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听听President. 鈥� Good morning, dear colleagues. The first item on the agenda is a joint debate concerning European Council meetings and European security:

鈥� European Council and Commission statements on the conclusions of the special European Council meeting of 6听March听2025听();

鈥� Council and Commission statements on preparation of the European Council of 20-21听March听2025 ();

鈥� European Council and Commission statements on European security architecture: urgent decisive steps and unwavering support for Ukraine ().

The President of the European Council is on his way. He was delayed by fog in Brussels, so as soon as he lands he will come straight to the Chamber. So we can go first to the Council and the Minister for the European Union, Adam Sz艂apka.

听听Adam Sz艂apka, President-in-Office of the Council. 鈥� Madam听President Metsola, Madam听President von der Leyen, honourable Members, allow me to focus on the preparation of the meeting of the European Council on 20听March, which will, as always, start with an exchange with the President of the European 合法博彩网站.

The spring European Council meeting is traditionally focused on economic issues. However, in view of the rapidly evolving international context, leaders will also follow up on the special meeting of 6听March. We are all aware of what is at stake, and the leaders will build on the important progress made at their meeting last week.

Allow me to add my voice here in stressing that only a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine can put an end to the Russian war of aggression. A peace that is negotiated by Ukraine and its legitimated authorities led by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. A peace that involves Europeans, whose security it will affect without a doubt. A peace based on strong security guarantees.

The European Council is also expected to revert to the situation in the Middle East, which has evolved substantially since the leaders last addressed the topic in December.

Let me now turn to competitiveness, which is a centrepiece of the agenda of the next European Council. 2024 was a year of assessment and reflection, with the Letta and Draghi reports the strategic agenda for the next five years. 2025 is the year for action and delivery.

Three priority areas have been identified for the leaders' debate on competitiveness: simplification, energy and the Saving and Investments Union. For the EU to remain competitive, we need to cut red tape and simplify EU rules for businesses, especially SMEs. Reducing administrative burdens and creating a simple and clear legislative framework remain a matter of urgency.

Europeans also require access to clean, secure and affordable energy, and we have to take steps to address the saving and investments mismatch in the EU in order to better meet Europe's investment needs, in particular those of young and innovative companies. This will also be important to ensure private financing to develop our defence industry for years ahead.

Leaders will also address the topics of the single market, industrial policy and skills, paying special attention to those sectors that are heavily impacted by the sustained rise in energy prices.

Finally, under this point, the European Council will also turn to its customary point on the European Semester. For a more long-term perspective, leaders will have a first exchange of views of views on the next multiannual financial framework and the new own resources, following the publication of the Commission Communication of 11听February and ahead of the proposal expected in summer 2025.

Migration also remains high on the European Council agenda. Leaders will take stock of progress made in the implementation of previous conclusions and ensure a steady pace of work on returns.

Finally, other foreign policy issues will be addressed, notably multilateralism and oceans, which are expected to be on the table during the working lunch leaders will have with UN Secretary-General Ant贸nio Guterres on Thursday. Depending on developments, Member States may also want to address issues in specific third countries or regions.

A Euro Summit is also scheduled to take place in the margins of the European Council, and will include the usual discussion on the economic situation with the President of the Eurogroup and the European Central Bank.

To conclude, we expect a substantial European Council meeting following up on the decision taken at last week's special European Council and advancing on essential work to ensure we are well prepared to meet the many challenges ahead. We are at a crucial juncture. We must rise to the occasion.

听听Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. 鈥� Madam President, dear Roberta, Minister, honourable Members, it's now 70 years ago that Alcide de Gasperi said: 'We do not just need peace among us, but to build a common defence. This is not to threaten or conquer, but to deter any attack from the outside, driven by hatred against a united Europe. This is the task of our generation.'

70 years have gone by, but our generation is faced with the very same task. Because peace in our Union can no longer be taken for granted. We are facing a crisis of European security, but we know that it is in crisis that Europe has always been built.

So this is the moment for peace through strength. This is the moment for a common defence effort. And at the European Council, I saw a level of consensus on European defence which is not just unprecedented but was completely unthinkable only a few weeks ago. There is a new understanding that we must think differently and act accordingly. We have started to mobilise Europe's massive resources. And in the coming weeks and months, more courage will be necessary and other difficult choices await us.

Honourable Members, the European security order is being shaken, and so many of our illusions are being shattered. After the end of the Cold War, some believed that Russia could be integrated in Europe's economic and security architecture. Others hoped that we could rely indefinitely on America's full protection. And so, we lowered our guard. We cut our defence spending from routinely averaging more than 3.5听% to less than half of that. We thought we were enjoying a peace dividend, but in reality we were just running a security deficit.

The time of illusions is over now. Europe is called to take greater charge of its own defence, not in some distant future but already today, not with incremental steps but with the courage that the situation requires. We need a surge in European defence, and we need it now.

We need it first and foremost because of the situation in Ukraine. There is the urgent need to fill the gaps in Ukraine's military supplies and to provide Ukraine with solid security guarantees. But this moment of reckoning is not only about Ukraine. It is about all of Europe and our entire continent's security.

Putin has proven time and again that he is a hostile neighbour. He cannot be trusted, he can only be deterred. And we know that Russia's military complex is outproducing ours. If we look at the military expenditure in real terms, the Kremlin is spending more than all of Europe combined. Europe's production is still on a lower order of magnitude. And beyond traditional capabilities, the range of threats that we face is getting broader by the day. I know that the European 合法博彩网站 argued for years that Europe needs to do more, and you were absolutely right. And this is more dangerous, today, the era we live in, so Europe really needs to step up.

This is the goal of the plan that I presented to leaders last week. Its logic is very simple: we want to pull every single financial lever we have, to strengthen and fast track our defence production. With the REARM Europe plan, we can mobilise up to EUR听800听billion. So, honourable Members, let me focus on some of the main features of this plan.

First, there is the so-called national escape clause. Let me start with why it is crucial to mobilise national budgets. If we look today, we spend just short of 2听% on average of our GDP on defence. Every analysis today agrees that we need to move north of 3听%. Now look at the entire European budget 鈥� it only reaches 1听% of the GDP. So it is obvious that the bulk of new investments can only come from Member States. This is why we are activating the national escape clause, foreseen by our new fiscal rules. This is a new tool that was created just last year, and we propose to trigger it in a controlled, time-bound and coordinated way for all Member States.

This can transform our defence budgets quickly and effectively. Member States could mobilise up to EUR听650听billion over the next four years, adding round about 1.5听% of GDP to their defence budgets over four years. This is massive. And yet the European Council has tasked us to explore further measures, to facilitate significant defence spending at national level while ensuring debt sustainability.

The second point the European Council has agreed on our proposal for a new financial instrument. We call it SAFE (Security Action for Europe). We offer Member States up to EUR听150听billion in loans, to invest following a few basic principles 鈥� they could focus on a few selected strategic capability domains, you are familiar with them, it's advanced air defence, drones, missiles and ammunition, strategic enablers, military mobility, cyber, artificial intelligence, to name just听a few 鈥� so that we maximise the impact of our investments.

These loans should finance purchases from European producers to help boost our own defence industry. The contract should be multiannual, to give the industry the predictability they need. And finally, there should be a focus on joint procurement, because we have seen how powerful this can be. Just think of the Czech initiative or the Danish initiative to provide weapons and ammunition for Ukraine. One nation took the lead. Others joined in, to place larger orders. Industry then scaled up, and prices went down. It was both very quick and very effective. And this is exactly what we need right now: scale and speed.

This is why we have chosen the emergency procedure under Article 122, which is designed precisely for times when 'severe difficulties arise in the supply of certain products'. In other words, Article 122 allows us to raise money, to lend it to Member States for them to invest in defence. This is the only possibility for emergency financial assistance, and that is what we need now. We will keep 合法博彩网站 constantly updated on progress.

This leads me to my third point: the cohesion funds. This is a possibility that we are offering to Member States. Member States will have the possibility to redirect some of their uncommitted funds to defence-related projects. This could be infrastructure, it could be research and development. This would be voluntary 鈥� voluntary for those who want to go the extra mile. It will be up to 合法博彩网站 and Council to decide on this additional option.听For the same reason, REARM Europe also includes measures to mobilise private investment, with the European Investment Bank and our upcoming Savings and Investment Union.

Honourable Members, all of this will also have positive spillovers for our economy and our competitiveness. It will include new factories and production lines that will be necessary, creating good jobs right here in Europe. The investment boost will be felt well beyond the defence sector. We know the spillover effects to both sides, be it from steel to space, large transport companies or the innovative AI start-ups.

Together, we have the size to deter any hostile country, we have the economic power and now, finally, we also have the political will.听We all wish we could live in more peaceful times, without any question. But I'm confident that if we unleash our industrial power, we can restore deterrence against those who seek to harm us. It is time to build a European Defence Union that ensures peace on our continent, through unity and through strength. This is Europe's moment. And Europe will rise to it. Thank you very much, and long live Europe.

听听Manfred Weber, on behalf of the PPE Group. 鈥� Madam听President of the European 合法博彩网站, European Commission, Council representatives, dear colleagues, we as the EPP know what we owe the Americans: as Supreme Commander Eisenhower and American soldiers brought freedom and democracy back to Europe; as听Reagan's call to the Soviet Union 鈥� 'Tear down this wall!' 鈥� in 1987 brought freedom and democracy also to Central and Eastern Europe.

On the other hand, what happened in the White House two weeks ago was simply a scandal. To say Ukraine is responsible for the war is simply a lie. And even with our long history, with our US friends in mind, we must call a lie a lie. No one can twist the truth. Putin doesn't want to end the war; he wants to end Ukraine. And as Europeans we will never allow this.

After the speech of Vice President Vance in Munich and what happened with Zelenskyy in the Oval Office, one reality is clear: dear friends, we are alone. The world is in turmoil. Europe has to wake up. We have to become responsible for ourselves. Our security is not in the hands of Washington or Moscow. It must be in our hands.

Since 1952, Madam听President 鈥� the Commission听President referred to this 鈥� more than 70 years ago, we had the first idea of building up a defence union. I have to say, we wasted a lot of time in the last 70 years for discussing it endlessly. Last Thursday, putting EUR听800听billion on the table to build up a European defence was an important step, showing that Europe finally takes its defence into its own hands. Money is in this regard a precondition, but is only the starting point of doing so. We need to go further.

The first point: we would save a lot of taxpayers' money if we act together. We have 17 tank听models in the European Union. The Americans only have one. We need standardisation. We need an obligatory common procurement. And we need to build up a true European market for defence goods, with all the further mergers in the industry side. This is not yet fully foreseen in the plan of Thursday.

Secondly, we need joint European projects, like a missile or drones defence system, especially in the east side of Europe; a cyber-defence brigade where everybody understands that cyber is not any more a national issue; a satellite surveillance system where we are not any more depending on US data. And every European citizen would immediately understand it's better to do these kinds of investments together.

I would love to see, then, parts of the troops with the European flags on their uniform. This is not yet foreseen in the plans of last Thursday.

Europe has to answer the offer of France to define the French nuclear shield as a kind of a European shield. This is not yet part of the plan of last Thursday.

Imagine for a second that Trump finally would invite Europe to go to the negotiation table to Saudi Arabia. Who would represent Europe then? Commission President? Council President? High Representative? Merz? Macron? Who would speak on behalf of Europe and on which basis could he or she then speak and act? Unanimity as a precondition for having a voice, then, in Saudi Arabia? Dear colleagues, that shows clearly we are ridiculous. We are not up to the task in this moment of time to give a proper answer. Kissinger said years ago, decades ago, 'Whom shall I call when I want to speak with Europe?' Let's be honest, he didn't give a proper answer on this until now.

Europe stands at a self-defining moment. Personally, I think we should once in the future elect the president of the European Union directly by the citizens of Europe. This is naive. This is a dream. Without dreamers, as Adenauer, De听Gasperi, Schuman, V谩clav Havel and Wa艂臋sa, no one of us would sit today in this Chamber of the European 合法博彩网站.

The truth is that the plan of 1952 was more ambitious on a European spirit than what is on the table today. We need dreams that create hope and the determination to implement them. This method brought 70听years of peace and then finally the reunification of the European Union 35听years ago.

Finally, dear colleagues, because the purpose of the European defence union is to defend our democracy, even more democratic legitimacy of the process is needed. The 合法博彩网站 must be fully involved. Bypassing the 合法博彩网站 with Article 122 is a mistake. Europe's democracy stands on two pillars: it's the citizens and it's the Member States. We need both for our security.

Last Thursday was a great starting point, and I truly congratulate Ursula von听der听Leyen and Ant贸nio Costa for the strong message 鈥� the will to invest into our defence and to our strength. But this can only be a starting point. The main task of our generation is to create a true European defence union. The European People's Party is ready to do so.

听听Iratxe Garc铆a P茅rez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, hoy, una vez m谩s, podemos mirar hacia atr谩s y reconocer que nuestros fundadores ten铆an raz贸n: Europa se forja en las crisis. Desde los escombros de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta la pandemia, pasando por la ca铆da del Muro de Berl铆n, cada desaf铆o nos ha hecho m谩s fuertes, m谩s unidos y m谩s conscientes de nuestro papel en el mundo.

