, en th茅orie, 锚tre s茅duisante. Dans la pratique, elle s鈥檌nscrit h茅las dans une logique qui alimente les d茅rives bureaucratiques et interventionnistes dont souffre d茅j脿 cette institution.

Au lieu de respecter les souverainet茅s nationales et de s鈥檈n tenir 脿 son r么le initial, l鈥橴nion europ茅enne, encore une fois, semble vouloir empi茅ter sur des pr茅rogatives qui ne sont pas les siennes. L鈥檈xemple parfait en est la cr茅ation d鈥檜ne commission 芦d茅fense禄. D鈥檃illeurs, qu鈥檈ntendez vous par 芦acteurs hostiles禄? Cette d茅finition, floue et volontairement impr茅cise, semble taill茅e sur mesure pour justifier toutes les d茅rives. Est-ce la Russie? Est-ce la Chine, l鈥橝m茅rique de Trump, les narcotrafiquants internationaux ou les organisations terroristes islamistes? Ou bien s鈥檃git-il d鈥檜n moyen d茅tourn茅 pour imposer un programme bruxellois poussant 脿 davantage d鈥檌ng茅rence dans les affaires nationales?

Au Rassemblement national, nous avons une autre vision. La d茅fense est une question qui touche au c艙ur de la souverainet茅 d鈥檜ne nation. Il est imp茅ratif que chaque 脡tat membre conserve la ma卯trise de ses forces arm茅es, de ses alliances strat茅giques et de ses choix budg茅taires. Si nous devons coop茅rer en Europe, c鈥檈st 脿 travers des accords d鈥櫭塼at 脿 脡tat.

听听Alexandr Vondra (ECR). 鈥� Madam President, we are saying nothing new when we call for a more proactive, more assertive approach to European defence. The message from across the Atlantic is crystal clear: take greater responsibility for your own safety. We can set aside the debate about the percentage of the GDP dedicated to defence spending, because it would be the subject of the talks in NATO, but higher spending is inevitable. 2% is not enough.

The days of economic prosperity without military power are over. My serious concern is this: are we ready to adjust our economy? The world is changing, and so far, I have not noticed any significant shift in the Europe scores. Member States will need to invest more in European defence, more in cybersecurity, and reform our military for 21st鈥慶entury combat. This would send a strong signal to both sides of the Atlantic, to friends as well as adversaries. Europe's wealth has a military dimension.

听听Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (Renew). 鈥� Madam President, colleagues, we Europeans are extremely fortunate because Europe is by far the best place to live in the entire world. Nowhere on our planet do people find our incredibly high level of welfare, well-being, freedom and democracy. This is all thanks to the European integration after the Second World War. But we must not be naive, our self-created paradise on this planet is under threat, militarily, economically, politically and morally. And there's just one right answer to these multiple threats: unite, unite, unite! A united European defence, a united economic policy in line with Draghi's recommendations, a united foreign policy without vetoes, and a united response to the immoral politics of Donald Trump.

听听脰zlem Demirel (The Left). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Ja, die Menschen sind verunsichert听鈥� sie haben Angst vor Krieg und Autoritarismus. Sie w眉nschen sich Freiheit und Sicherheit. Die Gefahr geht aber nicht lediglich von ausl盲ndischen Oligarchen wie Musk oder von Russland aus, sondern auch von hiesigen Oligarchen, die immer mehr Verm枚gen anh盲ufen und damit Macht konzentrieren und aktuell auch nach Kriegst眉chtigkeit schreien.

Aktuell 眉berschlagen sich die Forderungen: Trump fordert 5听Prozent Aufr眉stung mit der AfD zusammen, das hei脽t die H盲lfte des bundesdeutschen Haushaltes. Die Gr眉nen fordern 150听Milliarden听Euro f眉r Kriegsger盲t, und der NATO-Generalsekret盲r sagt: Daf眉r braucht es K眉rzungen bei der Rente und bei Sozialleistungen.

Die Wahrheit ist aber: Massive Aufr眉stung hat nie einen Krieg verhindert. Militarismus f眉hrt nicht zur Sicherheit, sondern zu einem Abbau der demokratischen Rechte, st盲rkt Autorit盲re und die Kriegsbereitschaft. Wir brauchen Sicherheit und Freiheit听鈥� das geht in sozialer Sicherheit, das geht mit einer aktiven Friedenspolitik. Wir brauchen keine Barbarei.

