Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulle dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla strategia globale più ampia UE-Medio Oriente ().
Adam Szłapka, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, honourable Members, Commissioner, the Middle East is a region of strategic interest for the EU and a priority of our discussions in the Council. I would therefore like to thank the Ϸվ for scheduling such a timely debate.
The Middle East is part of our neighbourhood, immediately adjacent to some of our Member States. It plays a pivotal role in our security, geopolitical positioning, energy needs and migration challenges. For these reasons, a stable Middle East is of crucial importance for Europe. Notwithstanding our broad engagement over the years, it remains one of the most volatile regions in the world. Conflicts such as the war in Gaza, the Israel-Hezbollah tensions, the Syrian civil war and destabilising actions by Iran continue to profoundly influence regional and global politics and make stability in the regions the more elusive. Pressing issues need to be addressed, but there are also emerging opportunities for peace, stability and economic cooperation that must be seized.
In Syria, we stand before a historic window of opportunity. The EU, alongside our key partners, must work decisively and cohesively to advance a Syrian-led, Syrian-owned inclusive political process supported by the United Nations. Our collective goal is to establish a government that respects all components of society, rebuilds institutions, combats Daesh and ensures the complete destruction of chemical weapons.
In Gaza, after months of negotiations, a breakthrough was finally achieved. The release of hostages we have witnessed in recent weeks is a reason for satisfaction. We hope that all those held captive by Hamas will be released and foreseen in a deal. We are equally pleased to see thousands of trucks carrying much-needed humanitarian aid across Gaza without any obstacle. The deal is fragile, but it is a relief to see that so far both sides are upholding their commitments.
Many open issues remain to be tackled in the next phases, and the EU is ready to play its part. As a contribution to the ceasefire and at the request of both sides, with the agreement of Egypt, the EU has redeployed the European Union Border Assistance Mission, at the Rafah crossing point between Gaza and Egypt, in support of the Palestinian Authority. Between 70 and 100 civilians, including some some in need of medical care, are being transferred out of Gaza every day. The EU is also working closely with the Palestinian Authority for the day after, focusing on reforms, reconstruction, recovery and the long-term implementation of the two-state solution. We are also opening a new chapter of strengthening and engagement through the EU-Israel Association Council and the first ever EU-Palestine high-level dialogue.
The situation in Lebanon is another key factor for long-term stability in the Middle East. We welcome the election of the president and the formation of a fully fledged government to take forward a reform-oriented and forward-looking agenda. President, honourable Members, Commissioner, the EU's approach to the Middle East region has always been one of partnership and cooperation with other actors. We should continue to pursue this approach through an active engagement with the G7, Arab states and other partners. We should work towards a solution that may bring long-term stability and prosperity to the region, starting with a relaunching of the Middle East peace process.
Dubravka Šuica, Member of the Commission. – MadamPresident, MinisterSzłapka, honourable Members of the European Ϸվ, it is an honour to be here to present the Commission's foreseen contribution to the European Union-Middle East strategy.
The wider Middle East is a region of key importance for the European Union in terms of geopolitical positioning, security and stability, and economic cooperation. It is also one of the most volatile areas in the world with multiple conflicts having strong humanitarian consequences and repercussions on regional and global politics in terms of peace, security and the global order, but also migration, energy and economics.
The current disruptive and uncertain environment requires a strong signal of enhanced European engagement in the Middle East peace process.The ceasefire in Gaza, the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, and the election of a new leadership in Lebanon present an unprecedented opportunity for political transition, and strong European presence and engagement is required in these cases too.
This new reality calls for a fresh and comprehensive approach and the European Union engagement to ensure a more impactful European role in the Middle East, to stabilise the region and anchor countries more closely to the European Union. Peace and stability in the Middle East are an overarching European interest.
Key to this is a permanent peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, based on the two‑state solution, which is the only way to ensure peace and security for both peoples. In seeking to revive a political horizon towards the two‑state solution, the European Union should work closely with like‑minded partners, the G7 and with regional partners.
Also, thanks to its long‑lasting financial engagement, the European Union is well placed to play a leading role in the post-conflict stabilisation and early recovery, reconstruction, security and support to the future governance in Gaza.
For the European Union, a revitalised Palestinian Authority is the only viable partner and we will continue to push and support for much needed reforms and modernisation.
The European Union has for many years promoted the development of relations between Israel and the countries of the region in the understanding that normalisation of their bilateral relations will be beneficial to all parties, and represents a fundamental step for the stabilisation of the region as a whole.We continue to see further regional integration as an asset for a comprehensive and lasting peace for the entire region, and stand ready to work to this end together with our regional and international partners.
We should also identify and support new forms of cooperation that can bring significant opportunities on a variety of horizontal topics that are strategic for the region, from natural resources to clean energy, critical minerals, and access to its growing, educated workforce.
The IMEC project, which is the India‑Middle East‑Europe Economic Corridor, has been endorsed at G7 level to promote transportation and communication links between Europe and Asia through the Middle East, and if strategically designed, it can also be a key deliverable of an enhanced Middle East peace process.
It is time for the European Union to use its convening power, as well as its financial clout, incentivising reforms, allowing a stable transition, taking full part in the process of reconstruction, and providing an offer for economic prosperity.
Increasing the engagement with the Gulf countries will be another key component. Political and financial support from key Gulf countries will be particularly important to the European Union's efforts to reignite the Middle East peace process.
Since the signature of the 2022 EU strategic partnership with the Gulf, the European Union has sought to increase its engagement with the six GCC partners – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates – which are emerging as important geostrategic players.
Last but not least, the European Union's approach to the Middle East should ensure its full synergy with the proposals to be made under the new pact for the Mediterranean, both in terms of enhanced bilateral economic cooperation partnerships, but also in terms of regional and thematic initiatives.
The European Union should reflect on leveraging on its biggest strengths: the internal market, the creation of mutual investment opportunities, and corridors for cooperation in key sectors such as energy, water and digital connectivity.
Dear Members of the European Ϸվ, during my hearing, I made it clear that I view working with you, honourable Members of this Ϸվ, as an essential ingredient of my professional DNA, and as key to successive initiatives and to the formation of a stronger European unity. Against that background, I will be careful listening to you today and to your suggestions of what shall be the key principles and key components of the European Union's approach to the Middle East.
David McAllister, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, Madam Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, geography dictates that developments in the Middle East are always of key interest to the European Union. Yet things are as they are. Our influence in the region is at a low. A fragmented patchwork of strategies has failed to account for the political realities of the region, and internal divisions amongst our Member States have hindered meaningful impact.
Amid claims of double standards, a shifting balance of power and an unpredictable US administration, you, dear Commissioner, together with the High Representative, will have to find common ground amongst our 27 Member States on issues where certainly no easy answers exist. Our strategy must indeed prioritise the two‑state solution for a sovereign Israel and the Palestinian Territories, based on the 1967 borders and with Jerusalem as the shared capital. This is, in the end, the only sustainable path to peace. We should therefore resist the temptation to address only the immediate crisis in Gaza but attend to all obstacles that prevent the realisation of the two‑state solution.
An effective Middle East strategy must treat the mullah regime in Iran for what it is: a mastermind of instability and terror. The fall of the Assad regime in Syria was a strategic blow to Iran, one that didn't go unnoticed with Hezbollah either. After two years of political stalemate, the new government in Lebanon offers hope for much‑needed recovery. Let us use the leverage, this momentum, to break Iran's so‑called axis of resistance.And finally, while we admittedly have limited influence in the Middle East, we can constructively engage countries that do: Türkiye, the Gulf States, Egypt and Jordan.
The High Representative has indicated that the new Middle East strategy might take longer than originally planned. Indeed, let us not act in haste. This strategy must be prepared carefully. But, dear Commissioner, I would ask you to also consult the European Ϸվ, because here there is a wealth of expertise, and I believe it would be highly beneficial to consult us before finalising the new strategy.
Γιάννης Μανιάτης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, είναι κρίμα που η Ύπατη Εκπρόσωπος δεν βρίσκεται σήμερα στο Κοινοβούλιο για να συζητήσουμε την πολιτική της Ένωσης για τη Μέση Ανατολή. Μια περιοχή ιδιαίτερου γεωπολιτικού, ενεργειακού και ανθρωπιστικού ενδιαφέροντος για την Ευρώπη, όπου οι εξελίξεις τρέχουν. Δυστυχώς, η Ένωση δεν είναι παρούσα όσο θα έπρεπε.
Η νέα μας στρατηγική θα πρέπει να καλύψει το κενό αυτό άμεσα, καθώς είμαστε σε ένα ιδιαίτερα κρίσιμο στάδιο. Η συμφωνία κατάπαυσης του πυρός στη Γάζα δημιουργεί μια αχτίδα αισιοδοξίας. Η παροχή ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας και η ανοικοδόμηση της περιοχής πρέπει να είναι προτεραιότητά μας. Όμως, οι δηλώσεις του Προέδρου Trump για εκδίωξη των Παλαιστινίων από τη Γάζα και η απειλή για λήξη της εκεχειρίας το Σάββατο με την προσθήκη νέων όρων δυναμιτίζουν την προσπάθεια αυτή.