La llegada al poder de Donald Trump y su vergonzoso acercamiento al criminal de guerra Vlad铆mir Putin han dejado claro que no podemos depender de terceros para garantizar nuestra seguridad. Esta crisis nos brinda una oportunidad sin precedentes: dar un salto adelante en la construcci贸n de una verdadera Uni贸n Europea de Defensa.

El plan de rearme para movilizar 800听000 millones de euros es un paso positivo; pero no nos enga帽emos, es solo el primer paso. La suspensi贸n de las reglas fiscales para liberar 650听000 millones no garantiza que se alcance esa cifra, ya que no todos los pa铆ses tienen el mismo m煤sculo fiscal; y los 150听000 millones en pr茅stamos respaldados por deuda comunitaria deben ser el embri贸n de un nuevo instrumento, el sucesor del Next听Generation听EU.

No podemos permitir que las soluciones nacionales fragmenten nuestra defensa y aumenten los costes. Necesitamos m谩s deuda com煤n, m谩s solidaridad y m谩s visi贸n estrat茅gica y, al mismo tiempo, garantizar que esta inversi贸n en defensa no se haga a costa del gasto social y del estado de bienestar, que son la esencia del proyecto europeo. Porque, si sacrificamos nuestro modelo social, estaremos alimentando el caldo de cultivo de la extrema derecha y socavando los cimientos de nuestra democracia.

Madam President, colleagues, the construction of a genuine common defence and our support for Ukraine are two sides of the same coin. For three years now, a democratic nation has been suffering the brutal aggression of Vladimir Putin, an aggression driven by imperialist paranoia, justified with lies, aimed at stopping Ukraine's integration into our democratic and prosperous Europe.

We cannot and will not allow Ukraine's sacrifice to be in vain. A sacrifice that has already cost thousands of lives, with hundreds of thousands injured and millions displaced. The European people have a long memory. Neither Trump nor Putin will make us forget the bombing of civilians, the massacres in Bucha, Mariupol and Zaporizhzhia, or the bravery of families who have sent their loved ones to the frontlines only to lose everything.

But let me be clear, we cannot resign ourselves to helping Ukraine only to resist. We must help Ukraine to win this war. To achieve this, we need bold and decisive action. Mrs van der Leyen, we are waiting for your legal proposal to confiscate the EUR 200 billion in frozen Russian assets to rebuild and arm Ukraine.听We cannot we cannot continue to tie Ukraine's hands while Russia bombs its people.

Colleagues, if we let Kiev fall to Putin, autocrats will have won a decisive battle against democracy, a battle that will define the 21st century.

As Churchill said to Chamberlain, "You were given the choice between war and dishonour. You chose dishonour and you will have war". Let us not repeat that mistake. Let us stand with Ukraine. Let us defend our values and let us ensure that democracy prevails.

听听Jordan Bardella, au nom du groupe PfE. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Madame la Pr茅sidente von听der听Leyen, vous voil脿 rattrap茅e par l鈥檋istoire et par la r茅alit茅 d鈥檜n monde dont vous avez toujours rejet茅 l鈥檈xistence 鈥撎齯n monde dans lequel vous avez cru bon et juste de d茅l茅guer notre s茅curit茅 aux 脡tats-Unis, nos industries 脿 la Chine et notre politique 茅nerg茅tique 脿 la Russie. La le莽on des dix derniers jours est celle de l鈥檋umanit茅 tout enti猫re: une nation qui ne ma卯trise ni ses armes, ni son 茅conomie, ni son destin est une nation condamn茅e 脿 subir l鈥檋istoire plut么t qu鈥櫭� l鈥櫭ヽrire. Nous voil脿 donc immerg茅s dans un monde d鈥檌nt茅r锚ts et d鈥檃mbitions, un monde dur, dangereux et mouvant, o霉 les app茅tits s鈥檃iguisent. Face 脿 l鈥檈nlisement du conflit en Ukraine et au risque de prolonger une guerre sans perspective de victoire claire, face 脿 l鈥檋orizon du d茅sengagement am茅ricain, nous devons avoir deux priorit茅s absolues: la paix et l鈥檌nd茅pendance.

La premi猫re, la plus urgente, se construira par la diplomatie. L鈥檕rganisation d鈥檜n sommet de la famille occidentale, id茅e formul茅e par la Premi猫re ministre italienne, Giorgia听Meloni, devrait nous permettre de d茅finir clairement nos objectifs pour la souverainet茅 de l鈥橴kraine, les exigences que nous devons mettre sur la table et les garanties de s茅curit茅 脿 offrir 脿 ce pays alli茅, afin qu鈥檌l ne subisse plus jamais les assauts de l鈥檃gresseur russe.

La deuxi猫me boussole, 脿 plus long terme, est de b芒tir l鈥檃utonomie des nations d鈥橢urope, pour faire en sorte que personne d鈥檃utre que nous ne d茅termine nos int茅r锚ts et les conditions de notre s茅curit茅. Si elle est capable de repenser une diplomatie libre et ind茅pendante, la France peut redevenir la force d鈥檈ntra卯nement du continent et l鈥檌nterlocutrice 茅vidente et naturelle de ce nouveau monde, parce que la France est dot茅e d鈥檜ne arm茅e de m茅tier reconnue, d鈥檜ne base industrielle d鈥檈xception, d鈥檜n si猫ge permanent au Conseil de s茅curit茅 de l鈥橭NU, de la dissuasion nucl茅aire et, bien s没r, parce qu鈥檈lle est l鈥檋茅riti猫re d鈥檜n pacte vingt fois s茅culaire entre la grandeur d鈥檜ne nation et la libert茅 du monde.

Madame von der Leyen, permettez-moi de vous dire que tous vos choix politiques se sont, h茅las, fracass茅s sur le mur du r茅el. Avec le pacte vert, vous avez opt茅 pour la d茅croissance, alors qu鈥檌l fallait produire sans entrave. Vous avez d茅savou茅 le nucl茅aire, opt茅 pour l鈥檌nflation de normes et de taxes, et encourag茅 les achats de mat茅riel am茅ricain plut么t que d鈥檃ppliquer la pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne en mati猫re de d茅fense. Ce n鈥檈st qu鈥檃u prix de changements d鈥檕rientation profonds que l鈥橢urope restera une actrice de l鈥檋istoire, dissuadera les menaces et imposera le respect aux empires.

听听President. 鈥� Now I give the floor to the President of the European Council.

Mr听Procaccini, can I give the floor to the President of the European Council first, because he has just arrived?

听听Ant贸nio Costa, President of the European Council. 鈥� Madam听President, Madam听President of the European Commission, Minister Sz艂apka, honourable Members, the European Union is living a defining moment. The sense of urgency is upon us. Geopolitical tensions have risen over the last weeks. Multilateralism is under enormous pressure, and so is the rules-based international order.

Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine entered its third year and the threat it represents has wider implications for Europe and international security. This is exactly why, last week, the European Council took fast and ambitious decisions on defence and Ukraine. We are putting our money where our mouth is. We are delivering on what we promised.

Three years ago precisely, in Versailles, we decided to boost Europe's defence to build the Europe of defence. Three years ago, we laid the foundation of what we decided last week. Over the last three years, Member States increased their defence spending by 30听%. Over the last three years, on average, among the 23 European Union Member States that are in NATO, we reached the NATO target for 2024 of 2听% of GDP.

Now we are going much further. In one month, working hand in hand with the European Commission, we have kick-started the Europe of Defence. On 3听February, in the informal leaders' meeting with the special participation of the British Prime Minister and the Secretary General of NATO, we opened the way for decisions.

Last week, the Commission anticipated some of its proposals on defence financing, which were the basis for European Council decisions. In this special European Council, we decided to invest in the priority areas already defined by the European Defence Agency, reflecting the lessons learned from the war in Ukraine and in full coherence with NATO: air and missile defence, artillery systems, missiles and ammunition, drones and anti-drone systems, strategic enablers, military mobility, artificial intelligence, cyber and electronic warfare.

We have also decided to mobilise more public and private funds for our defence. We welcome the Commission's initiative to dedicate EUR听150听billion of additional defence spending to funding the capabilities we urgently need. In addition to the loan instrument proposed by the Commission, leaders were clear that we need flexibility. With the Stability and Growth Pact and in the use of the European funds, it will also be important to provide more public money for the defence sector where Member States decide to do so.

The European Investment Bank initiative to broaden its mandate for more loans to the defence sector will improve access to private financing.

Finally, we decided to spend better and more efficiently together, with joint procurement ensuring standardisation and simplifying permitting and reporting requirements.

Our focus is clear: next week, the Commission and the High Representative will present the white paper on defence, and the European Council will continue to take work forward to build our deterrence, to strengthen the security of our continent.

Competitiveness and defence must go hand in hand to boost Europe's industrial and technological competitiveness, to create jobs, reinforcing economic convergence and the resilience of our value-chain networks. It is the right way to make the European Union stronger. It is the right way to protect our citizens and our social model.

Madame la Pr茅sidente, Mesdames et Messieurs, les efforts que nous d茅ployons pour d茅penser davantage en faveur de la d茅fense europ茅enne profiteront 茅galement 脿 l鈥橴kraine. La s茅curit茅 de l鈥橴kraine et celle de l鈥橢urope sont indissociables. Les meilleures garanties de s茅curit茅 que nous pouvons apporter sont le renforcement de la capacit茅 de l鈥橴kraine 脿 assurer sa d茅fense et la construction d'une Europe de la d茅fense cr茅dible et solide.

La semaine derni猫re, nous avons 茅galement charg茅 le Conseil de travailler rapidement 脿 de nouvelles initiatives visant 脿 r茅pondre aux besoins urgents de l鈥橴kraine en mati猫re militaire et de d茅fense. Dans le m锚me temps, nous nous pr茅parons 脿 soutenir l鈥橴kraine lorsqu鈥檈lle aura d茅cid茅 d鈥檈ntamer des n茅gociations, afin de l鈥檃ider 脿 parvenir 脿 une paix globale, juste et durable. Nous nous tenons, ainsi que de nombreux partenaires, aux c么t茅s de l鈥橴kraine.

Vendredi, j鈥檃i organis茅 une vid茅oconf茅rence avec la pr茅sidente de la Commission europ茅enne, la haute repr茅sentante et des partenaires de l鈥橭TAN tels que les 脡tats-Unis, le Canada, la Turquie, la Norv猫ge et l鈥橧slande. La r茅union extraordinaire du Conseil europ茅en venait de se terminer, et nos amis ont eu des r茅actions tr猫s positives en ce qui concerne nos d茅cisions, notre rapidit茅, ainsi que l鈥檈ngagement et l鈥檌nt茅r锚t qui sont les n么tres d猫s lors qu鈥檌l s鈥檃git de renforcer, toujours plus, notre coop茅ration.

Nous devons garder le rythme. Lors du Conseil europ茅en qui se tiendra la semaine prochaine, nous poursuivrons les discussions et prendrons des d茅cisions suppl茅mentaires sur la comp茅titivit茅, la prosp茅rit茅 partag茅e de l鈥橢urope et l鈥檃utonomie strat茅gique europ茅enne. Nous sommes tous conscients de l鈥檜rgence qu鈥檌l y a 脿 combler notre retard en mati猫re d鈥檌nnovation, de productivit茅 et d鈥檌nvestissement. Le r茅tablissement de la comp茅titivit茅 de l鈥橢urope doit donc rester au premier rang de nos priorit茅s. Il s鈥檃gira d鈥檜ne question essentielle lors de la prochaine r茅union du Conseil europ茅en, et je reviendrai devant ce Parlement pour rendre compte de nos discussions.

Senhora Presidente, Senhoras Deputadas e Senhores Deputados, hoje n茫o 茅 apenas o terceiro anivers谩rio da Declara莽茫o de Versalhes, 茅 tamb茅m o quinquag茅simo anivers谩rio da primeira reuni茫o do Conselho Europeu, em mar莽o de 1975 鈥� e 茅 tamb茅m o meu cent茅simo dia nestas fun莽玫es.

Cem dias em que se tornou claro que a Europa da Defesa e a Europa da Prosperidade Partilhada s茫o as prioridades deste mandato e s茫o prioridades interdependentes.

Cem dias em que se tornou claro que refor莽ar o papel da Europa no mundo 茅 uma prioridade estrat茅gica. Porque o atual contexto nos impele a alargar a nossa rede de parceiros, uma rede que j谩 茅 vasta, mas uma rede que tem tudo para poder crescer: nos acordos de com茅rcio, na coopera莽茫o para o desenvolvimento e na lideran莽a das grandes causas globais, como o Pacto para o Futuro ou o combate 脿s altera莽玫es clim谩ticas. Porque a Uni茫o Europeia 茅 um parceiro fi谩vel, previs铆vel e atrativo e muitos pa铆ses t锚m muita vontade de colaborar connosco a todos os n铆veis.

Por 煤ltimo, cem dias num esp铆rito de excelente coopera莽茫o interinstitucional.听Thank you, dear Roberta, danke sch枚n, liebe Ursula.

As institui莽玫es europeias e os Estados-Membros t锚m de estar mais unidos do que nunca para refor莽ar a Uni茫o Europeia. Para avan莽ar, precisamos de ter mais confian莽a em n贸s pr贸prios, mais confian莽a no nosso poder coletivo, mais unidade para enfrentar uma nova era geopol铆tica.

N茫o h谩 d煤vida de que estamos a obter resultados mais rapidamente, de que a Uni茫o est谩 mais forte pela seguran莽a e pela paz e pela prosperidade na Ucr芒nia, pela seguran莽a e pela paz e pela prosperidade na Europa.