听听Thomas Geisel (NI). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 鈥瀂eit, unsere Verteidigung zu st盲rken鈥�, lautet das Thema dieser Debatte. Und Aufr眉stung scheint in der Tat听the Flavour of the Day zu sein听鈥� 500听Milliarden Euro m枚chte Herr Kubilius in die gemeinsame Verteidigung stecken, und innerhalb der NATO ist ein regelrechter 脺berbietungswettbewerb im Gange, ganz nach dem Motto: Darf's noch etwas mehr sein?

Fr眉her war man mal zufrieden mit 2听Prozent. Herr Habeck von den deutschen Gr眉nen fordert mittlerweile 3,5听Prozent, und Herr Trump hat nun die Messlatte auf 5听Prozent des Bruttoinlandsprodukts gelegt听鈥� auch 眉brigens unter dem Jubel der selbsternannten Friedenspartei AfD. 5听Prozent w眉rde f眉r die meisten Mitgliedstaaten bedeuten, dass ungef盲hr die H盲lfte des Haushalts f眉r Waffen ausgegeben w眉rde听鈥� das ist offensichtlich 眉bergeschnappt.

Aber vielleicht sollte uns diese absurde Diskussion Anlass geben, einmal zu fragen, worin wirklich die St盲rke Europas liegt. Ich darf daran erinnern: Der Eiserne Vorhang ist nicht gefallen, weil der Westen der Sowjetunion milit盲risch 眉berlegen war, er ist gefallen, weil unser Gesellschaftsmodell attraktiver und erfolgreicher war. Und darauf sollte sich Europa konzentrieren. Wir wollen kein waffenstrotzendes Milit盲rb眉ndnis sein, sondern ein gemeinsames Projekt f眉r Frieden, Freiheit und Wohlstand.

听听Pekka Toveri (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, dear colleagues, we are living in dangerous times where dictatorships like Russia challenge our democracy, not only with military means but also with hybrid warfare. Because of that, we need to understand that we need both security and defence. Investing billions in defence is useless if the dictatorships break us from the inside by breaking our unity and democracy with information operations and by destroying our civilian infrastructure with sabotage and cyber attacks.

As an old soldier, I know how important military defence is. I also know that building military defence is relatively easy. We all have defence forces. It is easy to build them so that they are bigger and stronger. But building security against hybrid warfare and improving the resilience of our civilian society is much more demanding. Nevertheless, we shouldn't avoid doing so just because it will be difficult and expensive.

Locking the front door does not help if the back door is open. We need balanced, 360鈥慸egree security and defence to secure the whole EU, our democracy, our societies and citizens. And the earlier we start, with adequate resources, the better.

听听Ana Catarina Mendes (S&D). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Caros Colegas, de facto, a prioridade nos dias que correm 茅 a seguran莽a na Europa. Foi assim o debate com a Comiss茫o e o Conselho, esta manh茫, foi assim o debate com a Presid锚ncia polaca e, sim, 茅 uma prioridade.

Mas julgo que a primeira palavra 茅: concentremo-nos nos esfor莽os que a Uni茫o Europeia tem de fazer para se tornar mais aut贸noma, mais forte e mais capaz de responder aos desafios que a铆 est茫o. E se n贸s estamos preocupados, no S&D, com a seguran莽a, n茫o quero deixar de ser muito clara: o aumento do investimento em defesa n茫o pode ser feito 脿 custa de investimentos que asseguram a seguran莽a de todos, garantida pelas pol铆ticas e pelos fundos de coes茫o.

Garantir a seguran莽a de todos implica a prote莽茫o contra as atividades criminosas. E combater as atividades criminosas implica combater a pobreza, a exclus茫o social e todas as formas de discrimina莽茫o, atrav茅s de uma pol铆tica de coes茫o forte e solid谩ria, como diz o artigo 3.潞 do nosso Tratado.

E, por isso, devemos tamb茅m refor莽ar o investimento em defesa, sem nenhuma d煤vida, mas um investimento que deve ser coordenado ao n铆vel europeu, gerando poupan莽as significativas no setor, para maximizar as capacidades militares da Europa.

Precisamos de um maior e mais eficiente investimento em defesa para, tamb茅m, garantir um investimento na seguran莽a de todos os cidad茫os.

听听Elena Donazzan (ECR). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il rafforzamento della nostra difesa e sicurezza passa necessariamente tramite il rafforzamento della nostra industria della difesa e sicurezza e una scelta consapevole, culturale e politica.

Per anni 猫 stato un tab霉 parlare di investimenti in difesa, era impensabile per ogni tipo di discorso disallineato al Green Deal. Oggi, a causa della situazione geopolitica, il paradigma 猫 cambiato, ma ci troviamo a rincorrere anni di sottoinvestimenti nella difesa, di diminuzione delle nostre forze militari, anche in termini di et脿, e di debolezza della popolazione civile come consapevolezza.