Δεν πρέπει να αφήσουμε την ευκαιρία να χαθεί. Η λύση των δύο κρατών, ενός ασφαλούς Ισραήλ και ενός ανεξάρτητου, βιώσιμου και δημοκρατικού παλαιστινιακού κράτους, είναι η μόνη επιλογή για ειρήνευση στην περιοχή. Στον Λίβανο, ο σχηματισμός κυβέρνησης μετά από χρόνια αδιεξόδων και παράλυσης είναι ασφαλώς ένα πολύ θετικό γεγονός.
Τέλος, παρά την κατάρρευση του καθεστώτος Assad, είμαστε ακόμη μακριά από το να μιλήσουμε για την επόμενη μέρα. Οι νέοι ιθύνοντες θα πρέπει να αποδείξουν με πράξεις ότι έχουν αποκηρύξει το βάρβαρο παρελθόν τους. Η μεταβατική κυβέρνηση και το Εθνικό Συμβούλιο θα πρέπει να είναι συνεκτικά και να εκφράζουν όλες τις θρησκευτικές και όλες τις εθνικές μειονότητες. Δεν πρέπει να επιτρέψουμε την παρέμβαση τρίτων χωρών, ούτε τη μετατροπή της Συρίας σε χώρα δορυφόρο. Οι ευρωσυριακές σχέσεις θα πρέπει να βασίζονται στην προστασία του πολυπολιτισμικού μωσαϊκού της Συρίας, όπως επίσης και στον σεβασμό του διεθνούς δικαίου, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του δικαίου της θάλασσας, αφού γνωρίζουμε όλοι ότι η Συρία έχει εκτεταμένα παράλια στη Μεσόγειο. Η Ευρώπη οφείλει να είναι δυναμικά παρούσα, με ισχυρή φωνή και ολοκληρωμένη στρατηγική στην περιοχή της Μέσης Ανατολής. Αυτή η ευρωπαϊκή στρατηγική απουσιάζει σήμερα και πρέπει άμεσα να διαμορφωθεί.
Jorge Martín Frías, en nombre del Grupo PfE. – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, señorías, el plan propuesto por la Comisión persevera en el error y nos debe llevar a preguntarnos cómo es posible que siempre predominen posiciones contrarias a Israel y a su sociedad en todo lo que la Comisión trae al Pleno. ¿Cómo es posible que el plan, lejos de estar inspirado en los principios de la libertad y la democracia y en proteger y ayudar a quienes han sido atacados, esté inspirado en ayudar a quienes quieren liquidarlos? ¿Cómo es posible que la Comisión siga financiando a organizaciones como el UNRWA, que cuenta con terroristas entre sus empleados, que se dedica a educar en el odio contra Israel y su sociedad y que debería ser introducido en la lista de organizaciones terroristas?
La Comisión Europea tiene una forma muy fácil de enmendar todos sus brutales errores en Oriente Medio: dejen de proteger a Irán y dejen de financiar a terroristas de diferentes pelajes, y defiendan a la única democracia en su derecho y su deber de defenderse y crear una nueva realidad de paz y cooperación en la región.
Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, quiero referirme al artículo10, apartado4, del Reglamento interno. En los debates parlamentarios en el salón de sesiones, los diputados no recurrirán a un lenguaje ofensivo: el lenguaje difamatorio, el discurso de odio y la incitación a la discriminación en el sentido del artículo21 de la Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales. El UNRWA no es una organización terrorista, es una organización de las Naciones Unidas, por lo cual pido una rectificación.
Presidente. – Ha ragione e ha fatto benissimo a puntualizzarlo e naturalmente prendiamo nota del suo ordine del giorno.
Rihards Kols, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, Madam Commissioner, the EU speaks of strategy in the Middle East, yet too often we watch from the sidelines. The Abraham Accords proved that Arab-Israeli cooperation is possible, yet we played little part or no part at all.While the US and Gulf states lead, we remain reactive and divided.
First, we must strengthen bilateral ties and act as facilitators where needed. Arab states are taking steps towards peace: our role should be to support, not to obstruct.The EU was built on regional cooperation, we have the know-how to contribute.
Second, we must not leave a vacuum that autocrats will fill. That means direct engagement with the Gulf partners, countering Iran-backed militias and cutting off financing that enables Hamas to rebuild. It is incomprehensible that the Commission and Council still refuse to designate the IRGC as a terrorist organisation.
The region will decide its future, but if the EU wants a seat at the table, we must act, not just observe.
Hilde Vautmans, namens de Renew-Fractie. – Voorzitter, Europa moet zijn verantwoordelijkheid nemen in dit conflict. In1948 kreeg het Joodse volk —terecht— een eigen staat. Maar vandaag wordt het Palestijnse volk met uitroeien bedreigd. In Gaza dreigt een genocide. Honderdduizenden mensen worden verdreven. Dit is geen oorlog tegen Hamas meer, dit is etnische zuivering.
Nu spreekt Trump zelfs over “Gaza kopen”. Alsof Palestijnen geen mensen zijn, maar een probleem dat je met geld oplost. Constructies gefinancierd door Europa, door ons, worden vernield.
Waar zijn wij? Europa kan niet aan de zijlijn blijven staan. We moeten waken over de uitvoering van het akkoord en de vrijlating van alle gijzelaars. De handel met de illegaal bezette gebieden moet daadwerkelijk worden stopgezet. We moeten het associatieakkoord met Israël herbekijken. De aanhoudingsbevelen tegen Hamas en tegen de Israëlische leiders moeten worden gerespecteerd en uitgevoerd. We moeten ervoor zorgen dat de noodzakelijke humanitaire hulp echt naar binnen kan.
Toon wat Europa en onze principes waard zijn!
Hannah Neumann, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – MadamPresident, Commissioner, dear colleagues, people in the Middle East have endured violence and protracted displacement for decades.
There is zero appetite for Iranian terrorism, Russian destabilisation, Chinese exploitation or the chaos that Trump has unleashed in just two weeks, announcing the withdrawal of security from ISIS camps, threatening massive forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, or cutting all funding to human rights defenders in the region.
And the European Union? Too often we stood by divided or distracted while people on the ground begged us to step up. But it doesn't have to stay that way and there are clear opportunities of what we can do.
Let's use the EU‑Israel Association Council to urge Israel to uphold the ceasefire. Let's strongly support UNRWA and its humanitarian work and the United Nations in the region as a whole. Let's engage with Lebanon's new leadership. Let's support a green growth strategy for the Middle East in coordination with the Gulf states. Let's step up our support to local civil society and all those that promote human rights, freedom and democracy in the region.
And this time, dear colleagues, let's get it right in Syria. The country is in transition with a blatant power vacuum. Iran and Russia are ready to step back in. Yet, the people that I met on the ground are fighting for an inclusive, for a peaceful future. For years, dictators in the region crushed calls for democracy, warning: do you want to end up like Syria?
Let's rewrite that narrative and let's show what the European foreign policy supporting local partners and stepping up to regional bullies can achieve: turning the region from our biggest worry to our strongest partner.
Lynn Boylan, on behalf of The Left Group. – A Uachtaráin, the repeated violations of the agreement by Israel is threatening a fragile ceasefire. There must be accountability for the latest killings and the failure to allow medical evacuations, and for aid to enter. The Israeli Government must be held to account for the attacks in the West Bank. And we need action against the increasing extremist settler violence.
All of us who respect international law were horrified by President Trump's proposition to ethnically cleanse Gaza and steal what little land the Palestinian people still have. This plan is colonialism in its most brutal form, and the silence from the Commission was astounding. The Commission must answer for the EU's astounding moral failure to stand up to Trump's colonial rhetoric, or attacks on international law and the multilateral institutions that we claim to hold so dear. Let us be very clear: Gaza is not for sale. Gaza is not for sale, and the land and resources belong to the Palestinian people.
The EU's strategy for the Middle East, if it respected international law, would be suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. It would mean sanctions. It would mean the end of weapons transfers from EU Member States and full implementation of the ICJ advisory opinion of the 19 July. We cannot have a long-term strategy until we recognise the immorality and illegality of the occupation and pursue true justice for the people of Palestine. The EU has spent the last 15 months engaging in moral cowardice in the face of and in complicity with genocide, and this cannot continue. We need to respect international law and the protection of multilateral institutions.
Free Palestine.
Petras Gražulis, ESN frakcijos vardu. – Gerbiama pirmininke, Europos Sąjunga yra praradusi geopolitinę įtaką pasaulyje ir Artimuosiuose Rytuose, ir ne tik Artimuosiuose Rytuose. Jos balsas pasaulyje ir regionuose nėra girdimas. Ir aš manau, jeigu ir toliau Europa bus susiskaldžiusi, nevieninga, Europos balsas kuo toliau, tuo silpniau bus girdimas pasaulyje, Artimuosiuose Rytuose ir ne tik.