听听Nicola Procaccini, on behalf of the ECR Group. 鈥� Madam President, now I deserve an extra minute because of the discomfort you cause me.

听听President. 鈥� I understand, I understand!

听听Nicola Procaccini (ECR). 鈥� So thank you, President. The European Council represents a step in the journey back to reality, which we welcome.

Yes, we would have liked greater clarity on the sources of financing for the plan, on long-term planning and on its integration within the overall framework of the Atlantic Alliance.

Considering rearmed EU retaliation against Trump and the USA is a tragic mistake, just as it would be to see it as a concession to the Trump administration. Investing in defence and security is an act of dignity for our nations, and the mark of respect for our international allies.

It was Obama and Biden before Trump who asked Europe not to rely solely on the sacrifices of the American working class. And what was Europe's response? The Green Deal, a massively expensive welfare system, tariffs on American cars, and some moral lessons towards those who ensured our security with their own money and even their own blood.

Macron is right when he says that imagining the European Union as the only herbivorous power in a world of carnivores is pure utopia. The problem is that we don't stop breeding the carnivores. Look at the European imports of liquefied natural gas from Russia. Do you know how much France alone has increased its LNG purchases in the past year? By 81听%! Money that Putin uses for the missiles, with which he bombs Ukraine daily.

When Trump says that the European Union has given more money to Putin than to Zelenskyy, he is telling the truth. I hope this hypocrisy ends once and for all.

The Italian Prime Minister is right. Let us not call it ReArmEU, but DefendEU because the peace and freedom we enjoy must be defended. And defence is not only about weapons but also about strategic infrastructure, raw materials, communication systems and technological innovations.

Meloni is right again, and not only her, when she states that the European defence detached from American allies and NATO is unthinkable.

Politicians and legislatures come and go, but the West remains and must remain for a long time. We are bound by a common path and a common destiny. As they say in Latin, "Simul stabunt, simul cadent".

听听Val茅rie Hayer, au nom du groupe Renew. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Pr茅sident, Madame la Pr茅sidente de la Commission, chers coll猫gues, Monsieur le Ministre, qui aurait pu penser, il y a quelques semaines, que les 脡tats-Unis soutiendraient 脿 l鈥橭NU, avec la Chine et la Cor茅e du Nord, une r茅solution russe contre l鈥橴kraine? Qui aurait pu penser que son pr茅sident dirait un jour qu鈥檌l r茅cup茅rerait le Groenland, territoire europ茅en, 芦d鈥檜ne mani猫re ou d鈥檜ne autre禄? Ce qui est en train de se passer outre-Atlantique, ce n鈥檈st pas un simple d茅sengagement; c鈥檈st un renversement complet d鈥檃lliances. Je ne pensais pas dire cela un jour, mais aujourd鈥檋ui les faits sont l脿: dans un monde o霉, depuis vingt听ans, la Russie et la Chine augmentent massivement leurs d茅penses de d茅fense, la Maison-Blanche, sous Donald听Trump, n鈥檈st plus notre alli茅e. Notre monde est de plus en plus hostile, et nous devons en tirer deux cons茅quences.

La premi猫re, c鈥檈st que nous devons savoir nous d茅fendre tout seuls. Alors, Madame la Pr茅sidente, achetons europ茅en, investissons europ茅en et produisons europ茅en. Oui, cent fois oui, 脿 ces 800听milliards d鈥檈uros, 脿 sortir la d茅fense de nos r猫gles budg茅taires et m锚me 脿 un emprunt commun. Oui 脿 une pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne, faute de quoi notre argent ira encore alimenter d鈥檃utres 茅conomies que la n么tre. Sans pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne, pas d鈥檃utonomie strat茅gique et donc pas de souverainet茅.

Toutefois, il faut aussi dire les choses: on aura besoin de plus. Il faudra donc travailler tr猫s vite, Madame la Pr茅sidente, aux obligations europ茅ennes propos茅s par le Parlement et par un certain nombre de gouvernements en Europe. Il faudra aussi travailler aux modalit茅s de mobilisation de l鈥櫭﹑argne des Europ茅ens. L鈥檈njeu strat茅gique, 茅videmment, c鈥檈st l鈥檃rgent, mais pas uniquement. La coordination sera cl茅. Il faut que nos arm茅es et notre million de soldats europ茅ens soient capables de travailler ensemble. Il faut aussi que nous avancions sur le b茅n茅fice europ茅en de la dissuasion nucl茅aire, sans bien s没r remettre en cause la d茅cision souveraine nationale de l鈥檃ctiver. C鈥檈st 脿 ces seules conditions que nous pr茅serverons la paix pour nos concitoyens.

Il est 茅galement urgent, pour assurer notre s茅curit茅, de continuer 脿 soutenir l鈥橴kraine, parce que la s茅curit茅 des Ukrainiens, c鈥檈st aussi notre s茅curit茅. La d茅cision de Donald听Trump d鈥檃rr锚ter les livraisons d鈥檃rmements et le partage de renseignements ne nous rappelle qu鈥檜ne chose: nous devons reprendre notre destin en main, continuer 脿 essayer de convaincre l鈥檃dministration am茅ricaine qu鈥檈lle fait une erreur, 茅videmment, mais, pendant ce temps, acc茅l茅rer notre aide 脿 l鈥橴kraine et 锚tre force de proposition pour offrir des garanties de s茅curit茅 脿 l鈥橴kraine 鈥撎齟t 脿 nous-m锚mes. Cela passe notamment par l鈥檈nvoi de troupes europ茅ennes pour le maintien de la paix, une fois un accord obtenu. Nous devons dissuader une fois pour toutes la menace russe.

La deuxi猫me cons茅quence 脿 tirer, c鈥檈st que notre mod猫le d茅mocratique est attaqu茅: 脿 l鈥檈st par les ing茅rences russes et 脿 l鈥檕uest par le camp Trump et les alli茅s de cette internationale r茅actionnaire, ici m锚me dans cet h茅micycle. Monsieur听Procaccini, quand vous pr茅tendez que les 脡tats-Unis ont donn茅 davantage d鈥檃rgent et de soutien 脿 l鈥橴kraine que l鈥橢urope, c鈥檈st faux. Vous le savez parfaitement et vous reprenez en ce sens 脿 la fois la propagande de Trump et la propagande du Kremlin. Nous sommes aux c么t茅s de l鈥橴kraine, nous avons 茅t茅 aux c么t茅s de l鈥橴kraine depuis le d茅but et nous continuerons de l鈥櫭猼re jusqu鈥櫭� l鈥檕btention de la paix 鈥撎齦a paix n鈥櫭﹖ant en aucun cas la capitulation.

Madame la Pr茅sidente, le bouclier d茅mocratique doit 锚tre une cl茅 de vo没te de ce mandat, et nous attendons votre proposition avec impatience autant qu鈥檈xigence; mais commen莽ons d茅j脿 par appliquer les lois qui existent d茅j脿. O霉 en est l鈥檈nqu锚te sur le DSA? Le principe fondamental du droit, c鈥檈st que, quand on viole les r猫gles, il y a sanction, et c鈥檈st votre responsabilit茅 d鈥檈n assurer le respect.

Chers coll猫gues, l鈥橢urope est une puissance stabilisatrice. Notre objectif, c鈥檈st la paix, l鈥檕rdre international et la promotion de la d茅mocratie. Nous avons les atouts pour 锚tre une puissance politique et militaire. Il est temps de s鈥檃ssumer comme telle.

听听Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. 鈥� Madam President, first of all, Mr Costa, I would like to thank you for the Council conclusions, and certainly on Ukraine, where you opted for a conclusion by 26 Member States and not 27. And I think that was a very good decision to do, and not every time try to weaken our conclusions in order to get all 27 on board.

However, this also means that the Council should act on this asset of Putin within the Council. Doing conclusions with only 26 is a first step, triggering Article 7 is really, really time to act on it.

Secondly, Madam President, I want to thank you for your ReArm proposal. And the Greens are fully on board and supporting you for a truly European defence and security Union. However, in your plan, we do have some questions and concerns.

First of all, triggering an escape clause. To be very honest, if you are triggering an escape clause in your fiscal rules continuously, maybe at a certain moment you need to wonder whether maybe the fiscal rules are not fit for purpose and you need a proper review instead of every time triggering an escape rule.

Secondly, and here I have to agree with Mr Weber, the European approach is not strong enough in your approach. Of the 800 billion, only 150 billion are European, the rest is national. Without any clear indication it will be a European approach. And even with the 150, only by doing it through a joint procurement, I'm not sure this will really have a proper European approach. We don't need more tanks on the Greek-Turkish border.

That brings me to the third point. Defence and security is much broader than arms and ammunition. This is about infrastructure. European infrastructure needs to be improved also to transport all the materials throughout Europe. This is about real infrastructure as well. This is about cyber security but this is also about energy independence. And Mr Procaccini, you said it already, looking at how much money we as Europe are spending on fossil dependency, EUR 400 billion each year, and we moved it from Russia to the United States. It's not helping anything. So the green transition is in the same agenda as the security agenda and should not be treated separately.

And that is why we are concerned that investments in green and social transition are being at the cost of investments in security, and therefore we need to increase both and we need to increase spending on both.

That brings me to the last point. The situation in Ukraine is very dire and very sincere, and we cannot not act and we cannot lack on action and have complacency. The next Council needs to act faster. We need to stand by Ukraine. We need peace in Europe. We need peace in Ukraine. We need peace on our own terms.

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY
痴颈锄别辫谤盲蝉颈诲别苍迟颈苍

听听Martin Schirdewan, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Donald Trump ist bereit, die Ukraine Russland zum Fra脽 vorzuwerfen. Die Zerst枚rung des V枚lkerrechts und eine internationale Ordnung, in der nicht mehr die St盲rke des Rechts, sondern das Recht des St盲rkeren G眉ltigkeit hat, sind dabei eingepreist. Umso mehr r盲cht sich jetzt, Frau von der Leyen, dass Sie die Diplomatie in den letzten Jahren leider so sch盲ndlich ignoriert haben und einzig und allein auf eine milit盲rische L枚sung des Krieges in der Ukraine gesetzt haben.

Keine einzige diplomatische Initiative wurde durch die Kommission unterst眉tzt, weder die Bem眉hungen der T眉rkei, Brasiliens, Chinas, Israels, der afrikanischen Staaten, nicht einmal die des Papstes. Und ja, es handelt sich um ein massives politisches Versagen europ盲ischer Politik. Und auch jetzt in Ihrer Rede听鈥� aber auch in Ihrer Rede, Herr Costa听鈥� kein einziges Wort dazu, dass die Kommission oder der Rat sich der Diplomatie zuwenden wollen, die doch vor allem und zuallererst der Ukraine dienen w眉rde.

Die transatlantische Partnerschaft existiert nicht mehr. Trump 眉berzieht die Welt mit einem massiven Handelskrieg und macht seinen Frieden mit Diktatoren 脿 la Putin, w盲hrend europ盲ische Politiker am Nasenring durch die Manege des Wei脽en Hauses gezogen werden. Doch hier bei Ihnen dominiert weiterhin ausschlie脽lich milit盲risches Denken. Pl枚tzlich gibt es 800听Milliarden mehr f眉r Aufr眉stung, keine Schuldenbremse mehr听鈥� Geld, das garantiere ich, das vor allem in amerikanische Waffen flie脽en wird.

Aber strategische Unabh盲ngigkeit bedeutet doch, f眉r verantwortungsvolle Politik endlich Schluss mit der Schuldenbremse zu machen und massive Investitionen in Industrie und in digitale Infrastruktur vorzunehmen. Sie bedeutet Energiesicherheit, soziale Sicherheit und Forschung und Entwicklung. Jetzt ist die Gelegenheit, die kl眉gsten K枚pfe nach Europa zu locken. Der europ盲ische Digitalmarkt darf sich nicht l盲nger in den H盲nden von Elon Musk und anderen Tech-Faschos aus den USA befinden.

Die NATO ist doch jetzt schon Geschichte. Die EU braucht eine eigene Sicherheitsarchitektur, bei der Diplomatie immer Vorrang vor milit盲rischen L枚sungen haben muss. Das widerspricht nicht der Idee notwendiger Verteidigungsf盲higkeit, das widerspricht aber fundamental den Profitinteressen der R眉stungskonzerne und ihrer Gro脽aktion盲re: Damit niemand am Krieg verdient, muss die europ盲ische R眉stungsindustrie verstaatlicht werden.

Und Sie sollten sich gerade jetzt f眉r die St盲rkung internationaler Organisationen wie der UNO einsetzen und das V枚lkerrecht verteidigen. Doch auch dazu kein einziges Wort, weder in Ihrer Rede, Frau von der Leyen, noch in Ihrer Rede, Herr Costa.

Ja, Selbstbestimmung und Souver盲nit盲t stehen der Ukraine zu. Doch nicht nur bei Russland, sondern auch bei der T眉rkei und Israel m眉ssen V枚lkerrechtsbr眉che klar kritisiert werden. Internationales Recht gilt auch f眉r Freunde, nicht nur f眉r erkl盲rte Gegner. Wer Glaubw眉rdigkeit will, muss Doppelstandards 眉berwinden.