Per questo, l'Europa non pu貌 ritardare ancora e deve subito investire in difesa: si tratta di investimenti che generano benessere. Come dice sempre il ministro della Difesa italiano, ogni euro investito in difesa genera due euro addizionali e per ogni persona occupata nelle grandi imprese ve ne sono tre nel settore delle piccole e medie imprese.

Ci vogliono risorse e vanno tolte dal patto di stabilit脿, come anche gi脿 detto dal Commissario Kubilius. Ecco, investire in difesa travalica il settore militare ed entra pienamente nel settore civile.

听听Irena Joveva (Renew). 鈥� Gospa predsednica! Kolegice in kolegi! Odli膷no je, da imamo to razpravo o zdru啪itvi Evrope proti akterjem sovra啪nim do Unije. Zdi se, da teh zadnje 膷ase res ne manjka. Vselej trdim, da smo mo膷ni in neodvisni lahko samo, 膷e smo zdru啪eni in 膷e delujemo kot eno.

Ampak obramba Evropske unije ne pomeni samo pove膷anja izdatkov za vojsko. Do neke mere seveda razumem potrebo po teh zmogljivostih, navsezadnje si 啪elim neodvisno Unijo tudi na tem podro膷ju, ampak zadnje 膷ase se prav tako zdi, da je to edino, o 膷emer govorimo.

O skupnem dolgu govorimo samo 拧e v kontekstu obrambe. Kaj pa potrebne investicije v infrastrukturo, energetsko neodvisnost, pripravo ukrepov na spreminjajo膷e podnebje, pove膷anje konkuren膷nosti, izbolj拧anje pogojev 啪ivljenja za ljudi.

Zato v lu膷i vsega, kar se dogaja po svetu, dajmo se kon膷no poenotiti in sprejeti odlo膷ne ukrepe, o katerih razpravljamo 啪e desetletja. Dovolj je narcisizma, majhnih razlik, dovolj izmotavanj in dovolj ideologije. In pri tem zadnje mislim predvsem na tiste glasne samooklicane patriote, ki bi zaradi ideologije raje zastopali interese drugih kot Evropske unije. Vrhunski nacionalisti, res!

听听Juan Ignacio Zoido 脕lvarez (PPE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, se帽ora comisaria, se帽or铆as, la semana pasada el secretario general de la OTAN dijo que tenemos tres听opciones en materia de defensa: invertir m谩s, mudarnos a Nueva Zelanda o aprender ruso. Como Nueva Zelanda est谩 a 19听000听kil贸metros y el ruso tiene seis听declinaciones y un alfabeto distinto, convendr谩n conmigo, se帽or铆as, en que lo m谩s razonable es invertir m谩s en defensa, especialmente cuando el Servicio Federal de Inteligencia de Alemania est谩 alertando de que Rusia estar谩 preparada para atacar a la OTAN de aqu铆 a 2030. Si alguien no ve la amenaza es porque prefiere vivir ciego.

La Uni贸n Europea tiene la hoja de ruta clara: invertir m谩s, invertir mejor y en clave europea. Se帽or铆as, tenemos poco tiempo para salvar un d茅ficit de inversiones milmillonarias y ya conocemos las intenciones de Trump con la OTAN. Por tanto, los europeos tenemos que mostrar responsabilidad y fiabilidad ante nuestros socios transatl谩nticos en todas las facetas, tambi茅n en la de defensa.

听听Ivars Ijabs (Renew). 鈥� Madam President, Madam Commissioner, as already noted this morning by Prime Minister Tusk, we should concentrate today not on guessing what the next steps of the new American administration could be, but what we ourselves can do in order to bolster our own safety and security.

But let me ask you, what is the strength of the EU? It is not about commanding armies. We have NATO. Therefore it is our economic and technological might, our industry and our single market. And let's be clear, we are not exploiting it to bolster our security and defence to the full extent, because also the legislation is being delayed. In this case, the European defence industrial programme, EDIP, was published already almost a year ago, and the 合法博彩网站 hasn't even properly started to work on it to promote defence and security, the defence industry and our single market in defence, which is really painfully lacking in the EU.

Time is running out, dear colleagues: let's proceed from words to deeds at last. Let's help Ukraine and let's help ourselves.