Štai dabartinė komisarė gyrėsi, kad galų gale Palestinoje pasiektos paliaubos. Bet, aš noriu paklausti, kieno sąskaita? Ar tai Europos? Pirmą dieną, tik priesaikos metu, Trumpo pastangų dėka pasiektos paliaubos ir išlaisvinta keletas įkaitų. Štai Amerika girdima visame pasaulyje. Jeigu Europa tęs tokią politiką, tai jos ateitis tikrai yra gana sudėtinga. Pažiūrėkime, mes čia kalbėjome, ir artėja trys metai karo Ukrainoje. Ką padarė Europa? Kodėl į jos balsą neįsiklauso Putinas? Kodėl nebijo jos Putinas? Kodėl tęsia toliau prieš Ukrainą įžūlų karą?
Europa, turi būti vieninga! Jeigu būsi vieninga, tai būsi ir stipri. Štai Trumpas pasakė: išspręsiu tą klausimą, sustabdysiu karą Ukrainoje. Tai mums daug svarbiau, ne Amerikai,– 貹šDzė vyksta karas, okupacija vyksta Europos. Neaišku, kokiomis sąlygomis bus išspręsta, pasiekta ši taika. Bet aš esu įsitikinęs, kad bus sustabdytas kraujo praliejimas. Ir, mano manymu, tai didžiulė gėda Europos Sąjungai. Viena iš galingiausių ekonominių sąjungų, bet, deja, neturi jokių principų, nuostatų ir negirdi šitos sąjungos pasaulio šalys. Susimąstykite, Europos Sąjungos šalys, ir susiimkite ir gerbkite pačios save – tada išgirs ir kitos šalys jus.
Antonio López-Istúriz White (PPE). – MadamPresident, Commissioner, the EU‑Middle East strategy. What strategy? Do we have a strategy? Good. First time. The ones that have a strategy are the Russians, the Chinese, Turkish, Iranians in the region.It's about time that as Europeans we have a strategy for the Middle East and not let others interfere. We have a different approach and we should implement it.
We should be enthusiastic about the Abraham Accords. Here in this Ϸվ, we have not been. In the Commission, they have not been. We have to. Prosperity for the people in the region – including the Palestinians, they cannot be left out of this – of course, we all agree on that. Different from other countries.
And then we have to be clear. Blacklist, terrorist list.We have to help the Palestinian people, the Lebanese people, not to suffer the tyranny of terrorist organisations financed by Iran and by others, and supported by others like the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Hezbollah, Hamas. We have to do this from a European perspective now.
Hana Jalloul Muro (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria Šuica, hace unas semanas celebramos con esperanza en este Parlamento el alto el fuego entre Hamás e Israel y el reencuentro de rehenes y prisioneros con sus familias que están sufriendo, pero hoy este acuerdo está en peligro: no hay garantía para la paz ni en Palestina con la ocupación, la escalada de la violencia en Cisjordania, el desplazamiento de palestinos y los asentamientos ilegales ni en Israel mientras Hamás continúe con la detención de los rehenes. Llamamos a los dos estados y a las fronteras de 1967. Y mientras estos días los gazatíes volvían a sus casas para reconstruir su vida, Trump afirmaba su voluntad de controlar Gaza contra el derecho internacional humanitario porque cree que puede comprarlo todo. Ni siquiera la gravedad de estas declaraciones han sido suficientes para una respuesta contundente desde la Comisión: solo vemos impunidad y silencio.
Y en este contexto, la señora Kallas se comprometió a desarrollar una estrategia para Oriente Medio basada en la reconstrucción de Gaza. No conocemos los avances y ni siquiera ha sido incluida en el programa de trabajo para 2025, vamos tarde. ¿Qué reconstrucción plantea la Comisión? ¿La puede garantizar? ¿Cómo va a integrar a los actores claves en la región y a este Parlamento? Necesitamos liderazgo, acompañamiento en los procesos democráticos. ¿Qué vamos a hacer con Irán —se ha preguntado hoy varias veces aquí— y con partidos o con fuerzas terroristas como Hizbulá y también como Hamás? Necesitamos una estrategia —nuestra prioridad es la paz— y desde luego tener más en este Parlamento a la alta representante, que debe venir a darnos más explicaciones: si su estrategia es la del silencio, están equivocados.
António Tânger Corrêa (PfE). – MadamPresident, Madam Commissioner, I can see here that we are discussing a wider, comprehensive EU-Middle East strategy. Let me say one thing: the strategy is the same. I cannot see any kind of improvement. I see difference in the region, but I don't see a different attitude from the European Union.On the contrary, it's more of the same.
We now have a ceasefire in Gaza, which is a good step, but it's not enough. We have a ceasefire in Lebanon. Good step, not enough. And the big question mark in Syria, which probably is not a good step and definitely not enough.
So we have to take a more proactive approach to these questions. I just have to remember you: five times there was put on the table the solution of two states and five times didn't work, because of the Palestinians, not the Israelis.
I remember you Black September in 1970, when King Hussein fought the Palestinians and there was about between – we don't know the numbers – tens and thousands of deaths. Nobody cared about. But now they care because it's the Israelis who are doing it. When it was the Jordanians, nobody cared about it.
So is there a solution? Maybe. But the solution goes through an international administration of the Palestinian areas, because they themselves cannot do it, as it is proven. To say 'two-state solution and bye bye' is not a solution. You have to have an international administration of Gaza, international administration of the West Bank and to be very careful with the Palestinians living in Jordan.
Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca!Oczywiście powinniśmy jako Unia Europejska śledzić na bieżąco sytuację na Bliskim Wschodzie, ale to nie Unia powinna być autorem długotrwałego porozumienia, bo to jest zadanie stron konfliktu. Truizmem byłoby tutaj odwoływać się do biblijnego konfliktu między Izaakiem a Ismailem, synami jednego ojca – Abrahama. Dziś na naszych oczach widzimy kolejną odsłonę tego biblijnego konfliktu. Dziś pomiędzy Palestyńczykami i Żydami.
Jako Unia powinniśmy dyplomatycznie wspierać Izrael i Palestyńczyków w wypracowaniu jak najstabilniejszej opcji szanującej prawa obu narodów. Ale przede wszystkim jesteśmy zobowiązani do zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa naszym własnym obywatelom w naszych własnych krajach. A postępująca destabilizacja na Bliskim Wschodzie jak zawsze może zakończyć się kolejnym napływem nielegalnych imigrantów do Europy.
Dlatego zadaniem unijnej dyplomacji powinno być w pierwszej kolejności zapewnienie, aby pomoc dla dotkniętych olbrzymią tragedią, trzeba to przyznać, Palestyńczyków popłynęła najpierw z bogatych krajów rejonu Zatoki Perskiej. A dla nas, Europejczyków, w ramach świętej zasadyordo caritatis powinna być przede wszystkim pomoc dla Chrześcijan, którzy od tysięcy lat zamieszkują te kraje, ale pomoc nie polegająca na tym, że na tym, że ich ściągniemy do Europy, tylko pomożemy im tam na miejscu.
Urmas Paet (Renew). – MadamPresident, dear colleagues, the European Union is committed to lasting peace in the Middle East, supporting a two-state solution and halting Iran's destabilising actions.
However, the EU's ability to influence the region has been limited by the need for consensus among all Member States, resulting in a fragmented approach.
This lack of unity has prevented the EU from fully leveraging its foreign policy potential. A European Ϸվ report in March 2023 on the functioning of the European External Action Service and advocating for a stronger EU in the world called for a stronger EU presence in global affairs.But progress on these recommendations seems minimal.
Without significant changes in shaping EU foreign policy, the EU's role will remain constrained. Given the current geopolitical situation, it's time to implement the European Ϸվ's proposals from two years ago and strengthen the EU's positive foreign policy impact, including in the Middle East.
Villy Søvndal (Verts/ALE). – Fru formand! En riviera med guld, glitrende skyskrabere bygget på knoglerne af 50000 døde palæstinensere. Det kan næsten ikke være mere absurd og menneskeforagtende end det, Trump foreslår. Netanyahu og Trump anerkender, at Gaza er ubeboelig efter 16 måneders tæppebombardement. Men Trumps løsning med at tvangsforflytte to millioner mennesker fra deres eget land er endnu et bevis på, at han er ligeglad med retfærdighed, og at han er ligeglad med international ret. På Vestbredden har israelsk militær dræbt mindst 70 i år. Bulldozere og bomber har smadret palæstinensiske hjem. Der er stadig flere checkpoints og lukkede områder, der umuliggør en normal hverdag for palæstinenserne. Det er tydeligt for enhver, at den internationale retsorden er truet. Israel ignorerer ICJ's krav om at undgå et folkemord i Gaza. USA indfører sanktioner mod ICC. Israel gør en humanitær FN-institution ulovlig, nemlig UNRWA. Fra EU's side bør vi overveje at aktivere artikel 2 i associeringsaftalen med Israel og stoppe handel med varer fra de besatte områder. Vi bør også overveje at reagere på USA's sanktioner mod ICC og støtte det arabiske fredsinitiativ. Fred kræver frihed og sikkerhed, men for begge folk.