Und strategische Unabh盲ngigkeit bedeutet nicht zuletzt auch ein besseres Verh盲ltnis zu China. Frau von der Leyen, die EU-Kommission muss endlich aufh枚ren, Weltpolitik mit der strategischen Weitsicht eines Kindes zu betreiben.

听听Zsuzsanna Borvend茅g, a ESN k茅pvisel艖csoport nev茅ben. 鈥� Eln枚k Asszony! Tudj谩k, mit nevezett Arthur Koestler z谩rt rendszernek? Egy olyan gondolkod谩si s茅m谩t, amely kiz谩rja a realit谩st 茅s a logikai 枚sszef眉gg茅seket az 茅rvel茅sb艖l. 脡rzelmi alapon 谩ll, 茅s figyelmen k铆v眉l hagyja a j贸zan 茅szt 茅s a val贸s谩got. Amikor 脰n枚k a k枚r眉lm茅nyek v谩ltoz谩s谩t贸l f眉ggetlen眉l Ukrajna tov谩bbi t枚retlen t谩mogat谩s谩t er艖ltetik, ebben a z谩rt rendszerben gondolkodnak. A realit谩sok tagad谩s谩val el茅rt茅k azt, hogy 煤gy t疟nik, Eur贸pa kimarad a b茅kerendez茅sb艖l 茅s ez谩ltal az 茅rdekszf茅r谩k 煤jrafeloszt谩s谩b贸l is.

Ideje lenne szemben茅zni眉k a val贸s谩ggal. Magyarorsz谩got 茅vek 贸ta sz茅gyenpadra 眉ltetik jog谩llamis谩gi probl茅m谩k 茅s a transzparencia hi谩nya miatt. Ukrajna kapcs谩n ez mi茅rt nem zavarja 脰n枚ket? Demokr谩ci谩r贸l nem besz茅lhet眉nk, illegitim az eln枚ke, mindennaposak az emberi jogokat s茅rt艖, er艖szakos k茅nyszersoroz谩sok, a kisebbs茅gi jogok tipr谩sa lassan n茅pirt谩sba fordul, m茅gsem hallok jog谩llamis谩gi aggodalmakat.

Ahelyett, hogy 煤jabb csillag谩szati 枚sszegeket szavaznak meg a h谩bor煤ra, ki kellene vizsg谩lni a transzparencia jegy茅ben, hogy az eddig Ukrajn谩ba k眉ld枚tt eur贸milli谩rdokb贸l mennyi ker眉lt oligarch谩k kez茅be. Tiszt谩zni kell, hogy az oda 茅rkez艖 fegyverek egy r茅sze val贸ban olyan terrorszervezetekn茅l k枚t枚tt-e ki, mint a Hamasz vagy az ISIS, esetleg a mexik贸i drogkartell is profit谩lt-e bel艖le? L茅pjenek ki elm茅j眉k z谩rt rendszer茅b艖l, 茅s m茅rj茅k fel a realit谩sokat, miel艖tt Ukrajna EU-s 茅s NATO tags谩g谩r贸l fant谩zi谩lnak, mert Eur贸pa v茅gzetes elgyeng眉l茅s茅vel 茅s a harmadik vil谩gh谩bor煤val j谩tszanak!

听听Die Pr盲sidentin. 鈥� Damit endet die Runde der Fraktionssprecherinnen und 鈥憇precher. Ich werde jetzt mit der Redezeit relativ streng sein m眉ssen, weil wir im Anschluss einen fixen Termin haben. Ich schlie脽e auch das Catch鈥憈he鈥慐ye鈥慉nmeldeverfahren; wir haben schon jetzt mehr Anmeldungen, als wir nehmen k枚nnen.

听听Andrzej Halicki (PPE). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! To bardzo wa偶ne dni i bardzo wa偶ny moment. To moment, na kt贸ry czekaj膮 te偶 obywatele, 偶eby przesta膰 ju偶 rozmawia膰, tkwi膰 w nieustannych sporach politycznych. Trzeba dzia艂a膰. Bezpiecze艅stwo wymaga dzisiaj szybkiego dzia艂ania, bo na to czekaj膮 obywatele. I patriotyzm nie polega ju偶 dzisiaj na gadaniu. Dzi艣 patriot膮 jest ten, kto szybko uruchamia 艣rodki, projekty, kt贸re s艂u偶膮 budowaniu bezpiecze艅stwa. Nie ma prawa nazywa膰 si臋 patriot膮 ten, kto proces ten b臋dzie spowalnia艂, blokowa艂 albo g艂osowa艂 przeciw. I to nie jest te偶 moment, w kt贸rym mo偶emy prowadzi膰 proceduralne spory.

Apeluj臋 z tego miejsca do Parlamentu o podj臋cie bardzo szybkiej decyzji i uruchomienie 艣rodk贸w z silnym mandatem dla Komisji Europejskiej i z silnym mandatem dla rz膮d贸w i naszych lider贸w. Tak, dzisiaj te projekty musimy uruchamia膰 jak najszybciej i tempo podejmowania decyzji jest kluczowe. Obywatele czekaj膮 nie tylko na uruchomienie miliard贸w na przemys艂 zbrojeniowy, ale tak偶e na wzmocnienie infrastruktury granicznej. Lata stracili艣my, 偶eby przekaza膰 w tym kierunku pieni膮dze. Dzi艣 pierwsze euro pop艂yn臋艂y, ale to kropla w morzu potrzeb.

Potrzebny jest projekt Tarcza Wsch贸d. To nie jest projekt polskiego rz膮du. To jest projekt wzmacniania bezpiecze艅stwa ca艂ej Europy, od Finlandii po Rumuni臋. On musi mie膰 europejskie wsparcie. Potrzebne s膮 艣rodki na projekty tak zwanego podw贸jnego przeznaczenia, bo szko艂y, szpitale, parkingi mog膮 by膰 kluczowe tak偶e dla bezpiecze艅stwa, i te projekty musz膮 mie膰 wsparcie europejskich 艣rodk贸w, europejskich funduszy.

Obywatele czekaj膮 na nasz rozs膮dek i szybkie decyzje. Jeszcze raz apeluj臋: mniej spor贸w, mniej gadania, mniej biurokracji, mniej debat i rezolucji. Szybsze wsp贸lne decyzje, by mo偶na by艂o uruchomi膰 proponowane miliardy przez Komisj臋 Europejsk膮 dla bezpiecze艅stwa naszych obywateli.

听听螕喂维谓谓畏蟼 螠伪谓喂维蟿畏蟼 (S&D). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 伪纬伪蟺畏蟿慰委 蟽蠀谓维未蔚位蠁慰喂, 畏 伪谓伪胃蔚蠋蟻畏蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蔚尉蠅蟿蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎蟼 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 蠁苇蟻谓蔚喂 蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 蟺蟻慰 蟿蠅谓 蔚蠀胃蠀谓蠋谓 蟿畏蟼. 螤蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蟽蠀谓蔚蠂委蟽慰蠀渭蔚 谓伪 蟽蟿畏蟻委味慰蠀渭蔚 蟿畏谓 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪. 螘委谓伪喂 畏 魏伪位蠉蟿蔚蟻畏 蔚蟺苇谓未蠀蟽畏 蟺慰蠀 渭蟺慰蟻慰蠉渭蔚 谓伪 魏维谓慰蠀渭蔚 纬喂伪 蟿畏 未喂魏萎 渭伪蟼 维渭蠀谓伪. 螚 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿畏纬喂魏萎 伪蠀蟿慰谓慰渭委伪 蟿畏蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼, 喂未喂伪委蟿蔚蟻伪 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟿慰渭蔚委蟼 蟿畏蟼 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 魏伪喂 蟿畏蟼 维渭蠀谓伪蟼, 蔚委谓伪喂 蟺位苇慰谓 伪谓伪谓蟿委蟻蟻畏蟿畏 伪谓维纬魏畏. 韦慰 ReArm EU, 伪谓 魏伪喂 伪魏慰蠉纬蔚蟿伪喂 蠁喂位蠈未慰尉慰, 未蔚谓 魏维谓蔚喂 蟿畏 未喂伪蠁慰蟻维, 魏伪喂 蟿伪 800 未喂蟽蔚魏伪蟿慰渭渭蠉蟻喂伪 蔚委谓伪喂 未维谓蔚喂伪 蟺慰蠀 蟽蔚 魏伪渭委伪 蠈渭蠅蟼 蟺蔚蟻委蟺蟿蠅蟽畏 未蔚谓 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蔚尉蔚蠀蟻蔚胃慰蠉谓 蟽蔚 尾维蟻慰蟼 蟿慰蠀 魏慰喂谓蠅谓喂魏慰蠉 魏蟻维蟿慰蠀蟼, 蟿慰蠀 魏蟻维蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺蟻蠈谓慰喂伪蟼, 蟿蠅谓 蟿伪渭蔚委蠅谓 蟽蠀谓慰蠂萎蟼. 螘蟺喂蟺位苇慰谓, 伪谓 畏 蟻萎蟿蟻伪 未喂伪蠁蠀纬萎蟼 未蔚谓 蔚蠁伪蟻渭慰蟽蟿蔚委 渭蔚 伪蠀蟽蟿畏蟻慰蠉蟼 魏伪谓蠈谓蔚蟼, 蠋蟽蟿蔚 谓伪 伪谓蟿喂渭蔚蟿蠅蟺喂蟽蟿慰蠉谓 慰喂 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿畏纬喂魏苇蟼 伪谓维纬魏蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 苇蠂慰蠀渭蔚 蠅蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏, 畏 蔚蠁伪蟻渭慰纬萎 蟿畏蟼 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 未畏渭喂慰蠀蟻纬萎蟽蔚喂 蟺蔚蟻喂蟽蟽蠈蟿蔚蟻伪 蟺蟻慰尾位萎渭伪蟿伪 伪蟺蠈 伪蠀蟿维 蟺慰蠀 蔚蟺喂蠂蔚喂蟻蔚委 谓伪 位蠉蟽蔚喂. 螚 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 慰蠁蔚委位蔚喂 谓伪 蠀蟺蔚蟻伪蟽蟺喂蟽蟿蔚委 蟿伪 蟽蠉谓慰蟻伪 魏伪喂 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 伪蟺苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟽蔚 魏维胃蔚 伪蟺蔚喂位萎 伪蟺蠈 蟿蟻委蟿畏 蠂蠋蟻伪, 蔚委蟿蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈 伪蠁慰蟻维 蟿喂蟼 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螔伪位蟿喂魏萎蟼 魏伪喂 蟿畏蟼 螒谓伪蟿慰位喂魏萎蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼 蔚委蟿蔚 蟿喂蟼 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螒谓伪蟿慰位喂魏萎蟼 螠蔚蟽慰纬蔚委慰蠀, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蔚委谓伪喂 畏 螘位位维未伪 魏伪喂 畏 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蟼. 危伪蟼 蔚蠀蠂伪蟻喂蟽蟿蠋.

听听Tam谩s Deutsch (PfE). 鈥� Eln枚k Asszony! Eur贸p谩ban az emberek b茅k茅t akarnak, Amerik谩ban az emberek b茅k茅t akarnak. Az USA patri贸ta vezet茅se ez茅rt elk枚telezetten b茅kep谩rti. Az eur贸pai vezet艖k viszont tov谩bbra is a h谩bor煤t akarj谩k folytatni. Ez t枚bb, mint b疟n. Ez hiba. Br眉sszel eddigi Ukrajna strat茅gi谩ja megbukott. Az eur贸pai vezet艖k h谩bor煤s usz铆t谩sa, a hangzatos sz贸noklatok, a szankci贸s politika biztos siker茅r艖l, az orosz agresszor katonai t茅rdre k茅nyszer铆t茅s茅r艖l eddig m谩r 134 milli谩rd eur贸 elk枚lt茅s茅t jelentett茅k a h谩bor煤ra, 茅s mindez csak gazdas谩gi bajokat, puszt铆t谩st 茅s szenved茅st hozott.

A h谩bor煤p谩rtiak r谩ad谩sul m茅g ford铆tva is 眉lnek a d枚gl枚tt lovon. Donald Trump vil谩gosan megmondta, Amerika kisz谩ll a h谩bor煤b贸l, 茅s b茅k茅t fog teremteni, pont. Teh谩t, amikor m谩r az amerikaiaknak sem kell a proxy h谩bor煤juk, akkor ezt a levetett amerikai h谩bor煤s hacik谩t akarj谩k a h谩bor煤p谩rti vezet艖k Eur贸p谩ra k茅nyszer铆teni. Az eddig elk枚lt枚tt eur贸milli谩rdok ut谩n, imm谩r b谩rmennyi p茅nzzel finansz铆rozni akarj谩k az ukrajnai 枚ld枚kl茅st. Amerika helyett is, s艖t az amerikai b茅ket枚rekv茅seket megakad谩lyozand贸 is. Br眉sszel vezet艖i r谩ad谩sul n枚velik a bajt, megfejelik ezt azzal, hogy m谩r Ukrajna gyors铆tott uni贸s csatlakoz谩s谩t mantr谩zz谩k, ami egyenesen 枚sszed枚nten茅 az eur贸pai gazdas谩got. Ezt a h谩bor煤t le kell z谩rni, 茅s lez谩rni csak t谩rgyal谩sokkal lehet.

听听Patryk Jaki (ECR). 鈥� Madam听President, Ministers, there is no doubt who is the aggressor and who is the victim. The aggressor is Russia and the victim is Ukraine. There is no doubt that no reset with Russia has ever succeeded and never will. The only thing that can stop Russia is credible force, and the general direction of strengthening European arms capabilities is good.