听听Rapha毛l Glucksmann (S&D). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, chers coll猫gues, Bruno听Kahl, le chef des services secrets allemands, est un homme calme, mesur茅 et prudent. Quand il annonce devant le Bundestag que Poutine pr茅pare une guerre contre un pays membre de l鈥橴nion europ茅enne avant听2029, il faudrait peut-锚tre le prendre au s茅rieux. Or, les dirigeants europ茅ens le font-ils? Prennent-ils au s茅rieux nos services de s茅curit茅? J鈥檈n doute.

Sinon, comment expliquer ce rythme de limace dans la construction de la d茅fense europ茅enne ou dans l鈥檃ide 脿 la r茅sistance ukrainienne? Arr锚tons de tout miser sur un parapluie am茅ricain qui peut se refermer 脿 tout instant. Voulons-nous vraiment faire d茅pendre toute notre s茅curit茅 de Donald Trump ou d鈥橢lon Musk? Non. Alors, il n鈥檡 a plus de temps 脿 perdre pour int茅grer nos industries de d茅fense, investir ensemble, acheter ensemble, d茅velopper des syst猫mes de d茅fense ensemble et innover ensemble, comme nous l鈥檃vons fait face 脿 la pand茅mie. Levons enfin, ensemble, en Europ茅ens, les fonds n茅cessaires, et mutualisons nos commandes comme nos productions!

Le premier devoir d鈥檜n dirigeant politique est d鈥檃ssurer la s茅curit茅 de sa cit茅. Faillir 脿 ce devoir, c鈥檈st plonger dans le n茅ant. Et nous n鈥檃vons simplement pas le droit de faillir.

听听沤eljana Zovko (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, dear Commissioner, even though this year has started with good news, with the fall of the Assad regime in Syria and the Gaza ceasefire and the hostage deal, the news from the Eastern Front are still raising major concerns.

We spent our Christmas holidays overshadowed by heartbreaking stories of terrorist attacks in Germany. Our security forces do not have any holidays, and they are working 24 hours a day to protect us.

If not now, when we will realise that significantly strengthening our defence capabilities is absolutely essential. When we adopted the Strategic Compass in 2022 while facing the Russian aggression against Ukraine, we realised the need to react to this new reality. Likewise, we must today take into account the need to invest in defence and the European pillar of NATO. We must also deepen our defence relationship with key allies such as the UK. This is crucial to address our adversaries that try to challenge our citizens' well-being.

听听Vilija Blinkevi膷i奴t臈 (S&D). 鈥� Gerbiama Pirmininke, komisare, kolegos, investicijos 寞 saugum膮 ir gynyb膮, 寞 gynybos pramon臈s reik拧ming膮 paj臈gum懦 didinim膮 ir investicijos 寞 vis膮 m奴s懦 Europos S膮jung膮, 寞 m奴s懦 啪mones. Tod臈l reikia skubiai didinti tiek valstybi懦 nari懦, tiek ir visos Europos S膮jungos investicijas 寞 gynyb膮 ir 寞 m奴s懦 karinius paj臈gumus. Ir 膷ia mes turime b奴ti kaip niekad vieningi. Did啪iul臈 yra Rusijos agresijos gr臈sm臈. A拧 esu i拧 Lietuvos, i拧 pafront臈s valstyb臈s, ir tod臈l tebesit臋siantis karas Ukrainoje bei globalus geopolitinis nestabilumas jokiu b奴du neleid啪ia mums delsti ir laukti, pavyzd啪iui, naujos finansin臈s perspektyvos, kad 啪enkliai gal臈tume padidinti gynybos finansavimo paj臈gumus. Mes privalome ie拧koti iniciatyv懦 ir lanks膷i懦 finansavimo b奴d懦. Privalome tur臈ti europinius fondus gynybos pramon臈s vystymui, sutelkti Europos investicinio banko finansavim膮, per啪i奴r臈ti fiskalines taisykles, kurios leist懦 valstyb臈ms nar臈ms skirti didesn寞 finansavim膮 gynybai nesilaikant trij懦 procent懦 BVP biud啪eto deficito, nes to reikalauja esama realyb臈.

听听President. 鈥� Because there are so many Members not showing up our system is going a bit wild, so please excuse us for telling you so late!