João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, uma paz justa e duradoura no Médio Oriente exige o fim do genocídio e da política criminosa de Israel contra o povo palestiniano. Exige o cumprimento integral do cessar-fogo em vigor, que deve ser permanente, e o urgente acesso à ajuda humanitária, que continua a ser limitada. Exige a total retirada das forças israelitas da Faixa de Gaza e o fim dos seus ataques na Cisjordânia e em Jerusalém Leste. Exige o cumprimento dos direitos nacionais do povo palestiniano com o fim da ocupação e com a criação do Estado da Palestina, conforme determinam as resoluções das Nações Unidas. Exige o fim da agressão de Israel ao Líbano e à Síria, e a retirada dos territórios que ocupa ilegal e militarmente naqueles dois países. As inaceitáveis declarações de Trump sobre a intenção de ocupação da Faixa de Gaza e a expulsão do povo palestiniano são reveladoras da cumplicidade e apoio dos Estados Unidos à política genocida de Israel. O silêncio ensurdecedor perante essas declarações e intenções são reveladoras da cumplicidade da União Europeia com as políticas dos Estados Unidos e Israel, que obstaculizam a paz no Médio Oriente.
(O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)
Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE), Pergunta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhora Presidente, eu queria perguntar ao Senhor Oliveira, você vem de Portugal, e tanto em Portugal como na Galiza, o meu país, há muita solidariedade. Mas, neste Parlamento, não houve nenhum minuto de silêncio pelas vítimas assassinadas por Israel em Gaza. Qual é a sua opinião? E também queria perguntar: pode ir à Palestina? Eu não posso ir, já que Israel me proíbe porque estive num barco humanitário. E há uma resolução do Parlamento Europeu que diz que os deputados europeus podem ir. No entanto, ali em cima, estão os delegados de Israel, e eles entram aqui livremente. Qual é a sua opinião?
João Oliveira (The Left), Resposta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhora Deputada Ana Miranda, de facto, a posição da União Europeia tem sido uma posição de cumplicidade com a política de Israel e uma posição de duplo critério, porque, verdadeiramente, a União Europeia, que tanto intervém e tanto atenta está a outros conflitos, tem fechado os olhos àquilo que tem acontecido na Palestina com a política genocida de Israel. E essa dupla posição, esse duplo critério, essa cumplicidade da União Europeia entra em confronto com aquilo que é o sentimento popular, não apenas em Portugal, mas em praticamente todos os países da Europa, que é um sentimento popular de solidariedade, de solidariedade com o povo palestiniano, com a sua luta, e de denúncia e de combate à política genocida que Israel está levando por diante. Nós continuaremos a trazer ao Parlamento Europeu essa voz das ruas que fala em nome da solidariedade com o povo palestiniano e a causa pela luta dos seus direitos.
Alexander Sell (ESN). – Frau Präsidentin! Mehr als 1Mrd.EUR für Palästina seit 7.Oktober, 2Mrd.EUR für die Türkei und den Libanon, auch die Islamisten in Damaskus sollen bald Geld aus Brüssel bekommen. Und, was hat es gebracht?
Die vielen Milliarden, die Sie in den Mittleren Osten geschickt haben, konnten keinen Bürgerkrieg in Syrien, keine Taliban in Afghanistan und keinen Krieg in Gaza verhindern. Ihre sogenannte Strategie ist die alte, und sie ist schon damals gescheitert.
Wir haben eine andere Strategie: Statt das Geld der Europäer in den Mittleren Osten zu schicken, sollten wir uns zuerst um Europa kümmern. Denn wenn es so weitergeht, dann brauchen wir bald keine Strategie mehr für den Mittleren Osten. Dann ist der Mittlere Osten nämlich bei uns. Allein im vergangenen Jahr sind fast 400000 Migranten nach Deutschland gekommen, vor allem aus Syrien.
Warum? Der Krieg in Syrien ist vorbei! Fast eine Million Syrer in Deutschland könnten jetzt in ihre Heimat zurückkehren. Deshalb: Hören Sie auf, unser Steuergeld in aller Welt zu verschleudern. Altersarmut, Wohnungsnot, kaputte Brücken und Straßen– der Wiederaufbau von Gaza oder von Syrien ist nicht unsere Aufgabe. Unsere Aufgabe ist der Wiederaufbau von Deutschland.
Νικόλαος Αναδιώτης (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, ας μην λησμονούμε τα εξής: όσον αφορά την Τουρκία, αποτελεί μείζονα αποσταθεροποιητικό παράγοντα στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο και τη Μέση Ανατολή. Με την επεκτατική και αναθεωρητική της πολιτική συνεχίζει να εκφράζεται με απειλητικές δηλώσεις και προκλητικές ενέργειες εις βάρος δύο κρατών μελών, της Ελλάδας και της Κύπρου, καθώς και της Συρίας και του Ιράκ. Εάν δεν ακυρώσει το casus belli εναντίον της Ελλάδας και αν δεν αποσύρει τον στρατό της από την κατεχόμενη Κύπρο, κάθε χρηματοδότηση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης προς αυτήν πρέπει να σταματήσει εχθές.
Ως προς τη Συρία, προτείνουμε την αποστολή παρατηρητών, ώστε σε συνεργασία με τον ΟΗΕ και τον ΟΑΣΕ να προστατευθούν οι μειονότητες και να επισπευσθούν αδιάβλητες εκλογές. Πρέπει επειγόντως να αρθούν οι κυρώσεις επ’ ωφελεία του συριακού λαού, αλλά με προσοχή σε τυχόν χρηματοδότηση τρομοκρατικών οργανώσεων. Η Ελλάδα μπορεί να συνεισφέρει στην προσπάθεια αυτή ως μέλος του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ.
Τέλος, σχετικά με τη Γάζα και τη Δυτική Όχθη, προσβλέπουμε στην αποστολή ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας. Υποστηρίζουμε τις σχετικές αποφάσεις των διεθνών οργανισμών και δικαστηρίων. Θεωρούμε σημαντικότατο βήμα τη συμφωνία εκεχειρίας μεταξύ Ισραήλ και Χαμάς. Ελπίζουμε στη δημιουργία ενός κράτους όπου οι Παλαιστίνιοι, ελεύθεροι και ισότιμοι, θα ζουν με αξιοπρέπεια.
Hildegard Bentele (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der entscheidende politische Akteur mit tatsächlicher Verhandlungsmacht im Nahen Osten sind die USA mit ihrer militärischen Stärke. Das ist in diesen Tagen wahrscheinlich allen klar. Aber: Auch wir als EU haben Stärken und Grundüberzeugungen, die wir im Nahen Osten einbringen sollten. Wir sind stark in der Bereitstellung humanitärer Hilfe. Wir sind erfahren im Aufbau von Institutionen. Wir sind gut im Aufbau von regionalen Märkten, wissensstark bei grenzüberschreitender Kooperation. Und hier gibt es viel zu tun.
Frau Kommissarin, Sie haben es beschrieben, vom Aufbau von Infrastruktur über den Ausbau erneuerbarer Energien bis zur Wasserversorgung. Wir können mit verstärktem europäischen Engagement viel, auch Frieden, bewirken und sollten deshalb jetzt unsere außenwirtschaftlichen Instrumente schärfen.
Gleichzeitig, und das habe ich viel zu wenig gehört von Ihnen, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, müssen wir aber auch sehr deutlich unsere roten Linien aufzeigen. Und das sind: keinerlei Kooperation mit oder Finanzierung von Terroristen, Deradikalisierung, Bekämpfung von Hass, Förderung demokratischer Prozesse und die unbedingte Gewährleistung von Israels Sicherheit.
Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, a União Europeia tem revelado uma grande dificuldade, historicamente, em lidar com os problemas do Médio Oriente, o que é compreensível, dada a própria natureza da União Europeia, constituída por vários Estados dotados de políticas externas diferentes e até, nalguns casos, antagónicas. Mas nunca, como hoje, foi tão necessária uma presença mais ativa da União Europeia no Médio Oriente. A que é que temos assistido nas últimas semanas e, em particular, nos últimos dias? A declarações absolutamente demenciais, e até obscenas, da parte do presidente dos Estados Unidos, quando se refere a Gaza e aos palestinianos, nos termos que nós todos tivemos oportunidade de ouvir, há poucos dias e há poucas horas. Um comportamento do governo de Israel que é completamente inadmissível. Israel tem hoje o governo mais extremista de direita da sua história, e o seu comportamento põe até em causa alguns dos princípios fundamentais do sionismo. Porque, independentemente da posição que tenhamos em relação ao sionismo, este comportamento de Israel, deste governo de Israel, afasta‑se completamente dos princípios generosos, de alguns deles, que estavam na base desse movimento.