However, you will not escape from the fundamental questions. You are talking about the security of Europe. Great. I would like to ask you how the security of Europe is served by cancelling elections in Romania and not allowing the candidate with 50听% of support to run? How does allowing Tusk to destroy the opposition, take away all public money from the opposition party, and imprison MEPs serve Europe's security? How do your immigration policy and the Migration Pact serve European security? And the key question is: do you want Europe to defend itself from external threats, or for Europeans to kill each other? Instead of integrating Europe in the face of threats, as usual you choose your particular interests.

If the strength of Ukraine grew from the number of your empty words, the Ukrainian army now would be preparing to parade in Moscow. Do you want to help? You have EUR听300听billion of frozen Russian assets. Give them to Ukraine. That will be enough for five years of war. But you won't do it. You keep it because you want them to use to negotiate further resets with Russia. That is why you keep attacking America, provoking it to leave Europe. And you yourselves do not have those military capabilities. Your behaviour will cause the EU countries that border Russia to be in great danger.听President Zelenskyy found about this after the summit in London. He will not provide the army weapons with your slogans, and that's why we need to change it.

听听Billy Kelleher (Renew). 鈥� Madam President, the EU is a beacon of hope for millions of people across the globe. It's why Ukrainians broke down in tears when they crossed into our Union after Putin's immoral invasion of their country. And it's why migrants do everything to get here, to live and raise their families. And that's why Putin and other tinpot dictators despise us. We give people hope, while they only give people fear.听It's why it must be defended.

'If something is worth building, it is worth defending' 鈥� these are the words is Se谩n Lemass, former Irish Taoiseach and leader who submitted Ireland's application to join the European Economic Community. My country is militarily neutral. We won't join a military alliance, but that doesn't mean we don't take sides. We are on the side of freedom, democracy, multilateralism, and a global order based on international law.

Ireland is lucky. We are an island in the Atlantic, surrounded by non-threatening nations. But I know my friends and colleagues along the eastern border of our Union live in fear of the return of Russian imperialism. I see the worry in their eyes. I hear the pain in my friends' voices when they speak about living under Russian occupation before independence. That is why I will not stand in the way in terms of defending your homelands and your homes.

And Europe must collectively defend itself. Our unity is our strength. This is a big change, and I know I will be castigated by the extremists at home, on the left and on the right, but it is morally the right thing to do. Ireland will not join NATO, but I firmly believe we must ensure our fellow Member States have the resources needed to defend their sovereignty and their values.

We must have defence bonds. We must make it easier for the states to strengthen their militaries by relaxing Stability and Growth Pact rules. We must all work together on sharing intelligence and ensuring interoperability and defence systems and energy security. Ireland must use every possibility under our constitution to support our European friends: humanitarian aid training, non-lethal weapons, support for demining initiatives, financial support and increasing our own military defence capabilities.

I will say it again, if it is worth building, it is worth defending. There has never been a greater force for peace, prosperity and progress than the European Union and we must defend this.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

听听Petras Gra啪ulis (ESN), pak臈lus m臈lyn膮j膮 kortel臋 pateiktas klausimas. 鈥� Gerbiamas prane拧臈jau, daug skambi懦 啪od啪i懦, bet labai ma啪ai darb懦 Ukrainos at啪vilgiu i拧 valdan膷iosios daugumos ir i拧 Europos. Kod臈l po 拧iai dienai Ukraina nepriimta 寞 Europos S膮jung膮? Kas, Amerika kalta? Ar Rusija kalta? Kod臈l j奴s nei拧girdot Zelenskio per tok寞 laikotarp寞? Gal i拧girsit ir priimsit?

听听Billy Kelleher (Renew), blue-card answer. 鈥� Well, we have been very supportive of Ukraine's application to join the European Union and it has happened over many, many years. In fact, in recent times we have supported them financially. They have been supported militarily. And of course, you are promoting the propaganda from Russia and elsewhere saying quite clearly that the European Union does not support. But if you look at it, and if you listen to President Zelenskyy himself, he says quite clearly and categorically that the European Union has been a friend to Ukraine and a support them both financially, militarily and in humanitarian assistance as well. So I reject your points out of hand, as they don't stack up with the evidence.

听听M膩rti艈拧 Sta姆is (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Madam听President, Europe is a giant in chains: wealthy, powerful, yet paralysed. Objective reality and data show that there is no need to despair. Quite the opposite. We have given Ukraine EUR听134听billion. That sounds like a lot, but it's just 0.2听% of our GDP. If the US steps back, we can raise that to 0.4听% without difficulty. The Baltics, Finland and Denmark already contributed nearly 1听% 鈥� a small price for lasting security 鈥� and our economies have only become stronger as a result.

We can make Russia pay. Let's seize 200听billion of frozen Russian assets and direct them to Ukraine. Madam听President, the European Commission must make a decision on this right now.

Dear colleagues, the numbers don't lie. We are 450听million Europeans. Russia has just 140听million people. Our economy is 12 times larger. We have everything we need to defend ourselves and others. The only step left: removing the chains we have placed on ourselves.

听听Marc Botenga (The Left). 鈥� Voorzitter, 800 miljard euro: niet om de salarissen of pensioenen te verhogen, niet om de wachtlijsten in de gezondheidszorg weg te werken, en ook niet om in elk dorp eindelijk stipte bussen en treinen te garanderen. Nee, voor wapens.

Laat me even wat cijfers voorleggen. We geven nu al 2 tot 3 keer meer uit aan oorlog dan Rusland. Deze week verklaarde de Duitse pers dat we over vier keer zo veel oorlogsschepen, drie keer zo veel gevechtstanks, drie keer zo veel artillerie en twee keer zo veel gevechtsvliegtuigen beschikken als Rusland. Ondertussen slaagt Rusland er gelukkig niet eens in om een kwart van Oekra茂ne te bezetten. De Russische tanks zullen dus niet meteen op de Grote Markt van Brussel staan.

Aan al wie vandaag zegt dat we meer wapens en meer soldaten nodig hebben, wil ik de vraag stellen 鈥� en aan mevrouw Van der Leyen 鈥� wie zal straks zijn zonen en kinderen naar het front sturen? Hou op met die oorlogskoorts en onzin. We hebben meer investeringen nodig in diplomatie. We moeten meer co枚rdineren, niet meer wapens financieren.

听听Ewa Zaj膮czkowska-Hernik (ESN). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! Szanowni Pa艅stwo! Nowy militarny eurod艂ug b臋dzie narz臋dziem nacisku na pa艅stwa i zagro偶eniem dla ich suwerenno艣ci. To b臋dzie dok艂adnie ten sam mechanizm jak w przypadku KPO. Je偶eli spe艂nimy kamienie milowe, a rz膮d b臋dzie podoba艂 si臋 Komisji Europejskiej, to dostaniemy jakie艣 pieni膮dze. To nic innego jak polityczny szanta偶. Co b臋dziemy musieli odda膰 w zamian za te pieni膮dze? Jakie b臋dzie oprocentowanie zaci膮gni臋tych po偶yczek? Jedyne co potraficie, to zaci膮ga膰 po偶yczki i prze偶era膰 je na unijn膮 machin臋. Planeta ju偶 nie p艂onie, 偶e chcecie stawia膰 fabryki i produkowa膰 bro艅? Zmarnowali艣cie lata na Zielony 艁ad i obudzili艣cie si臋 z r臋k膮 w nocniku. Chomika bym wam nie da艂a pod opiek臋, a co dopiero armi臋, widz膮c, jak obalacie demokracj臋 w Rumunii. Potrzebujemy pokoju, a nie wojny. Bezpiecze艅stwo kraju i jego suwerenno艣膰 zale偶y od jego potencja艂u militarnego, a nie wielkiej wsp贸lnej unijnej armii. Ani skrawka wi臋cej naszej suwerenno艣ci dla Was. Za nasze pieni膮dze chcemy budowa膰 nasz膮 pot臋g臋 militarn膮, a nie 鈥� Ukrainy.

听听螝蠋蟽蟿伪蟼 螤伪蟺伪未维魏畏蟼 (NI). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 慰蠉蟿蔚 维尾慰蠀位畏, 慰蠉蟿蔚 伪未蠉谓伪渭畏, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻委味慰谓蟿伪喂 慰喂 伪蟺慰位慰纬畏蟿苇蟼 蟿畏蟼, 伪蟺慰未蔚委蠂胃畏魏蔚 畏 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 螆谓蠅蟽畏, 纬喂伪 谓伪 魏位喂渭伪魏蠋蟽蔚喂 蟿畏谓 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏萎 蟺蟻慰蔚蟿慰喂渭伪蟽委伪 蟿畏蟼 蟽蟿慰谓 伪谓蟿伪纬蠅谓喂蟽渭蠈 蟿畏蟼 渭蔚 蟿畏 巍蠅蟽委伪 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 螝委谓伪, 魏伪喂 蔚谓 渭苇蟽蠅 蔚谓蟿蔚喂谓蠈渭蔚谓蠅谓 伪谓蟿喂胃苇蟽蔚蠅谓 渭蔚 蟿喂蟼 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蔚蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼. 螣 魏蠀谓喂蟽渭蠈蟼 on camera 纬喂伪 蟿畏 渭慰喂蟻伪蟽喂维 蟿畏蟼 位蔚委伪蟼 蟿蠅谓 蟽蟺维谓喂蠅谓 纬伪喂蠋谓 魏伪喂 蟿蠅谓 蔚谓蔚蟻纬蔚喂伪魏蠋谓 未蟻蠈渭蠅谓 渭蔚蟿伪蠁慰蟻维蟼 蟿畏蟼 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪蟼 魏慰谓喂慰蟻蟿慰蟺慰委畏蟽蔚 蟿伪 蟺蟻慰蟽蠂萎渭伪蟿伪 魏伪喂 蟿蠅谓 未蠉慰 蟺位蔚蠀蟻蠋谓. 螣魏蟿伪魏蠈蟽喂伪 未喂蟽. 伪蠉尉畏蟽畏 渭蔚 未维谓蔚喂伪 蔚魏伪蟿慰谓蟿维未蠅谓 未喂蟽. 魏伪喂 渭蔚 蔚尉伪纬纬蔚位委蔚蟼 纬喂伪 苇尉蟿蟻伪 蠄畏蠁喂伪魏慰蠉蟼 蠁蠈蟻慰蠀蟼 魏伪喂 维纬蟻喂蔚蟼 蟺蔚蟻喂魏慰蟺苇蟼 蟽蟿慰谓 位伪蠈 蟽蠀谓慰未蔚蠉慰谓蟿伪喂 渭蔚 蔚蟺喂未慰蟿萎蟽蔚喂蟼 魏伪喂 未喂蔚蠀魏慰位蠉谓蟽蔚喂蟼 蟽蟿喂蟼 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏苇蟼 尾喂慰渭畏蠂伪谓委蔚蟼. 螚 未蔚 蟻萎蟿蟻伪 未喂伪蠁蠀纬萎蟼 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 危蠉渭蠁蠅谓慰 危蟿伪胃蔚蟻蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼 未蔚谓 伪谓伪喂蟻蔚委 蠈蟿喂 慰喂 位伪慰委 蟽蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 螆谓蠅蟽畏 魏伪位慰蠉谓蟿伪喂 谓伪 伪蟺慰蟺位畏蟻蠋蟽慰蠀谓 蟿慰谓 尾伪蟻蠉 位慰纬伪蟻喂伪蟽渭蠈 蟽蔚 伪委渭伪, 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏慰蠉蟼 蟺蟻慰蠇蟺慰位慰纬喂蟽渭慰蠉蟼, 蟺蟻蠈蟽蠁蠀纬蔚蟼, 蔚蟺喂魏委谓未蠀谓畏 蔚渭蟺位慰魏萎. 螠蠈谓畏 蟻萎蟿蟻伪 未喂伪蠁蠀纬萎蟼 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 位伪蠈 蔚委谓伪喂 畏 蟺维位畏 纬喂伪 魏伪渭委伪 蔚渭蟺位慰魏萎, 谓伪 渭畏谓 蟺位畏蟻蠋蟽蔚喂 慰 委未喂慰蟼 蟿伪 蟽蠁伪纬蔚委伪 蟿蠅谓 喂渭蟺蔚蟻喂伪位喂蟽蟿蠋谓. 螒蠀蟿慰蟿苇位蔚喂伪 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 位伪蠈 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 伪蠀蟿萎 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰蠀蟼 伪谓蟿伪纬蠅谓喂蟽蟿苇蟼 蟿畏蟼. 螣尉蠀纬蠈谓慰 蔚委谓伪喂 畏 未喂魏萎 蟿慰蠀 伪蠀蟿慰蟿蔚位萎蟼 蟺维位畏 纬喂伪 蟿伪 蟽蠀渭蠁苇蟻慰谓蟿伪 魏伪喂 蟿喂蟼 伪谓维纬魏蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀 蔚谓维谓蟿喂伪 蟽蔚 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 螆谓蠅蟽畏, 魏蠀尾蔚蟻谓萎蟽蔚喂蟼 魏伪喂 魏蔚蠁维位伪喂慰.

听听Siegfried Mure艧an (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, President of the European Council, dear colleagues, unfortunately, our long standing partner the United States of America is disengaging from Europe. It is disengaging in terms of security and defence, it is disengaging in terms of trade and economy, and it is disengaging in terms of defending democracy, rule of law and human rights.