听听螕蔚维未畏蟼 螕蔚维未畏 (ECR). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 蔚蟺喂尾维位位蔚蟿伪喂 谓伪 蟺蟻慰蠂蠅蟻萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚谓委蟽蠂蠀蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 维渭蠀谓伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼, 伪蠁慰蠉 渭蠈谓慰 苇蟿蟽喂 胃伪 伪蟺慰魏蟿萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏萎 伪蟽蟺委未伪 蔚谓维谓蟿喂伪 蟽蔚 蔚蠂胃蟻喂魏苇蟼 伪蟺蔚喂位苇蟼 魏伪喂 喂蟽蠂蠉 蟽蟿畏 未喂蔚胃谓萎 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎 蟽魏畏谓萎. 螌渭蠅蟼 蟿慰 谓伪 渭喂位慰蠉渭蔚 纬喂伪 蔚尉蠅蟿蔚蟻喂魏苇蟼 蔚蠂胃蟻喂魏苇蟼 伪蟺蔚喂位苇蟼, 蟿畏 蟽蟿喂纬渭萎 蟺慰蠀 蔚未维蠁畏 蠂蠋蟻伪蟼 魏蟻维蟿慰蠀蟼 渭苇位慰蠀蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼 蟿蔚位慰蠉谓 蠀蟺蠈 魏伪蟿慰蠂萎, 蔚委谓伪喂 蟽蠂萎渭伪 慰尉蠉渭蠅蟻慰. 螘谓蠋 蟽蠅蟽蟿维 畏 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 螆谓蠅蟽畏 苇蠂蔚喂 蔚蟺喂尾维位蔚喂 魏蠀蟻蠋蟽蔚喂蟼 蟽蟿畏 巍蠅蟽委伪 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚喂蟽尾慰位萎, 蟽蟿畏蟻委味慰谓蟿伪蟼 渭蔚 魏维胃蔚 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 蟿畏谓 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪, 未蔚谓 蟺蟻维蟿蟿蔚喂 蟿慰 委未喂慰 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 螝蠀蟺蟻喂伪魏萎 螖畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪. 螒蟺慰蟿蔚位蔚委 蟺蟻蠈魏位畏蟽畏 纬喂伪 蠂喂位喂维未蔚蟼 魏蠉蟺蟻喂慰蠀蟼 魏伪喂 维位位慰蠀蟼 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪委慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 畏 伪谓伪魏慰委谓蠅蟽畏 蔚魏 渭苇蟻慰蠀蟼 蟿畏蟼 魏蠀蟻委伪蟼 Ursula von der Leyen 纬喂伪 蔚蟺喂蟺位苇慰谓 蟽蟿萎蟻喂尉畏 蟿畏蟼 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪蟼 渭蔚 苇谓伪 未喂蟽蔚魏伪蟿慰渭渭蠉蟻喂慰. 螚 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蟼 蠂蟻蔚喂维味蔚蟿伪喂 蟿畏 尾慰萎胃蔚喂维 蟽伪蟼 纬喂伪 谓伪 伪蟺蔚位蔚蠀胃蔚蟻蠅胃蔚委 伪蟺蠈 蟿畏 渭蟺蠈蟿伪 蟿慰蠀 蟿慰蠉蟻魏慰蠀 尾维蟻尾伪蟻慰蠀 蔚喂蟽尾慰位苇伪 魏伪喂 魏伪蟿伪魏蟿畏蟿萎. 螁蟻伪, 伪谓蟿委 谓伪 魏伪位慰蟺喂维谓蔚蟿蔚 蟿畏谓 螁纬魏蠀蟻伪 蔚谓喂蟽蠂蠉慰谓蟿伪蟼 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭喂魏维 魏伪喂 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿喂蠅蟿喂魏维, 蔚委谓伪喂 魏伪喂蟻蠈蟼 畏 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 谓伪 蟽蠀蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蔚蠀胃蔚委 蟽蟿慰 蟺位蔚蠀蟻蠈 蟿畏蟼 螝蠀蟺蟻喂伪魏萎蟼 螖畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪蟼, 蔚蟺喂尾维位位慰谓蟿伪蟼 魏蠀蟻蠋蟽蔚喂蟼 魏伪喂 蔚渭蟺维蟻纬魏慰 蟺蠋位畏蟽畏蟼 蠈蟺位蠅谓 蟽蟿畏谓 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪. 螚 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蟼 纬蔚蠅蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏维 鈥斘毕� 蟿慰 魏伪蟿伪谓慰萎蟽慰蠀谓 蠈位慰喂鈥� 蔚委谓伪喂 蟿慰 蟺蟻慰蟺蠉蟻纬喂慰 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼 伪蟺苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟽蔚 蟺蟻慰魏位萎蟽蔚喂蟼 蠈蟺蠅蟼 畏 蟿蟻慰渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪 蟽蟿畏 螠苇蟽畏 螒谓伪蟿慰位萎, 畏 蟺伪蟻维谓慰渭畏 渭蔚蟿伪谓维蟽蟿蔚蠀蟽畏 魏伪喂 慰 蔚谓蔚蟻纬蔚喂伪魏蠈蟼 蟺蠀位蠋谓伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼.