E, por outro lado, também temos o Irão como uma fonte de permanente instabilidade na região. Perante tudo isto, a União Europeia tem de assumir as suas responsabilidades. Só nós, creio eu, estaremos hoje em condições, dadas as evoluções verificadas recentemente no mundo, para ter uma participação mais ativa no sentido de contribuir para o reconhecimento dos dois Estados, para a viabilização dos dois Estados. Isso passa, desde logo, creio eu, e isto até há pouco tempo não era uma coisa clara, pelo reconhecimento por parte dos Estados nacionais da legitimidade do Estado da Palestina. E eu faço um apelo, até no caso do meu próprio país, que é Portugal, para que se avance no sentido do reconhecimento do Estado da Palestina, porque me parece ser um passo em frente no sentido da resolução deste problema. Mas o tema é complexo e não podemos ter visões maniqueístas.
György Hölvényi (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Sikerült elmozdulni a holtpontról Közel-Keleten. Ez a jó hír. A gázai, a szíriai és libanoni fejlemények egyszerűen esélyt teremtenek a térség stabilizálására. 2011 óta 14 millió szíriai menekült kényszerült elhagyni otthonát, vagy 6 millió szíriai menekült várja a Közel-Kelet országaiban, hogy hazatérhessen.
Eközben Szíriában is 7 millió belső menekült él. A lakosság 90%-ának megélhetése humanitárius szállítmányoktól függ. Önök mondhatják, három hete Szíriáról van vita, de "repetito est mater studiorum", muszáj még egyszer elismételni: az egyik legfontosabb cél, hogy a szíriai menekültek mihamarabb tartósan hazatérhessenek. Ehhez a kormányzatnak garantálnia kell az alapvető jogok tiszteletben tartását, emellett pedig meg kell teremteni a hazatérés alapvető feltételeit. Enélkül nincs hazatérés. Választ kell adniuk a kérdésekre: hol fognak lakni, hol fognak dolgozni és hová fognak iskolába járni a gyerekek? Ma erre nincsenek válaszok.
Legfőbb ideje, hogy a helyi, eltűnőben lévő közel-keleti keresztény közösségek mellett kiálljon az Unió. Ez nem vallási kérdés. Ez nekünk, európaiaknak egészen egyszerűen egy morális és kulturális kérdés. Ez éppen úgy jelenti a libanoni szíriai keresztény oktatási intézmények támogatását, mint a keresztények vallásszabadságának támogatását.
Marion Maréchal (ECR). – Madame la Présidente, malheureusement, à travers les objectifs flous et vagues de cette stratégie au Proche-Orient, l'UE, une fois de plus, conforte son image d'entité passive, se contentant de souhaiter la paix et l'harmonie, mais incapable de revoir profondément son logiciel diplomatique pour faire face aux grands bouleversements en cours.
Pourquoi, dans ses orientations politiques, les véritables problèmes sont-ils occultés? Je pense, par exemple, à l'agressivité répétée de la Turquie envers son voisinage lorsque Ankara instrumentalise le désordre moyen-oriental dans son intérêt. Je pense aussi au sujet très problématique du nouveau dirigeant syrien, qui est passé par l'État islamique en Irak et par Al-Qaïda.
Face à ce régime, la naïveté est interdite et la complaisance est odieuse, en particulier quand elle vient du président de la France, pays martyr de l'islamisme, qui se dit prêt à recevoir ce djihadiste au palais présidentiel, au risque de lui accorder une respectabilité internationale.
Gardons en tête, par pitié, l'expérience des talibans en Afghanistan. Et n'oublions pas quels sont nos intérêts et nos devoirs dans cette région, qui devraient guider notre stratégie, à savoir nous préserver du risque terroriste, nous préserver des flux migratoires incontrôlés et nous tenir aux côtés, bien sûr, des communautés chrétiennes d'Orient, aujourd'hui gravement menacées, en particulier en Syrie.
Irena Joveva (Renew). – MadamPresident, there are no words. No words that would sufficiently express how absolutely appalled I am by the statements from the American President.
Throughout history, American involvement in the Middle East has only worsened the situation by prolonging conflicts with military engagement and lack of coherent strategies. Meanwhile, the EU has been, rather unsuccessfully, trying to resolve resulting humanitarian crises.
Enough. This time, the EU has to take a stand and not be bullied into the unimaginable transitions of the world, including not supporting ethnic cleansing and permanent displacements of people from their land, their homes, to create a new American playground.We need to help create regional alliances and not conflicts.
And while many of you are turning a blind eye – or worse, are even glad to see it – maybe you'll understand this: if 'all bets are off' and 'all hell breaks out', the shock waves will reach the European Union. This is not just about the region; it's about the very fabric of humanity.
Martin Schirdewan (The Left). – Frau Präsidentin! Das Ziel einer jeden EU-Strategie für den Nahen Osten muss natürlich ein dauerhafter Frieden in der Region sein. Dafür gibt es zwei Voraussetzungen.
Erstens, es braucht die Anerkennung der kurdischen Selbstverwaltung in Nord- und Ostsyrien und die Aufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen mit Kurdistan. Der Machtwechsel in Syrien bietet ja jetzt auch die Chance, das Selbstbestimmungsrecht des kurdischen Volkes in einem multiethnischen Staat durchzusetzen. Das muss auch die Türkei akzeptieren. Der völkerrechtswidrige Angriffskrieg Erdoğans gegen das kurdische Volk muss sofort eingestellt werden!
Zweitens braucht es die Anerkennung des Staates Palästina durch den Europäischen Rat. Im Rahmen einer Zweistaatenlösung muss es ein souveränes Palästina an der Seite eines souveränen Israel geben. Diese Realität muss dann auch die Regierung Netanjahu und vor allem Donald Trump anerkennen. Dessen Aussagen zur Zukunft Gazas sind skandalös, gefährlich und aufs Schärfste zurückzuweisen.
PREȘEDINȚIA: NICOLAE ŞTEFĂNUȚĂ վș徱Գٱ
Ruth Firmenich (NI). – Herr Präsident! Meine Damen und Herren! Die Lage in Gaza spitzt sich weiter zu. Ganz im Sinne der in Teilen rechtsextremen Regierung Israels möchte US-Präsident Trump die Palästinenser aus Gaza vertreiben und in die Nachbarstaaten umsiedeln, wie es beschönigend heißt. Statt einem Palästinenserstaat soll eine Luxus-Riviera entstehen. Diese Pläne sind menschenverachtend und gehören auf den Müllhaufen der Geschichte.
Mit Trumps Ultimatum stehen nun der Waffenstillstand zwischen Israel und der Hamas, die Hilfslieferungen und das Schicksal der Geiseln völlig infrage. Doch was ist in dieser dramatischen Lage von der EU zu hören? Nicht viel. Denn diejenigen, die sich sonst gerne als moralische Instanz aufspielen, bleiben stumm, wenn es um die Palästinenser geht. So wird der letzte Rest an Glaubwürdigkeit verspielt. Stattdessen nimmt man hin, dass wie die USA auch Deutschland weiter Waffen an Israel liefert.
Meine Partei, das Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht, fordert ein Ende der Waffenlieferungen. Statt Waffen braucht es Einsatz für die Schaffung eines unabhängigen Palästinenserstaates in den Grenzen von 1967 mit Ostjerusalem als Hauptstadt.
Ingeborg Ter Laak (PPE). – Voorzitter, Gaza, Israël, Libanon, Iran, Irak, Afghanistan, Syrië: het Midden‑Oosten staat op zijn kop. Oorlog, conflict, spanningen. Dat bedreigt het leven van miljoenen mensen. Al die verschrikkelijke beelden raken ons als mens, terwijl de gevolgen ons raken als maatschappij in haar geheel. Ben je voor de een of juist tegen de ander? Want ook in Europa staan mensen lijnrecht tegenover elkaar. En alsof het nog niet erg genoeg is, praat Donald Trump over het Midden‑Oosten alsof hij bezig is met het ontwikkelen van het volgende golfresort voor multinationals.
Oorlog in het Midden‑Oosten raakt ons hier. De aanvallen op schepen in de Rode Zee, grote groepen mensen op de vlucht, op zoek naar voedsel en onderdak. Vrede, veiligheid en handel staan onder druk. De Europese Unie heeft een strategie voor het Midden‑Oosten nodig, net zoals het Midden‑Oosten Europa nodig heeft. Ik vraag de Commissie om hier zo snel mogelijk werk van te maken.
Lucia Annunziata (S&D). – MrPresident, Donald Trump presented himself as a pacifier and in a few weeks turned to be 'MrChaos'. But we Europeans should not be afraid of this. The truth is that the more that America withdraws into its nationalism, the more we can move into a space of influence greater than ever.
In the Middle East, many influential countries are orphaned at the moment of any initiative: Lebanon, the Gulf countries, Syria, Israel itself – which is not the kingdom of Benjamin Netanyahu, it's a much more complex country. We have to work to revive this network of alliances.