We do not want this to happen. We regret this. We will never turn our backs on the United States of America. But we need to recognise the new reality where the United States administration has other priorities.

When Russia is challenging us from the East, and the current Trump administration is questioning the defence of Europe from the West. The conclusion for us, Europe, is simple we have to defend ourselves. What matters most now is what we are going to do ourselves at European level. And I believe we have to do two things.

Firstly, continuing to support Ukraine. Stopping military support to Ukraine is not a way to peace, it is a way to help Russia. We should not do that. Keeping Ukraine safe means keeping Europe safe.

Secondly, we have to invest in defence. And I believe the EUR 150 billion common European project put forward by the European Commission is correct. But we have to do it right. When we spend European money, we have to support European projects. What projects we are going to finance matters a lot. We should use this European fund to do projects which none of the Member States can do alone, so that the citizens of Europe see the added value of Europe. We should do the Common European Air Defence Shield and other European projects, invest in European research, produce more oil in bigger quantities and at smaller unit prices. Same equipment for the militaries of all EU Member States. Europe can do a lot to make sure that our militaries are well equipped with this European project. And of course, if European money is spent, the European 合法博彩网站 has to be involved.

Let me say, in the end, that investing in investing in our defence means keeping Europe safe. If we are weak, we are a target. If we are strong, we are safe.

听听Sven Mikser (S&D). 鈥� Madam President, colleagues, a wise person once said that tactics is the art of using personnel and arms to win battles, whereas strategy is the art of using battles to win wars. Much has been said about how we need to rebuild European defence and security in the medium- to long-term, and I agree with most of it. Meanwhile, the decisive battle for Europe's future is playing out on the front lines in Ukraine and needless to say, following the very dramatic reversal, of course, by our American allies, the outlook has changed to worse.

So we need to step out, and we need to fill the gap left by Americans. And we need to do it now. It's not a matter of months or years, it's a matter of hours, days, maximum weeks. If we fail in Ukraine, if Ukraine falls, then we will not merely be back to square one, we will be in a much, much darker place, starting to rebuild Europe's security from shambles. We must not let this happen.

听听Anna Bry艂ka (NI). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca, Panie Przewodnicz膮cy! Unia Europejska pr贸buje zaklina膰 rzeczywisto艣膰 kolejnymi prawami, regulacjami, a tak naprawd臋 znajduje si臋 w gigantycznym kryzysie przyw贸dztwa, kryzysie gospodarczym i kryzysie bezpiecze艅stwa. Takie s膮 owoce Unii Europejskiej.

Komisja Europejska wykorzystuje wojn臋 na Ukrainie i kryzys w relacjach z administracj膮 ameryka艅sk膮 jako pretekst do przyspieszenia budowy europejskiego superpa艅stwa. Prawdziw膮 intencj膮 Komisji Europejskiej nie jest udzielenie pomocy ogarni臋tej wojn膮 Ukrainie czy rozwi膮zanie jakiegokolwiek europejskiego problemu. Kolejne problemy to tylko pretekst do zaw艂aszczania kolejnych kompetencji przez Uni臋. Mieli艣my ju偶 propozycje zmiany unijnych traktat贸w, reform臋 procesu decyzyjnego, w tym likwidacj臋 prawa weta, i po ostatnim posiedzeniu Rady Europejskiej dostajemy decyzj臋 o kolejnym eurod艂ugu, aby nast臋pnie w艂a艣nie tymi 艣rodkami szanta偶owa膰 finansowo pa艅stwa narodowe, jak w przypadku krajowych plan贸w odbudowy. Nie ma naszej zgody na przekazywanie nowych kompetencji Unii.

Teraz Unia rzekomo chce si臋 zajmowa膰 rozwojem przemys艂u zbrojeniowego w Europie. Najlepsza pomoc, jakiej mo偶e udzieli膰 Europie ta Komisja i ta Izba, to powstrzymanie si臋 od jakiegokolwiek dzia艂ania. Europy nie da si臋 obroni膰 ani rezolucjami, ani scentralizowan膮 w艂adz膮 biurokracji. Dzisiaj potrzeba nam jak nigdy dot膮d silnych pa艅stw narodowych. To one maj膮 dzia艂a膰, to one maj膮 rozwija膰 sw贸j przemys艂 militarny i budowa膰 narodow膮 armi臋, samodzielnie decydowa膰, czego im potrzeba i w jakich ilo艣ciach, a nie anonimowy urz臋dnik z Brukseli.

听听Alexandr Vondra (ECR). 鈥� Madam听President, European security is under immense strain. Panic and reactionary statements, especially on social media, only make matters worse. We must stay clear-eyed and strategically focused. European nations must recognise reality. The burden of defence now rests mostly on our own shoulders. We see clearly the signs of this shift. Governments are waking up. I am keeping my fingers crossed for Chancellor-elect Merz to find the financial resources for much-needed security enforcement.

We must act swiftly. Our defence industries need a framework that enables them to deliver, both through cooperation and national initiatives. That means cutting bureaucracy, simplifying the processes, providing real financial access and bringing energy prices down. We cannot have both an overambitious green transition and a fully capable military. Resources are finite. Europe must decide what it values most.

听听President. 鈥� Dear colleague Gra啪ulis, I will explain it again. If I keep giving you blue cards now, with every speaker that comes, I cannot give them to other people. And there will be a point where I have to say no blue cards at all anymore.

This is why I decided to give every Member the opportunity to raise a blue card, but only once, because otherwise we cannot finish in time. We are limited in the end. If you do not agree, then please file a complaint to the President.

听听Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (Renew). 鈥� Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, Yes, we can!, Nous pouvons!, Wir schaffen das! After every major geopolitical shock in our young history, we have responded with the courage to share our sovereignties.

After 1945, we stopped the cycle of European civil war by merging our resources and our political destinies. And after 1989, we healed a divided nation, created a single citizenship, and proceeded to reunite a continent with parts that were caught behind the Iron Curtain.

And now, in 2025, Europeans are asking us to respond to the shock unfolding before our eyes. The rupture of the transatlantic alliance in the face of war on our continent. I believe we know what to do and how to do it. We can support Ukraine and its defence against Russian aggression. To replace the US, the EU would thus have to spend only another 0.12听% of its GDP. We can build up a European defence industry worthy of the world's envy. We already have the technology. Now it's just a matter of investment and long-term contracts. We can jolt our economy into unprecedented growth and build up the euro as an alternative to the dollar as a global reserve currency.

It's a matter of breaking down jealously guarded national barriers, investing massively in our universities, issuing common European debt and opening up trade with all those countries looking for new leadership in the West.

And finally, we can build a European army in order to achieve lasting peace. We need a European Defence Force to secure and defend our continent, enabled by commonly procured European capabilities and led by a European commander. The only thing standing in our way is a giant Orb谩n shaped elephant in the room. But that too we can fix. We in the 合法博彩网站 can provide ideas and political pressure. After that, Mr Costa and Mrs von der Leyen, the fate of Europe is in your capable hands. And remember. Yes, we can!

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

听听Bogdan Rzo艅ca (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. 鈥� Chcia艂em Pana dopyta膰, poniewa偶 bardzo uwa偶nie s艂ucha艂em Pana wypowiedzi. Co Pan mia艂 na uwadze, m贸wi膮c, 偶e wi臋zi transatlantyckie zosta艂y zerwane? Kto zerwa艂 te wi臋zi? Kto zrywa? Ewentualnie kto jest winny zerwaniu tych wi臋zi transatlantyckich? I druga rzecz: gdy ju偶 uzbieramy te pieni膮dze, za艂贸偶my, 偶e one b臋d膮. Czy Pan dopuszcza tak膮 sytuacj臋, 偶e b臋dziemy z tych pieni臋dzy kupowa膰 najnowsze technologie zbrojeniowe w Stanach Zjednoczonych?

听听Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (Renew), blue-card answer. 鈥� Well, for me, it's absolutely clear that Europe not at all wants to tear down the transatlantic alliance. It seems to be a unilateral decision now from the US to at least make it much weaker than it is.

If Article 5 is under pressure and it's not a total guarantee, then NATO is not as strong as it should be. It's a deterrence. It's not an aggressive force.

And yes, we have to rebuild our European defence industry. That's absolutely clear. We have to be able to build up our own military and not buying it somewhere else.

听听Diana Riba i Giner (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, la Uni贸n Europea gasta un 1,9听% de su PIB en defensa, casi el famoso 2听%. 驴Y qu茅 significa esto? Voy a poner dos ejemplos para que se entienda mejor: en primer lugar, la Uni贸n Europea gasta tres veces m谩s en defensa que Rusia y, en segundo lugar, la Uni贸n Europea y el Reino Unido gastan en conjunto m谩s que potencias globales como China. De hecho, si Europa fuera un Estado, ser铆a la segunda potencia global en t茅rminos de gasto militar.

Se帽oras y se帽ores, el problema no es cu谩nto se gasta, sino c贸mo se gasta. El dilema es que tenemos veintisiete sistemas defensivos diferentes sin una coordinaci贸n efectiva. Somos ineficientes y esto no lo resolveremos con una lluvia de millones en los presupuestos nacionales; aunque esta lluvia de millones tal vez s铆 calme a Donald Trump y a la industria armament铆stica estadounidense.

Representantes de la Comisi贸n, analicen c贸mo podemos ser m谩s eficientes, coordinen desde la Uni贸n Europea la estrategia y la inversi贸n y hablemos sin tab煤s de c贸mo financiar este esfuerzo, por ejemplo con impuestos europeos propios, impuestos a los m谩s ricos y a los que m谩s contaminan, porque, de lo contrario, sabemos que ser谩 la ciudadan铆a quien pagar谩 esta factura. Y esta es una l铆nea roja.

No podemos permitir que los presupuestos estatales o de la Uni贸n Europea vean reducidas las partidas sociales y clim谩ticas, porque hace quince a帽os en la Uni贸n Europea se recortaron derechos sociales en nombre de la austeridad. Hoy no lo har谩n en nombre de la guerra.

听听Danilo Della Valle (The Left). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi tutto il Movimento cinque Stelle 猫 qui a Strasburgo con il suo leader e i suoi eletti nazionali ed europei: Le portiamo la voce del popolo, che 猫 stanco di questa guerra senza fine e vuole solo pace e prosperit脿.

Il vostro piano di riarmo 猫 una dichiarazione di guerra, non si sa a chi o a cosa, ma 猫 un attacco ai cittadini europei, perch茅 sposta miliardi di euro dal sociale alle armi, dalla sanit脿 alla militarizzazione.

Noi crediamo che sia indegno spendere 800 miliardi per il settore militare mentre le imprese fanno bancarotta, le famiglie non riescono a pagare le bollette e i giovani non fanno figli perch茅 non hanno i soldi per crescerli. Invece voi preferite compiacere le lobby delle armi.

Oggi, gli stessi leader che da tre anni a questa parte hanno sbagliato tutto, puntando sulla sconfitta militare della Russia e boicottando ogni iniziativa di pace, come quella in Turchia, ci dicono che dobbiamo continuare ad armarci inseguendo la follia bellicista.

Volete la Terza guerra mondiale per nascondere i vostri fallimenti: ma noi ve lo impediremo. Non un euro per le armi! Le armi non sono la soluzione ma l'ostacolo al raggiungimento della pace. L'Europa senza pace 猫 morta.

Per questo voglio lasciare la bandiera europea cucita con quella della pace: per non dimenticarlo mai. L'avrei lasciata alla presidente von der Leyen ma ancora una volta ha snobbato il dibattito parlamentare e questo luogo che, pi霉 della Commissione, rappresenta la democrazia.

听听President. 鈥� There is a blue card.

(Mr听Della Valle unfurled a flag)

Please, please come on. No blue card then.

I might remind you that this is probably against the rules. This is a parliament. It comes from parlare. Yes, I know it's the European flag and we love it.

听听Milan Uhr铆k (ESN). 鈥� V谩啪en谩 pani predsedaj煤ca, pani Leyenov谩, vy chcete nakupova钮 zbrane za 800 mili谩rd eur? Neskr媒vajte sa, pros铆m v谩s, tam v z谩kulis铆 a rad拧ej n谩m uk谩啪te, ako ste nakupovali vakc铆ny, preto啪e ja som presved膷en媒, 啪e pod va拧ou taktovkou bude n谩kup zbran铆 len 膹al拧铆m obrovsk媒m megapodvodom na Eur贸panov.

A takisto by ma zauj铆malo, 啪e kto by mal s t媒mi v拧etk媒mi nak煤pen媒mi zbra艌ami 铆s钮 bojova钮, preto啪e pre Eur贸panov to bude znamena钮 len 膹al拧iu militariz谩ciu, 膹al拧ie zadl啪ovanie, 膹al拧iu konsolid谩ciu a 膹al拧ie zdra啪ovanie. Mrz铆 ma, 啪e jedin媒, kto sa na samite postavil proti tomuto vojnov茅mu pl谩nu Leyenovej, bol op盲钮 iba ma膹arsk媒 premi茅r Viktor Orb谩n, 啪e v拧etci ostatn铆 鈥� Macron, Scholz, Fiala, Fico a 膹al拧铆 鈥� hlasovali za Leyenovej nav媒拧enie eur贸pskej vojenskej a finan膷nej pomoci pre Zelensk茅ho namiesto toho, aby sa pridali k tomu Trumpovmu pl谩nu a zatla膷ili na Zelensk茅ho a dotla膷ili ho k mierov媒m rokovaniam. Zradili a sklamali t媒mto mnoh媒ch voli膷ov.