听听Morten L酶kkegaard (Renew). 鈥� Fru formand! Europa st氓r midt i en ny form for krig. Hybridkrigen udfordrer b氓de vores sikkerhed og selve fundamentet for vores demokrati. Det handler selvf酶lgelig om mis- og desinformation p氓 nettet med det ene form氓l at undergrave vores tillid til hinanden. Og s氓 er der angrebene p氓 vores kritiske infrastruktur. Fra Danmark har vi set med bekymring p氓 angrebet p氓 kabler i 脴sters酶en. Europ忙iske borgere og virksomheder lever i en ny verden, hvor cyberangreb er blevet hverdagskost. Det sker her og nu. Og konsekvenserne, ja, de er dybt alvorlige. Jeg har derfor foresl氓et oprettelse af en europ忙isk cyberbrigade, et f忙lles europ忙isk v忙rn, der kan opdage, h氓ndtere og ikke mindst forebygge cyberangreb. Samtidig skal vi selvf酶lgelig beskytte vores kritiske infrastruktur. Vi har brug for t忙ttere overv氓gning, f忙lles 酶velser og investeringer i robuste systemer, der kan forudse fremtidige angreb. For at sige det lige ud: Hybridkrig kr忙ver hybrid respons. Europa skal kunne tackle hybridkrigen sammen.

听听Massimiliano Salini (PPE). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, abbiamo una discussione all'interno del Parlamento che ancora una volta torna sul concetto di sicurezza e di difesa e corre molti dei rischi che anche in passato ha gi脿 corso.

Il primo strumento che noi abbiamo per garantire la sicurezza dell'Unione europea 猫 l'unit脿 tra i paesi membri, magari riducendo, se possibile, l'ipocrisia del dibattito politico.

Abbiamo molto spesso confuso il concetto di pace, riducendolo a una versione molto scadente e moderna di appeasement, ma dall'altro lato abbiamo celebrato la sicurezza, magari celebrando anche una cultura della divisione tra gli Stati nazionali.

Per avere sicurezza ci vuole unit脿 e per avere unit脿 bisogna difendersi anche dalle minacce interne, che tante volte rendono disarmonico il nostro dibattito e la cultura della responsabilit脿: ad esempio, evitando di puntare il dito su quelli che sono i nostri possibili amici esterni.

Quel che sta accadendo negli Stati Uniti ci costringe non tanto a dare lezioni di democrazia, quanto a capire chi sono i nostri amici, a sedersi al tavolo per costruire l'unit脿 interna dell'Unione e dell'Occidente intero.

听听Dan Barna (Renew). 鈥� Doamn膬 pre葯edint膬, c芒nd Rusia a 卯ncercat s膬 distrug膬 cablurile submarine de comunica葲ii din Marea Baltic膬, NATO a r膬spuns trimi葲芒nd nave 葯i aeronave s膬 apere infrastructura critic膬. Este un r膬spuns firesc 葯i binevenit, dar Europa a trecut de mult de momentul 卯n care poate doar s膬 r膬spund膬 葯i trebuie s膬 treac膬 la etapa de prevenire a atacurilor 葯i a provoc膬rilor de la actorii ostili. Este momentul 卯n care securitatea noastr膬 s膬 fie o prioritate asumat膬.

S膬 nu uit膬m c膬 葯i ordinea intern膬 joac膬 un rol crucial 卯n acest proces. Respectarea legilor 葯i a deciziilor, de pild膬, sanc葲iunile impuse Rusiei, este esen葲ial膬 葯i pentru securitatea noastr膬 european膬. Spre exemplu, exporturile c膬tre state despre care exist膬 dovezi c膬 v芒nd acele bunuri mai departe Rusiei devin o amenin葲are de securitate 葯i trebuie oprite. Ap膬rarea fa葲膬 de actorii externi nu poate func葲iona f膬r膬 domnia legii 卯n interiorul Uniunii Europene, aici, la noi acas膬.