I hope that the High Representative KajaKallas will take this step and will work with this Ϸվ, as many of my colleagues who have spoken today before me in this room are asking, and as it's urgent to have an answer.
Cristian Terheş (ECR). – Mr President, dear colleagues, two major topics must be at the centre of the EU Middle East strategy.
First, stop rewarding the bad behaviour: the European Union allocates hundreds of millions of euros to the Palestinian Authority, which continues to implement the 'pay-for-slay' programme, based on which families of terrorists who have killed or injured Israeli citizens get a pension. As long as individuals are incentivised – even with money – to kill other people, there will not be peace.
Second: start the de-radicalisation. Even as we speak, UNRWA schools are using textbooks that indoctrinate Palestinian children to hate Jews, motivate them to kill Jews, and teach them that violence is the method to achieve their political aspirations. Educations shape minds and societies. Today, however, Palestinian textbooks glorify terrorism, promote martyrdom, and incite children to violence rather than teaching them coexistence and how to pursue political aspirations through non-violent means.
I call, therefore, that no money be given anymore to the Palestinian Authority and UNRWA schools until the 'pay-for'slay' programme is abolished and the schools' curriculum is de-radicalised.
Abir Al-Sahlani (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner, representative of the Council, dear colleagues, President Trump says that he is committed to buying and owning the Gaza Strip. He says that the Palestinians can get much better housing in neighbouring countries. Wow. I did not know, actually, that the conflict in Israel and Palestine was about better housing.
And you know what? Surprisingly enough, Prime Minister Netanyahu says it's an innovative proposal. And the world is silent. It may come as a surprise to you, Mr. Donald Trump, but neither people, their rights nor their lands are up for sale.
On 25February, the EU-Israel Association Council is meeting, and we from this House do not expect anything less than the utmost pressure on the Netanyahu Government to commit to a long-term peace, and let me tell you how it starts. It starts with seriously committing by the Israeli side, by Netanyahu, to the ceasefire deal, ending the violence in the occupied West Bank and lifting the ban on UNRWA. And the EU must invest in the rebuilding of Gaza without forced displacement.
Let this be very clear: you cannot have safety and peace in Israel if you do not have safety and peace in Palestine. All human rights matter, enough with the double standards.
Elena Yoncheva (Renew). – Mr President, dear colleagues, today we face a critical challenge once again: the future of the Middle East. And we find ourselves asking, how can the European Union make a meaningful impact?
The answer lies in our commitment to a two‑state solution. And this is not just an option – it's the only path to true and lasting peace. The recent hostage deal is a vital step for the good example of diplomatic settlement. It's about bringing people back to their homes, back to their families. And this process must continue without pause until every hostage, every man and woman, is free and safe.
I believe the Munich Conference this week will provide a clear perspective, and I hope the European Union will take these matters into account in every discussion.
Andrey Kovatchev (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner Šuica, dear Minister, dear colleagues, to foster peace and promote democratic values, the EU must strategically engage in the Middle East with a consistent and systematic approach. We must build a partnership with each country based on shared goals while addressing the destabilising malicious influence of Russian‑Iranian acts of evil and their proxies in the region.
Support for the Abraham Accords, the release of all Israeli hostages, recognising Israel's right to exist again, and guaranteeing a sustainable solution for the Palestinian people are essentials for regional peace and must be shared objectives of the EU, together with the Arab countries, the US and Türkiye.
Our comprehensive Middle East strategy should include support for Europe's partners in the region – Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt – who have been impacted by the flows of displaced persons. And we must build on the work towards sustainable solutions for refugees to return to their homes.
To ensure a stable, democratic future for Syria, the EU and Member States should actively support the transition period, set clear conditions under which we would legitimise the interim government and the future new constitution and government, and, especially, exclude the presence of Russian and Iranian infrastructure in Syria.
Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, what I should have brought with me is a sign that reads 'Missing Person: High Representative Kaja Kallas', as this is the second session we are discussing the Middle East and she has not been a part of the discussions.
The Middle East is at a crossroads in many ways: Gaza is at risk of being occupied by a new force, the US under Trump. Yes, you heard me correctly: Trump's attempt to expel Palestinians from Gaza and take control is effectively replacing one occupying power, Israel, with another occupying power, the US, all while the Palestinian people are suffering, and this is a violation of international law.
Meanwhile, Syria has rid itself of its brutal dictator and has a new power in place. However, the future remains uncertain as we cannot realistically consider HTS a democratic force, given their history.
Turkey is attacking the Kurds in the Rojava region, it is risking to put ISIS on our streets. At the same time, in Turkey, the negotiations are taking place between the Turkish Government and the PKK leader, Öcalan. For the first time in a long time, the prospects seem positive for a resolution on the Kurdish issue and for a democratic Turkey. Development in Turkey will undoubtedly impact also Syria.
Where is the HR/VP? A silent voice is not a voice at all.
Εμμανουήλ Φράγκος (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, πλήθος δολοφονικών επιθέσεων σε ιερείς και επιφανείς χριστιανούς στο Λίβανο και στη Συρία. Για μεμονωμένες περιπτώσεις στις ΗΠΑ, στη Ρωσία, στην Κίνα και στην Αίγυπτο, το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο έβγαλε πλήθος ψηφισμάτων.
Για τη συστηματική εκκαθάριση κατά των Χριστιανών στη Μέση Ανατολή δεν μιλάμε ποτέ, λες και οι Χριστιανοί δεν είναι άνθρωποι. Ας δούμε την αλληλεγγύη που δείχνει το Ισραήλ στους Εβραίους ανά τον κόσμο και ας ξαναβρούμε τη χριστιανική μας πυξίδα, τη χαμένη χριστιανική μας ταυτότητα.
Η Χαμάς γνωρίζει ότι η επίθεση σε Ισραηλινούς πολίτες φέρει αποφασιστική απάντηση του Ισραήλ. Αντιστοίχως, πρέπει τα τουρκοτζιχαντιστικά ενεργούμενα στη Συρία και στο Λίβανο να ξέρουν ότι, αν αγγίξουν τους Χριστιανούς αδελφούς μας, θα δεχθούν συντριπτική απάντηση. Σε ετούτη την αίθουσα, πρέπει να εκπροσωπείται η Ευρώπη και όχι η Μουσουλμανική Αδελφότητα. Όλοι οι Χριστιανοί, Ελληνορθόδοξοι, Ελληνοκαθολικοί, Αρμένιοι και Μαρωνίτες πρέπει να χαίρουν της προστασίας μας.
Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Mr President,we're talking about a comprehensive EU Middle East strategy.
Well, first and foremost, we must have a strategy around the issue of Israel and Palestine, and today the European Union simply does not have a strategy. It has been dishonest in its approach: it says on the one hand that it supports a two-state solution. Yet, over the last number of days since President Trump announced that he was going to annex financially Gaza and make it into a riviera, there has been no commentary from the Commission. Zero. Same from the Council.
Our leadership across Europe has gone blind to the fact that the Palestinian people have now been told by the United States – and by Europe, by its complicity in its silence – that Palestine has no right to exist. And yet we say that we are supporting the two-state solution.
I have to say that our manner on this has been shameful, and we ought to ensure that we stand by our original proposals of a two-state solution, protecting the security and the right for Israel to exist, and also for Palestine, Gaza and the West Bank to live in security and independence as well. That is our stated policy, and it should be time that the Commission and the Council stand up and voice that particular position.
Alice Teodorescu Måwe (PPE). – Herr talman! I år är det 80 år sedan utmärglade, hålögda judiska fångar befriades från nazisterna. I lördags släpptes tre utmärglade, hålögda israeler ur djävulens tunnlar i Gaza, och deras blotta uppenbarelse blev en påminnelse om att det som aldrig skulle få ske igen har skett igen, med vår vetskap.Så när vi står här och debatterar en ny Mellanösternstrategi, samtidigt som Hamas meddelat att den kommande frigivningen av gisslan stoppats på obestämd tid, vill jag påminna den här kammaren om att en sådan strategi måste ta avstamp i Israels rätt att existera och rätt att försvara sin existens.
Vägen till fred i regionen innebär en gemensam kamp mot terrorstaten Iran och dess proxys. Om EU inte ska reduceras till en kravlös bankomat för terrorister behöver vi, innan det är för sent, kräva att gisslan friges och att Hamas och alla andra som vill förinta Israel omedelbart kapitulerar.
Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana gospođo povjerenice, strategija EU-a za Bliski istok morala bi imati barem pet elemenata.
Prvo, podržati, promovirati proces pomirenja i suradnje Izraela i arapskih država. To mora, naravno, uključiti uspostavu bilateralnih odnosa Izraela sa Saudijskom Arabijom, ali i implementaciju koncepta dviju država, dakle Izraela i Palestine, koji će živjeti u miru i sigurnosti.
Drugo, paktom za Mediteran stvoriti novi okvir za političku, sigurnosnu, gospodarsku i energetsku suradnju s regijom.
Treće, jasno i čvrsto suprostaviti se Muslimanskoj braći i njihovu konceptu kalifata. Oni su doista prijetnja za regionalnu stabilnost i za Europu.