Ja viem garantova钮, 啪e my v hlasovan铆 Leyenovej vojensk媒 pl谩n nepodpor铆me a na拧ich voli膷ov nezrad铆me.

听听螠伪蟻委伪 螙伪蠂伪蟻委伪 (NI). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 尾位苇蟺蠅 蠈蟿喂 畏 蟺蟻蠈蔚未蟻慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蟺喂蟿蟻慰蟺萎蟼 蟿慰 苇蟽魏伪蟽蔚. 螝蠀蟻委伪 von der Leyen, 伪蟺蠈 蟺慰蠉 谓慰渭喂渭慰蟺慰喂蔚委蟽蟿蔚 谓伪 蟺维蟻蔚蟿蔚 800 未喂蟽. 伪蟺蠈 蟿喂蟼 蟿蟽苇蟺蔚蟼 蟿蠅谓 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪委蠅谓 蟺慰位喂蟿蠋谓, 纬喂伪 谓伪 蟿伪 未蠋蟽蔚蟿蔚 蟽蟿喂蟼 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏苇蟼 尾喂慰渭畏蠂伪谓委蔚蟼; 螖喂伪尾维味蠅 蠈蟿喂 蔚蟽蔚委蟼 渭慰喂蟻维味伪蟿蔚 蟿伪 蟽蠀渭尾蠈位伪喂伪 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 位慰渭蟺委蟽蟿蔚蟼 蟿蠅谓 蠈蟺位蠅谓 蟽伪谓 蟿慰谓 蟺伪蟽伪蟿苇渭蟺慰 魏伪喂 伪蟺慰渭伪魏蟻蠀谓胃萎魏伪蟿蔚 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 纬蔚蟻渭伪谓喂魏蠈 违蟺慰蠀蟻纬蔚委慰 螁渭蠀谓伪蟼. 螜蟽蠂蠉蔚喂; 韦蠋蟻伪 胃苇位蔚蟿蔚 谓伪 胃蠀蟽喂维蟽蔚蟿蔚 慰位蠈魏位畏蟻畏 蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 纬喂伪 蟿伪 蟽蠀渭蠁苇蟻慰谓蟿伪 蟿蠅谓 委未喂蠅谓. 韦蠀蠂伪委慰; 螝伪喂 魏伪位蔚委蟿蔚 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 维渭蠀谓伪螄 蟿畏谓 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪, 蟺慰蠀 魏伪蟿苇蠂蔚喂 蟿畏 渭喂蟽萎 螝蠉蟺蟻慰, 蟺慰蠀 伪蟺蔚喂位蔚委 蟿畏谓 螘位位维未伪 渭蔚 casus belli. 螚 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪, 魏蠉蟻喂蔚 Costa, 蔚委谓伪喂 魏伪蟿维 未萎位蠅蟽萎 蟽伪蟼 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿畏纬喂魏蠈蟼 蔚蟿伪委蟻慰蟼. 危蟿畏谓 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蔚喂蟽尾慰位苇伪蟼 蟽蔚 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏蠈 苇未伪蠁慰蟼. 螒位位维 尉苇蠂伪蟽伪: 畏 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蟼 未蔚谓 苇蠂蔚喂 蟽蟺维谓喂蔚蟼 纬伪委蔚蟼.

螝蠀蟻委蔚蟼 魏伪喂 魏蠉蟻喂慰喂, 苇蠂蔚蟿蔚 蔚纬魏伪蟿伪位蔚委蠄蔚喂 蟿畏谓 蔚喂蟻萎谓畏 魏伪喂 蟿畏 未喂蟺位蠅渭伪蟿委伪, 纬喂伪 谓伪 纬蔚渭委蟽慰蠀谓 慰喂 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏苇蟼 尾喂慰渭畏蠂伪谓委蔚蟼 蟿伪 蟿伪渭蔚委伪 蟿慰蠀蟼. 螣喂 蠁蠈蟻慰喂 渭伪蟼 胃伪 纬委谓慰蠀谓 蠈蟺位伪 伪谓蟿委 纬喂伪 蠀纬蔚委伪 魏伪喂 蟺伪喂未蔚委伪, 蔚谓蠋 谓慰蟽慰魏慰渭蔚委伪 胃伪 魏位蔚委谓慰蠀谓, 蟽蠂慰位蔚委伪 胃伪 蟻畏渭维味慰蠀谓, 蟽蠀谓蟿维尉蔚喂蟼 胃伪 蔚尉伪蠁伪谓委味慰谓蟿伪喂. 螝伪位蠋 蠈位慰蠀蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪委慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 谓伪 尾纬慰蠀谓 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 未蟻蠈渭慰蠀蟼 谓伪 蟽蟿伪渭伪蟿萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 蟿慰谓 蟺蠈位蔚渭慰. 螡伪喂 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚喂蟻萎谓畏.

听听沤eljana Zovko (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, dear colleagues, the proposal endorsed by the European Council on 6 March is an encouraging sign towards the strengthening of European defence. A good sign in times of stormy weather.

However, the EU's much-needed wake-up should not make us forget that the American umbrella is vital for us. We still need the rainy-day friend, now more than ever. The strengthening of our defence must go hand in hand with the strengthening of our relations with our allies, including with the US.

Besides the fact that the current EU measures will only produce effects in at least four years, we have to bear in mind that the United States and Russia together account for 85听% of the world's new nuclear arsenal. The European Union also also strongly needs American intelligence, with some Member States even relying entirely on NATO. And the relative autonomy from American intelligence would take years. However, time is running out now 鈥� we all know in Ukraine what is going on.

For all these reasons, the EU must intensify its diplomatic efforts to find common grounds with our US ally. The EU defence and strengthening of a pillar of NATO can become robust within some years, but we don't have time to lose in not engaging in dialogue.

听听Thijs Reuten (S&D). 鈥� Madam听President, colleagues, Council, Commission, Europe is at a critical juncture. You said it yourself, Minister. We are relevant now or never again to act or to be passive observers of the destruction of the rules-based order.

I commend the Member States for their clear understanding that Ukraine and Europe's future requires peace through strength 鈥� strength for Ukraine to stand up against Putin and against Trump. The US is forcing Ukraine into an unacceptable surrender it could also achieve without their help. If the circumstances are unfavourable for Ukraine, for Europe, we will not accept it. We have to change these circumstances towards a just peace, or accept the ugly consequences.

Now President von听der听Leyen said that the 合法博彩网站 was right, asking for more military support all along. Translate understanding then into real united action now, and for all the Member States, President Costa 鈥� some a bit more than others 鈥� that means sending Ukraine the weapons it needs now. It's irritating 鈥� it's appalling even 鈥� that there are still warehouses where there's critical air defence that Ukraine needs now. Do what is necessary now for Ukraine, for Europe.

听听Anders Vistisen (PfE). 鈥� Madam President, EUR 35 billion in loans for the Ukraine Recovery Mechanism. EUR 100 billion in Corona loans, EUR 750 billion for the recovery funds. And now the Commission proposes EUR 150 billion for rearmament.

But none of this would have been necessary if we had a Commission that was more preoccupied with creating growth instead of bureaucracy. If you had a Commission that was willing to prioritise within the EUR 1.2 trillion budget. Ursula von der Leyen, you are making the Europeans into welfare junkies and you're doing it from borrowed money.

So let me put this very simple. We want our money back!

N氓r vi ser p氓 det fra et dansk perspektiv, m氓 man sige, at EU har gjort meget lidt. Igen og igen har Danmark st酶ttet Ukraine milit忙rt og 酶konomisk, og igen og igen har vi set, hvordan de st酶rste EU medlemsstater; Tyskland, Frankrig, Italien og Spanien ikke har fulgt trop. S氓 det er let at give Trump skylden for den situation, Ukraine st氓r i. Men hvis man virkelig vil forst氓, hvorfor vi tre 氓r inde i krigen har et EU, der ikke er i stand til at forsvare sig selv, har et EU, der ikke er i stand til at forsvare Ukraine, s氓 skal vi se indad. Der har v忙ret alt for lidt handling og alt for meget snak, og det forts忙tter desv忙rre.

听听Assita Kanko (ECR). 鈥� Madam President, Commissioner, for energy we used to look at Russia; for trade we depend on China; for defence we rely on the United States. When we fail, we blame someone else. The truth is that we are weak because we neglected our potential power. Because by not investing enough, or soon enough, in defence and industry, we gave up the right to be respected. We abandoned our primary duty, which is to provide security and pride to our citizens.

They wonder when we will take responsibility. Right now, we are only excited because Trump woke us up. Basically, he just showed us that there is no such thing as a free lunch. And we are upset? The fact that we needed this wake-up call about defence is so disturbing for our citizens.

We need to remember that Europe was stronger, and can be strong again. We need to remember that still the end of the Cold War was not the end of history, that we cannot earn respect if we do not change our mindset.

We need to invest in our defence and values, and stand firm for our principles 鈥� not only when it's comfortable, but also when it is not. Because to the question of whether our citizens can count on us, the answer must be 'yes'!

听听Jo茫o Cotrim De Figueiredo (Renew). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Presidente do Conselho, Senhores Comiss谩rios, Senhores Deputados, o mundo mudou muito desde o 煤ltimo plen谩rio aqui, em Estrasburgo.

No dia 13 de fevereiro, 煤ltimo dia desse plen谩rio, o secret谩rio da Defesa americano, Pete Hegseth, disse a seguinte frase: 芦Os Estados Unidos j谩 n茫o est茫o dispon铆veis para garantir a seguran莽a da Europa禄. Clarinho como 谩gua. Como disse a presidente da Comiss茫o h谩 pouco, o tempo da ilus茫o acabou.

E, por isso, fez bem o Conselho Europeu, o Conselho da passada quinta-feira, em flexibilizar as regras do Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, em criar uma nova linha de financiamento e at茅 em alterar o mandato do Banco Europeu de Investimento para permitir cr茅ditos em projetos na 谩rea da defesa, o que, ali谩s, mostra bem a forma adormecida como esta institui莽茫o europeia estava a olhar para a ind煤stria da defesa.

Portanto, o Conselho fez bem. Fez bem, mas n茫o chega. Porque 茅 urgente definir uma arquitetura de defesa europeia, porque, sem isso, o plano industrial que 茅 longamente falado continuar谩 vago, as compras conjuntas continuar茫o descoordenadas e a defesa da Europa continuar谩 dependente de outros, inclusivamente na sua componente nuclear.

Portanto, o fim do tempo da ilus茫o exige estas respostas r谩pidas e decididas, mas j谩 sabemos que a velocidade tem riscos 鈥� e vale a pena, hoje, falar aqui destes riscos.听O risco de, sistematicamente, se ultrapassar e passar ao lado do Parlamento Europeu; o risco de a Comiss茫o e a sua presidente passarem a ser essencialmente uma figura decorativa face a iniciativas pol铆ticas de Macron, Starmer, Merz ou, quem sabe, outros; e o risco de destruir a NATO, para a qual ningu茅m tem hoje uma alternativa cred铆vel.

Portanto, 茅 esse,听Senhores Deputados, o nosso desafio: salvar a Europa 鈥� a come莽ar pela Ucr芒nia, que tanto merece a nossa ajuda 鈥�, sem destruir as suas institui莽玫es. E 茅 nossa responsabilidade estar 脿 altura deste desafio.

(O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta 芦cart茫o azul禄)

听听Jo茫o Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Deputado Cotrim de Figueiredo, o senhor deputado acha boa ideia aliviar o garrote or莽amental para gastos militares, o garrote do Pacto de Estabilidade para gastos militares, mas n茫o acha bem se for para gastos com a habita莽茫o, com a sa煤de, com as pens玫es.

O senhor deputado acha que os recursos p煤blicos n茫o podem servir para investir na habita莽茫o, para resolver os problemas do acesso 脿 habita莽茫o, porque s茫o recursos p煤blicos, mas desviar 800 mil milh玫es de euros para gastos militares, j谩, na perspetiva dos liberais, est谩 certo.听E o senhor acha que 茅 com a corrida global aos armamentos, aumentando os riscos de confronta莽茫o, de guerra e de destrui莽茫o, que se alcan莽a a paz e a seguran莽a coletiva.

Explique-nos l谩, senhor deputado, essa ilus茫o liberal, porque n贸s n茫o encontramos nisso nenhuma refer锚ncia que sirva a povo nenhum, incluindo ao povo portugu锚s.

听听Jo茫o Cotrim De Figueiredo (Renew), Resposta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Senhor Deputado Jo茫o Oliveira, eu acredito 茅 que, se n茫o pararmos Putin, n茫o h谩 habita莽茫o, n茫o h谩 educa莽茫o, n茫o h谩 sa煤de que valha a nenhum europeu.

E, portanto, quem tem de explicar 茅 o senhor deputado: porque 茅 que, h谩 tr锚s anos, desde a invas茫o da Ucr芒nia pela R煤ssia, defende sistematicamente uma pol铆tica de apaziguamento de tiranos como Vladimir Putin? Isso 茅 que o senhor deputado tem de explicar.