听听Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). 鈥� Po拧tovana predsjedavaju膰a, povjerenice, 啪ivimo u svijetu u kojem se puno manje ra膷una vodi o me膽unarodnom pravu, o vrijednostima, a puno vi拧e o odnosu snaga glavnih geopoliti膷kih 膷imbenika. Revizionisti膷ke sile zagovaraju multipolarni poredak kako bi svaka u svom dijelu svijeta mogla uspostaviti svoju hegemoniju. To jasno vidimo u konceptu 鈥瀝uskoga svijeta鈥�. I te revizionisti膷ke sile se sve vi拧e udru啪uju u konfrontaciji protiv onoga 拧to nazivaju dominacijom zapada. U toj konfrontaciji napadaju i same osnove zapadne demokracije. Evo, u tom kontekstu, europski narodi 膰e svoju slobodu i demokraciju sa膷uvati ne fragmentacijom Europske unije, ve膰 ve膰om integracijom, kao 拧to je danas to spomenuo i Donald Tusk. To zna膷i i ve膰i pragmatizam u energetskoj i industrijskoj politici, ali to zna膷i i vi拧e izdvajanja za obranu ne kako bi bili protiv ameri膷kih saveznika, nego kako bi s njima i s ostalim zapadnim demokracijama obranili vrijednosti i Europe i slobodnog svijeta.

听听Die Pr盲sidentin. 鈥� Vielen Dank an alle, die jetzt im Raum waren. Es zeigt sich, dass es sich doch lohnt, die ganze Debatte 眉ber im Raum zu sein. Dann ist man auch da, wenn das System mal versagt.

听听Anna-Maja Henriksson (Renew). 鈥� Arvoisa puhemies, komissaari, on t盲ysin selv盲盲, ett盲 Euroopan on otettava enemm盲n vastuuta omasta puolustuksestaan. Puolustusteollisuutta on vahvistettava ja luotava toimivat puolustussis盲markkinat, ja Ukrainaa on tietenkin tuettava. On kyse niin Ukrainan kuin koko Euroopan tulevaisuudesta.

Maailmanpoliittinen tilanne tietenkin huolestuttaa monia, mutta me tulemme p盲rj盲盲m盲盲n p盲盲tt盲v盲isell盲 toiminnalla ja yhteisty枚ll盲 EU:n, Naton ja j盲senvaltioidemme v盲lill盲. Me olemme vahvoja. Meid盲n t盲ytyy vain nyt yhdess盲 ja m盲盲r盲tietoisesti menn盲 eteenp盲in.

Mik盲 on meid盲n t盲rkein teht盲v盲mme t盲盲ll盲 Euroopan parlamentissa? Juuri nyt se t盲rkein teht盲v盲 on pit盲盲 yht盲. Juuri nyt se t盲rkein teht盲v盲 on puolustaa arvojamme: demokratiaa, oikeusvaltiota ja meid盲n ihmisoikeuksiamme. Ja t盲ss盲 talossa me keskiryhm盲ss盲 teemme juuri sit盲. Ja sit盲 meid盲n pit盲盲 tehd盲 t盲st盲 eteenkinp盲in kaikkien.

Vi ska alla jobba f枚r att st盲rka Europas f枚rsvar.

听听Mika Aaltola (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, the enemies are at our gates, and even inside. They are using different weapons and tactics to defeat and divide us. We must remember Winston Churchill's words at the ruins of the Second World War. He envisioned European integration as a geopolitical necessity to deter the Soviet Union and contain its ideology. As a geopolitical actor, we must invest in the European defence and security industries. This would complement NATO's efforts to fulfil its European mission.

Some are asking where the financial resources come from. I will ask the counter鈥憅uestion: where did the money disappear to when we were cashing in on the so-called peace dividend? In the economic stagnation and political decline into lazy ideas of peace through gas.

听听H茅lder Sousa Silva (PPE). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Ministro, Senhora Comiss谩ria, considero que a hora dos discursos inflamados j谩 passou. Precisamos de passar 脿 a莽茫o. Precisamos de fazer acontecer.

Sim, a defesa 茅 uma responsabilidade primordial dos Estados-Membros. E, sim, enquanto eurodeputados, temos a responsabilidade de ser voz ativa na justifica莽茫o do aumento do investimento da Uni茫o na defesa, quer estejamos no norte, no centro ou no sul da Europa.

Mas a Uni茫o Europeia tem tamb茅m um papel crucial: ser o motor da mudan莽a. Isso significa compras conjuntas de material militar, garantindo uma coordena莽茫o eficaz e uma normaliza莽茫o dos equipamentos. Significa termos a coragem e a vis茫o de concretizar o cluster europeu das ind煤strias de defesa, garantindo assim o respetivo mercado 煤nico ou mesmo avan莽ar com os defence bonds.

N茫o h谩 tempo a perder. Fa莽amos da defesa europeia uma verdadeira prioridade de todos n贸s.