Četvrto, jasno se suprostaviti iranskim hegemonijskim ambicijama u regiji i, naravno, revizionističkim politikama koje Iran provodi na globalnoj sceni.
I peto, zauzeti se za kršćanske zajednice na Bliskom istoku jer ako se Europa ne zauzme za njih, onda nitko neće. To je, dakle, moralno, moralna obaveza, ali i geopolitička nužnost jer nitko neće na Bliskom istoku ozbiljno shvatiti Europsku uniju ako se ona ne zauzme za kršćane na Bliskom istoku.
Michał Szczerba (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Panie Ministrze! Czas najwyższy powiedzieć tutaj, w tej Izbie, że Unia Europejska nie może być tylko płatnikiem, ale przede wszystkim musi być aktywnym graczem, który kreuje rozwiązania na rzecz bezpieczeństwa, ale bezpieczeństwa również na Bliskim Wschodzie. Ta sytuacja na Bliskim Wschodzie jest najtrudniejsza od wielu lat. Atak Hamasu 7 października 2023 roku przyniósł chaos, doprowadził do rozlewu krwi, ale również cały czas czekamy na uwolnienie wszystkich zakładników terrorystów.
Chcę bardzo wyraźnie powiedzieć, że musimy prowadzić aktywną politykę. Politykę również, która wspiera demokratyczne procesy, społeczeństwo obywatelskie, ale również reaguje na kryzysy humanitarne. Takim kryzysem ogarnięta jest obecnie Strefa Gazy. I bardzo ważna sprawa - wtedy, kiedy Amerykanie wycofują się ze swojej pomocy rozwojowej, humanitarnej, musimy przejąć odpowiedzialność. To jest również odpowiedzialność nasza, nasza, naszego pokolenia wobec świata i wobec tych ludzi.
Wouter Beke (PPE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, er gaat geen week voorbij zonder een nieuw bizar voorstel van president Trump. Zijn laatste plan om de Gazastrook op te kopen en om te bouwen was niet alleen bizar, het was gek en gevaarlijk voor de hele regio.
Het toont eens te meer aan dat Europa aan tafel moet gaan zitten om mee te praten over de toekomst van het Midden-Oosten. Niet alleen om de Palestijnse en Israëlische burgers de vrede te geven die ze verdienen, maar ook in ons eigen strategisch belang. Een stabiele vrede in het Midden-Oosten betekent immers minder vluchtelingenstromen — de helft van de Palestijnse vluchtelingen komt op dit ogenblik naar België. Een stabiele vrede zorgt voor minder radicalisering en meer samenwerking tegen de allianties van Iran, Rusland en Noord-Korea, die in de hele regio alleen maar schade willen aanrichten.
Het is dan ook van groot belang dat wij zelf een plan voor het Midden-Oosten uitwerken. Ik roep u op om ervoor te zorgen dat we op die manier vrede, stabiliteit en perspectief in de hele regio kunnen brengen.
Nicolás Pascual de la Parte (PPE). – Señor presidente, en Oriente Próximose están produciendo cambios tectónicos que posiblemente van a cambiar el mapa geopolítico y geoestratégico en la zona, e incluso hasta las fronteras. Pero de momento lo que tenemos es un acuerdo de tregua entre Hamás e Israel que nos da esperanza de que vuelva la paz a esa región.
Hay una realidad que no podemos perder de vista: entre el mar Mediterráneo y el río Jordán viven sietemillones de palestinos y sietemillones de judíos. Ellos tienen que aprender a vivir en paz, con respeto y con reconciliación. Por eso, nosotros apostamos por la solución de dosEstados como la única posible que ofrece un futuro de seguridad y de estabilidad a Israel y de prosperidad y dignidad a los palestinos. Eso lo debemos aplicar a través de nuestro diálogo con las autoridades israelíes y palestinas para poner en marcha la Estrategia de la UE en Oriente Próximo, el nuevo Pacto por el Mediterráneo y la estrategia para los países del Golfo.
La Comisión va a presentar estas propuestas y las debemos apoyar a la vez que seguimos apoyando nuestras dos misiones sobre el terreno, EUPOL COPPS y EU BAM Rafah, que están haciendo un trabajo magnífico con pocos recursos.
Reinhold Lopatka (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the EU must act in adopting a comprehensive strategy for the Middle East very fast, particularly in the light of the developments in Syria and Israel. We have a responsibility to lead on fostering cooperation and diplomacy in the region, not least because it has a strong impact on our own security, stability and prosperity.
Our relationship with the Gulf Cooperation Council – with which we have increased trade by over 35% only in one decade – highlights this potential. We need a free trade agreement with the GCC, but we also have to address the negative role of Iran and its proxies, destabilising the region. And our support for a two‑state solution for Israel and Palestine has to play a key role in this strategy, like the support for Israel in their fight against Hamas terrorists.
Intervenții la cerere
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Posėdžio pirmininke, gerbiama komisare, gerbiami kolegos. Pavadinimas mūsų debatų – apie strateginę ir visa apimančią Europos Sąjungos Artimųjų Rytų politiką. Tačiau mane daug daugiau žeidžia trumpalaikių veiksmų nebuvimas. Trumpo pareiškimas apie Gazoje įsteigiamą rivjerą yra karikatūristų objektas. Bet tyla iš Komisijos pusės ir tyla iš Europos Sąjungos Vadovų Tarybos nepasakant, kad šis pareiškimas prasilenkia su visomis tarptautinėmis konvencijomis, yra dar baisesnė karikatūra. Man, kaip buvusiam komisarui, deja, sunku sutikti su ta tyla. Ir tai yra atsakymas, kad dabar, kaip tik dabar, reikalingas be galo stiprus Europos Sąjungos balsas prieš visus tarptautinės teisės konvencijų, Genocido konvencijos ir visus pažeidimus. Norėčiau įkvėpti jums drąsos tą padaryti.
Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Mr President, the EU's Middle East strategy is doomed if it follows once again the failed path of endless spending of taxpayers' money and weak diplomacy.
We must learn from President Trump: his strong ultimatums immediately brought swift results in the region. Hamas doesn't listen to soft EU diplomacy talk, we need to be tougher.
Also, money-wise, why should we waste billions of euros on another continent when we have major crises on our own continent? We face growing crime, illegal migration and economic decline, yet we have poured massive amounts of money into an area that is filled with radical Islam.You could say Europe has been stupid.
The EU must prioritise our own security and our own economic strength. Let us finally put Europe first: our people, our borders and our future.
Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, quiero referirme a esas obscenas palabras del presidente Trump, que declara que quiere anexionar Gaza, que quiere expulsar a los palestinos —que están en su legítimo territorio— de su lugar: de su lugar de vida y del lugar en el que quieren disfrutar de una vida digna y no de esta vida de genocidio que Israel les está haciendo pasar.
Quitar a los palestinos de Gaza... ¡qué idea tiene el señor Trump! Y a mí me gustaría que hoy estuviese la señora Kallas. Precisamente, comisaria, usted está ahí y representa a la Comisión, pero lo normal es que estuviese la alta representante, porque es la segunda vez que tenemos un debate de estas características y debería venir aquí a decir alto y claro qué opina de esas palabras. Son palabras muy obscenas y que atacan los valores fundamentales y, además, con desplazamientos étnicos prohibidos precisamente por las Naciones Unidas.
Y yo también estoy de acuerdo en la revisión del acuerdo con Israel y en las sanciones pertinentes, porque quien comete genocidio tiene que ser sancionado.
Marc Botenga (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, j'ai essayé de comprendre la stratégie de l'Union européenne au Moyen-Orient.
D'abord on m'a dit: «Oui, mais c'est des droits humains.» Je me suis dit: «Les droits humains, mais attendez, quand Israël fait un génocide contre les Palestiniens, quand les Israéliens vont porte à porte, maison par maison, pour voler, pour expulser les Palestiniens de leurs maisons, l'Union européenne leur livre les armes. Quand l'Arabie saoudite exécute un nombre record de prisonniers l'année passée, on laisse passer tranquillement.» Alors vous m'avez dit: «Non, mais il y a le droit international qui est important pour nous.»
Mais Israël occupe illégalement non seulement la Palestine, mais aussi une partie du Liban et une partie de la Syrie, et vous voulez renforcer les liens avec Israël?
Quand DonaldTrump menace de déporter 2millions de Palestiniens, vous ne dites rien. Maintenant j'ai compris, c'est l'économie: vous voulez le gaz et le pétrole. Vous l'avez dit, le corridor économique de l'Inde passe par le Moyen-Orient, l'Arabie saoudite et Israël, pour même voler le gaz des Palestiniens potentiellement.