听听Isabel Wiseler-Lima (PPE). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, comme l鈥檃 dit ce matin Donald听Tusk au nom de la pr茅sidence polonaise, il est temps d鈥檃gir. Notre s茅curit茅 et notre d茅fense sont au centre de toutes les priorit茅s. L鈥檃utonomie strat茅gique de l鈥橴nion est plus n茅cessaire que jamais, pour nous prot茅ger et pour combattre les menaces militaires ou hybrides, les cyberattaques, l鈥檌nstrumentalisation des migrants et la d茅sinformation, entre autres.

Les guerres hybrides et les ing茅rences 茅trang猫res sont des tentatives de d茅stabilisation de nos d茅mocraties, que nous devons combattre avec d茅termination. Il est de notre devoir de nous prot茅ger. Notre s茅curit茅 est entre nos mains et non entre celles d鈥檃cteurs ext茅rieurs, qu鈥檌ls soient alli茅s ou ennemis. Et cela passe par des investissements tr猫s cons茅quents dans nos capacit茅s de d茅fense, dans nos forces arm茅es, dans nos infrastructures de cybers茅curit茅, dans le d茅veloppement de nouvelles technologies. Sans fonds, tout cela ne sera que de vaines paroles.

Il faut que nous nous donnions les moyens financiers d鈥檃voir entre nos mains notre destin. 脌 nous d鈥檃voir le courage et la d茅termination d鈥櫭猼re unis et de garder 脿 l鈥檈sprit le poids des enjeux: notre s茅curit茅, la d茅mocratie, la libert茅.

听听Reinier Van Lanschot (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Madam President, 'penny-wise, pound-foolish' 鈥� that sums up the impact of the defence budget cuts in the first 20 years of this century. So it's good that the Commissioner for Defence has proposed to start with a big bang of EUR听100听billion as a European investment plan, because the threats are banging on our door so loudly that everybody seems to agree that we need to invest. I agree as well, but unfortunately, the government of my home country, the Netherlands, is still stuck in a 'penny-wise, pound-foolish' mindset.

On Monday 3 February, the Heads of State will meet for a European Council meeting dedicated to defence. And my plea here today is that the Dutch Government uses that moment to stop being foolish and change their position on Eurobonds: be wise or we'll pay a much higher price.

听听Dubravka 艩uica, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Madam听President, honourable Members, first of all, I would like to thank Ms Strack鈥慫immerman in particular for initiating this debate. She hasn't heard me, but okay.

The debate illustrates the importance of continuously strengthening our security and defence posture. This means with the financial resources, military equipment, but more importantly, with the strong will and commitment, not only in response to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, but also to other threats: emerging conflicts around the globe and challenges posed to our resilience. For example, the European Union needs to act urgently to ensure guaranteed access in an unrestricted manner without third鈥憄arty dependencies when it comes to satellite connectivity. The IRIS2 space flagship programme will fully and concretely address this imperative. We have the capacity to equip our Union with the tools we need. To this end we must remain united, as our unity is what makes us strong.

The white paper on the future of European defence will pave the way for our future actions, and we will have a say on it. The Commission will set the ambition high, also with regard to tackling cyberattacks and hybrid attacks. But it will be in the hands of Member States to implement it. Here I am referring to the Council.

On the role of the European 合法博彩网站, the European 合法博彩网站 is an important stakeholder in the implementation of defence ambitions as co鈥憀egislator of the European Union defence programmes 鈥� the European Defence Fund, ASAP for ammunition, and now EDIP. As co鈥慸ecider of the next EU budget, the European 合法博彩网站 has a significant impact on our level of ambitions at the European level, and in particular in ensuring an ambitious defence budget in the next MFF.

Once again, Ms Strack鈥慫immerman, because you didn't hear it at the beginning, I want to thank you in particular for initiating this debate. We are looking forward to this 合法博彩网站, relying on you, but also to the Member States.

PRE葮EDIN葰IA: VICTOR NEGRESCU
痴颈肠别辫谤别葯别诲颈苍迟别

听听Adam Sz艂apka, President-in-Office of the Council. 鈥� Mr President, Honourable Members, Commissioner, thank you very much for bringing this debate. It's exactly about the priorities we set during the Polish Presidency. The debate today illustrates the importance of continuously strengthening our security and defence. We need the financial resources and military equipment, but more important is a strong will and commitment, not only in response to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, but also to other threats, challenges and emerging conflicts around the globe. Our unity is what makes us strong. Thank you very much.

听听President. 鈥� The debate is closed.