Pour cela, vous marchez donc sur les corps des Palestiniens, sur les corps des peuples arabes, qui ne veulent qu'une chose, c'est la souveraineté, et pouvoir décider eux-mêmes de leur sort. Respectez cela, Madame la Commissaire.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă (NI). – Domnule președinte, vorbiți aici, văd, pentru prima dată, de creștini. Când v-am ridicat icoana în plenul Parlamentului European, m-ați sancționat. Când am vorbit și am acuzat-o pe Ursula von der Leyen de acțiuni care au dus la crime în plandemie, m-ați sancționat. Vorbiți acum să apărați creștinii! Cum să apărați creștinii din țările arabe, când dumneavoastră acuzați toate țările arabe? Nu îi respectați, nu-i cunoașteți, nici pe perși, nici pe arabi, îl discreditați pe Trump, îl discreditați pe Putin, sunteți în război cu toată lumea.
Vreți strategii? Vă dau un sfat: uitați-vă la politica lui Nicolae Ceaușescu. Nimeni nu l-a egalat vreodată. Dictator, dictator, dar a avut cea mai bună politică externă. A reușit să pună la aceeași masă Israelul cu Palestina și a adus pacea în regiune. De aceea, Comisia Europeană se pare că nu este pregătită, doamna Ursula von der Leyen nu face decât să ne pună în război cu toată lumea și de aici, din plenul Parlamentului European, cer demisia Ursulei von der Leyen.
ʰş徱Գٱ. – Aș adăuga, ca președinte al acestei ședințe, că Nicolae Ceaușescu a fost și sursa a milioane de crime în România. Dar nu purtăm o dezbatere despre asta și dau cuvântul doamnei Šuica din partea Comisiei Europene.
(Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)
Dubravka Šuica, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for your interventions, for your feedback and your comments, which are very useful. This debate shows clearly that the Middle East region is a very important and crucial region for Europe. But more united and active European involvement is of paramount importance. I will try to reply to some of your questions.
First of all, we are not silent. This is not the case. As we said in January at the Foreign Affairs Council, the Palestinian people have suffered greatly and both Israelis and Palestinians deserve peace. This was one of the conclusions, and all of us know this. The ceasefire is a positive development, but now we have to take steps in order to bring these hostilities to an end and to keep stability and peace in the region.
From our point of view, once again, this requires a two-state solution. That is why the European Union is supporting the Palestinian Authority in its reforms to allow it to return to govern Gaza. So this is what we are doing. The international community must work with Palestinians to rebuild Gaza. We would welcome a proactive role from the United States in this reconstruction or reconstructing process. It is also worth recalling that among the five key conditions set by the Commission President last year on Gaza, one was the essential part of the future Palestinian state, and that there should not be any further displacement of Palestinians. This is something that we are saying and that was the conclusion of the Foreign Affairs Council in January.
On Palestinian social protection law: yesterday, the new social protection law was signed by the Palestinian President Abbas and it is now to be officially published. The law replaces all existing allowances, including the payment to the families of the prisoners and martyrs. This decision is fully in line with the reform matrix as agreed between the European Commission and the Palestinian Authority. So we certainly welcome this step by the Palestinian Authority.
On UNWRA: the European Commission will continue to support UNWRA both politically and financially. Precise amounts are being defined according to our NDC Global Europe regulation, and that's it. Last year, the European Union disbursed EUR92million to UNWRA following – very important – the Commission's monitoring of the implementation of the conditions that were agreed for funding. So we were monitoring the situation.
On the EU-Israel Association Council and high-level dialogue with the Palestinian Authority: the EU-Israel Association Council will take place on 24 February, with 27 European ministers, as you know, who will be participating. The meeting will be the opportunity to discuss the situation in the Middle East, including the conflict in Gaza and EU-Israel cooperation. The high-level dialogue with the Palestinian Authority will take place in the margins of the 17 March Foreign Affairs Council. The Palestinian Authority will be represented by Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mustafa.
Regarding the Gulf: someone said that he or she is in favour of coordination of the Gulf countries. Of course, this is exactly why Gulf countries are under my portfolio, Mediterranean – although we know that geographically they are not Mediterranean – we 100% agree with this. So we have to work with the Gulf Cooperation Council but, of course, bilaterally, because they are also, as you know, diverse. So increasing engagement with the Gulf will be a very important component here. You remember this is what I said at the beginning: since the signature of the strategic partnership with the Gulf from 2022, we are trying to to increase engagement with all six countries.
Last but not least, the European Union's approach to the Middle East, as all of us know, should ensure a full synergy with the proposals to be made under the new pact for the Mediterranean, which I mentioned, which will be done in consultation first with this House, in consultation with Member States, but also in consultation with those on the other shore of the Mediterranean. So this is something which we will be doing in the next 5 or 6 months.
As I said, this debate is important, and I have to mention diplomatic efforts, which included first calling for the protection of civilians in line with international humanitarian law, then redoubling our humanitarian engagement in the region, then calling for dialogue between Israel and these neighbour countries to continue to keep stability and peace in the region. And, of course, we are seeking long-term solutions which bring peace and security to everyone.
To conclude: yes, Europe wants to be a player. We have a role there and this is something which we want. Of course we have to increase our role and this is what we are doing. So, as you know, we are saying that we are payers and not players – we want to be players, both payers and players, not only payers – and this is something which is important. So once again, I can agree with some of you: no cooperation with terrorists, deradicalization, no hate speech, and, of course, promoting democratic values or our common values.
On our dear colleague HR/VP: we work in synergy on the Middle East strategy. It's also part of my mission letter, so we are working together on this, so this is something which should be mentioned here. She is working with us and she will be with you as soon as possible.
Adam Szłapka, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Madam Commissioner, thank you very much for this debate. Today's exchange is a part of the ongoing reflection on the EU's engagement and actions in the Middle East, at a time of many parallel developments that will shape the situation on the ground for years to come.
In spite of our different views on the causes as well as on the the solutions for the challenges faced by countries in the region, I take from this debate that we all agree that any outcome of current events in the in the Middle East will directly impact the stability, prosperity and security of the European Union. This is why our collective engagement in the region is crucial. I can assure you, on behalf of the High Representative, that the situation in the Middle East will remain a key priority for the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union. The Council looks forward to working together with the other EU institutions to promote peace and reconstruction in this vital region for the European Union.
President. – The debate is closed.
Declarații scrise (articolul 178)
Laura Ballarín Cereza (S&D), por escrito. – La Comisión se comprometió a desarrollar una Estrategia Integral de la UE para Oriente Medio fundamentada principalmente de dos objetivos: primero, garantizar la solución de los dos estados “el día después en Gaza” y segundo, fortalecer la colaboración con los principales países de la región. Sin embargo; el borrador del primer programa de la Comisión no incluye el desarrollo de esta Estrategia para 2025; tampoco se ha presentado un horizonte temporal para su ejecución y la VP y Alta Representante Kaja Kallas ha vuelto a ausentarse durante el debate en el pleno.
En un momento en el que el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos ha reafirmado su interés por la ejecución de un plan de control sobre Gaza que conlleva desplazamientos forzosos por parte de los gazatíes y que incumple el derecho internacional y derecho internacional humanitario; creemos que la Comisión ha de ser contundente. Requerimos priorizar el desarrollo de la Estrategia dado que también implica participar en el proceso de reconstrucción para Gaza, incidir en que se cumpla el acuerdo de alto al fuego y fortalecer las relaciones con la región. También, creemos imprescindible garantizar la participación del Parlamento y embajadas de la UE en esta Estrategia.
Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR), γαπτώς. – Θα επαναλάβω την δήλωση που έκανα ενώπιον του Σώματος, όταν πολλοί σε αυτό το Σώμα πανηγύριζαν μετά την πτώση του Άσαντ. Είχα αναφέρει αυτολεξεί «Έπεσε ένα δικτατορικό καθεστώς και στη θέση του ήρθε ένα άλλο δικτατορικό καθεστώς που είναι βαθιά εξτρεμιστικό, ακραία ισλαμικό».
Θα πρέπει άπαντες να κατανοήσουν ότι, εάν η Συρία περιέλθει εξ ολοκλήρου στην κυριαρχία των τζιχαντιστών, θα γίνει παγκόσμιος κόμβος τρομοκρατίας. Ακόμα πιο ανησυχητικό είναι το γεγονός ότι και το Ισραήλ δέχεται μαζική επίθεση από το ακραίο Ισλάμ. Με λύπη σημειώνω ότι πίσω από τις ισλαμιστικές τρομοκρατικές οργανώσεις, καθόλου τυχαία, βρίσκεται ένα υπό ένταξη κράτος, η Τουρκία, που έμαθε να ευδοκιμεί στο χάος και τη βαρβαρότητα.
Ο δυτικός κόσμος πρέπει να δράσει αποφασιστικά, όχι μόνο για το μέλλον της Μέση Ανατολής, αλλά και για τη δική του ασφάλεια. Υπογραμμίζω ότι η Μέση Ανατολή δεν πρέπει να αφεθεί στα χέρια των ακραίων ισλαμιστικών οργανώσεων. Αλλιώς, κινδυνεύουν και η Κύπρος και η Ευρώπη, καθώς και ολόκληρος ο δυτικός κόσμος και πολιτισμός.