听听Villy S酶vndal (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Fru formand! Det smerter mig at konstatere, at vi ikke l忙ngere kan stole p氓 USA under Trumps ledelse. Jeg er netop kommet tilbage fra Ukraine. Her k忙mper landets befolkning for deres liv, deres frihed og deres fremtid. Vi ser den ukrainske befolkning blive svigtet af USA. USA har gjort det lettere for Rusland at bombe i Ukraine og dr忙be civile. Det ser vi hver dag nu p氓 tabstallene. Vores t忙tte allierede kan vi ikke l忙ngere kende. I Det Hvide Hus skal frihedsk忙mperen Zelenskyj, ydmyges og presses til at sige tak foran rullende kamera. Det er skammeligt! Jeg vil dog gerne sige tak. Tak til Zelenskyj og det ukrainske folk for at stille op mod autokraterne. Tak til de ukrainske soldater, der k忙mper p氓 slagmarken. Kolleger, lad mig g酶re det klart: Europa skal g酶re sig uafh忙ngigt af Trumps USA. Det betyder 酶get samarbejde med forsvarsmateriel, teknologi og efterretninger. Det betyder, at vi skal skabe de n酶dvendige alliancer med de lande, der stadig st酶tter en verden formet af den internationale retsorden. Det betyder, at vi skal tro p氓 os selv, p氓 Europa og p氓 Ukraine.

听听Li Andersson (The Left). 鈥� Madam听President, as a leftist, I think that Putin and Trump form one of the most dangerous ideological alliances that the world has seen in a long time.

Therefore, it is essential that the EU strengthens its support for Ukraine. In addition, the EU should set a strategic goal of reducing our dependencies on the US. This means: creating a European security architecture, redirecting all financing currently going to the US arms industry to Europe; reducing energy dependencies; and limiting the powers of the digital oligarchs.

Changes to the fiscal rules must enable all of these investments. I do understand that the goal might also require more investment in European defence. But it would be a historic mistake to finance this by cutting welfare, because that would only cement the rise to power of Putin's and Trump's allies in Europe: the extreme right. And for once, the EU needs to be smarter than this.

听听小褌邪薪懈褋谢邪胁 小褌芯褟薪芯胁 (ESN). 鈥� 袚-卸芯 袩褉械写褋械写邪褌械谢, 锌褉邪褏芯褋胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 800 屑谢褉写. 械胁褉芯, 芯褌 泻芯懈褌芯 150 屑懈谢懈邪褉写邪 薪芯胁懈 蟹邪械屑懈, 褖械 薪邪褌芯胁邪褉懈 写褗褉卸邪胁懈褌械 褔谢械薪泻懈 褋 薪械锌芯薪芯褋懈屑 写褗谢谐. 袪褗泻芯胁芯写褋褌胁芯褌芯 薪邪 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟 褋褗褞蟹, 泻芯械褌芯 胁械褔械 褋械 锌褉芯胁邪谢懈 蟹褉械谢懈褖薪芯 胁 褉械写懈褑邪 褋谢褍褔邪懈 泻邪褌芯 "蟹械谢械薪邪褌邪" 褋写械谢泻邪, 薪械谢械谐邪谢薪邪褌邪 屑懈谐褉邪褑懈褟, 胁芯泄薪邪褌邪 胁 袝胁褉芯锌邪 懈 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈褔械褋泻邪褌邪 褉械褑械褋懈褟, 褋械谐邪 芯褔邪泻胁邪 写邪 屑褍 写芯胁械褉懈屑 薪邪褕邪褌邪 褋懈谐褍褉薪芯褋褌. 袥懈写械褉懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 褋械谐邪 谐芯胁芯褉褟褌 蟹邪 薪械蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑芯褋褌 芯褌 小袗些, 写褗谢谐懈 谐芯写懈薪懈 斜褟褏邪 锌褗褉胁懈 械胁褉芯邪褌谢邪薪褌懈褔械褋泻懈 锌芯褋谢褍褕薪懈褑懈.

袛邪, 蟹邪褖懈褌邪褌邪 薪邪 袝胁褉芯锌邪 械 芯褌 褉械褕邪胁邪褖芯 蟹薪邪褔械薪懈械, 薪芯 芯褌谐芯胁芯褉薪芯褋褌褌邪 蟹邪 芯褌斜褉邪薪邪褌邪 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 芯褋褌邪薪械 胁 褉褗褑械褌械 薪邪 褋褍胁械褉械薪薪懈褌械 薪邪褑懈懈. 袧械 斜懈胁邪 写邪 褉邪蟹褏谢邪斜胁邪屑械 锌褉芯褑械写褍褉邪褌邪 蟹邪 锌褉械泻芯屑械褉械薪 写械褎懈褑懈褌, 薪懈褌芯 写邪 懈蟹锌芯谢蟹胁邪屑械 泻芯褏械蟹懈芯薪薪懈褌械 褎芯薪写芯胁械 蟹邪 蟹邪泻褍锌褍胁邪薪械 薪邪 芯褉褗卸懈褟. 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈泻邪 胁械褔械 械 胁 泻褉懈蟹邪 懈 斜械蟹 褌芯胁邪.

袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟褌 褋褗褞蟹 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 褌褗褉褋懈 褋褗褌褉褍写薪懈褔械褋褌胁芯 褋褗褋 褋胁芯懈褌械 褋褗褋械写懈 懈 褋 胁褋懈褔泻懈 谐谢芯斜邪谢薪懈 褋懈谢懈, 写邪 褋懈 芯褋懈谐褍褉懈 写芯褋褌褗锌 写芯 械胁褌懈薪懈 褉械褋褍褉褋懈 懈 写邪 懈蟹谐褉邪写懈 褋褌褉邪褌械谐懈褔械褋泻懈 锌邪褉褌薪褜芯褉褋褌胁邪. 袧邪泄-谢械褋薪懈褟褌 薪邪褔懈薪 写邪 褋械 褋锌械褋褌褟褌 褌械蟹懈 芯谐褉芯屑薪懈 锌邪褉懈, 邪 懈 写邪 褋械 谐邪褉邪薪褌懈褉邪 褋懈谐褍褉薪芯褋褌褌邪, 械 泻邪褌芯 褋械 懈蟹锌芯谢蟹胁邪 写懈锌谢芯屑邪褑懈褟褌邪 懈 褋械 胁褗蟹褋褌邪薪芯胁褟褌 薪芯褉屑邪谢薪懈褌械 芯褌薪芯褕械薪懈褟 褋 袪褍褋懈褟. 些芯屑 小袗些 屑芯卸械 写邪 谐芯 薪邪锌褉邪胁懈, 蟹邪褖芯 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟褌 褋褗褞蟹 写邪 薪械 屑芯卸械?

听听Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, when your neighbour's house is on fire, you don't haggle over the price of the garden hose. With those words, the US under President Roosevelt came to our aid during the Second World War. 80 years later, war is raging again on the European continent, but this time, the US does not only want to negotiate the price of the garden hose, they bully the neighbour into giving up his house altogether before considering any help.

This is the situation we are in today and it's a wake up call like never before for Europe, a wake up call that should not have been necessary. For years and years, we have been discussing the need for Europe to get serious about its own defence. Many European leaders have stood here in this room, passionately arguing the necessity of this.

So it's fair to ask exactly what we have achieved in all these years, and the clear answer is not enough. So in that sense, I really welcome the determination and the ambition shown by President von der Leyen and the European leaders last week. This ambition needs now to be translated into immediate and tangible European action.

Extraordinary circumstances ask for extraordinary measures, and we must be brave and bold not only to be able to help Ukraine, which is, of course, of crucial importance, but ultimately to help ourselves, because Ukraine's interests are Europe's interests, we are defending common European values. We are defending international law and the rules-based order. We are defending the very basic principle that the aggressor should not be rewarded at the expense of the victim.

Today, we must defend a future for our children in freedom and safety on our European continent.

听听Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). 鈥� Voorzitter, Europa was, is en zal altijd een vredesproject zijn. Maar kiezen voor vrede en vrijheid betekent dat we onze veiligheid in eigen handen moeten nemen. Daarom zijn de voorstellen van de Commissie en de Raad een eerste belangrijke stap. Een nieuwe Europese vredesarchitectuur omvat echter veel meer 27 lidstaten die extra investeren. Het vereist ook co枚rdinatie en strategie.

Veiligheid is ook zoveel meer dan kogels en tanks alleen. Het gaat ook om infrastructuur, technologie en het afbouwen van onze afhankelijkheid. Denk aan energie, grondstoffen aar bijvoorbeeld ook medicijnen. Veiligheid betekent ook niet bezuinigen maar juist verder investeren. Ja, in defensie, maar ook in duurzaamheid, infrastructuur en sociaal beleid. Ons sociaal model is immers uniek in de wereld en dat is wat Europa zo anders maakt dan waar Poetin en Trump voor staan. Dit is waar de Oekra茂ners voor vechten: vrede, vrijheid en veiligheid. Dat is wat we nu, meer dan ooit, moeten beschermen.

听听Roberto Vannacci (PfE). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora von der Leyen: ma dov'猫?

Monsieur Costa, elle ne se cache pas derri猫re vous, Mme von der Leyen?

Perch茅 la signora von der Leyen ha paura di questo Parlamento ed invoca l'articolo 122, lo stato di emergenza, per raggirare l'unica istituzione europea eletta dal popolo e per indebitare noi e i nostri figli per 850 miliardi di euro da spendere in armi.

Eppure i carri russi non sono a Varsavia, neanche a Budapest e neanche a Praga. E Parigi non brucia sotto gragnole di colpi. Quello che brucia in Francia sono le chiese cristiane. Queste sono le vere emergenze signora von der Leyen!

Sono le famiglie europee che non arrivano a fine mese e che non hanno i soldi per pagare le bollette del gas, che le politiche scellerate della sua Commissione hanno fatto lievitare esponenzialmente.

Le vere emergenze sono l'autarchia e la dittatura e la sospensione della democrazia, come 猫 avvenuto pochi giorni fa in Romania, che i tecnocrati di Bruxelles appoggiano e sostengono.

Le vere emergenze sono gli attentati e la criminalit脿 e gli atti di criminalit脿, che quasi giornalmente gli immigrati illegali portano a termine a spese e a danno dei cittadini europei nelle nazioni europee.

Queste sono le vere emergenze, signora von der Leyen, non la paura di vederci un soldato russo col colbacco in testa alle porte di casa. E ci venga in Parlamento, e non abbia paura, perch茅 qua non l'aspetta un plotone di cosacchi con le sciabole, ma i rappresentanti del popolo europeo che vogliono dire la loro sul loro futuro.

听听Charlie Weimers (ECR). 鈥� Madam President, Europe's security isn't built on words, it's guaranteed by firepower. Strong national defences are key. I believe we can cooperate, we can scale up production, without surrendering national control. REARM Europe is a start, but without real output, it's just words.

We need bullets, drones, missiles streaming quickly, unimpeded by delays. Last year we produced 500 artillery shells. Ukraine burns through that in two months. Scaling up 鈥� experts say years. We don't have years. Bureaucracy kills. Delays kill. Either we act or we fail. Ukraine needs firepower now. Tanks, jets, not just applause. Drop the taboos 鈥� landmines, cluster bombs 鈥� because Russia has no red lines. It's time to turn plants into production, factories into force. Support Ukraine now. Peace through strength now.

听听Dan Barna (Renew). 鈥� Doamn膬 pre葯edint膬, domnule comisar, domnule pre葯edinte Costa, apreciez 葯i v膬 mul葲umesc pentru prezen葲a dumneavoastr膬 la dezbatere. Contextul de securitate al Uniunii Europene nu mai este, din p膬cate, o certitudine lini葯tit膬, ci mai degrab膬 un c芒mp de lupt膬. Ne-am v膬zut vulnerabilit膬葲ile dup膬 instalarea unei administra葲ii americane cu priorit膬葲i 葯i afinit膬葲i pro-Putin. Ne-am amintit din nou 鈥� 葯i statele din estul Europei 葯tiu asta foarte bine 鈥� c膬 pariul pe garan葲ii externe este unul foarte periculos pe termen lung.

Nu. Nu ne mai putem permite refugii iluzorii 卯n dependen葲e strategice, nici militare 葯i nici energetice. Acum este momentul ca Uniunea European膬 s膬 devin膬 un adev膬rat constructor al propriei sale securit膬葲i. Propunerile actuale ale Comisiei sunt un pas vital, dar avem nevoie de mai mult dec芒t de aloc膬ri financiare. Avem nevoie de o industrie de ap膬rare robust膬 葯i unificat膬. Avem nevoie de for葲e interoperabile, capabile de desf膬葯urare rapid膬. Avem nevoie de o abordare strategic膬 comun膬, de o 卯n葲elegere unitar膬 a amenin葲膬rilor actuale. Trebuie s膬 devenim st膬p芒nii propriului nostru destin 葯i garantul propriei noastre securit膬葲i. Doar atunci ne vom putea proteja cu adev膬rat valorile, cet膬葲enii 葯i viitorul.

听听Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Madam听President, Mr听Vice-President, Mr听President,听our challenges are monumental; our instruments are outdated. But the idea that unites us all 鈥� our Europe 鈥撎齣t is not. I believe in the power of Europe because, frankly, what other choice do we have in the world divided between Trumps and Xis and Putins?

Ideas inspire, but actions define our future. We need real European capabilities, not grand promises; real European money, not 800听billion of hot air that was promised by the Commission.

We need a strategic decision-making centre and we need an opportunity to leave spoilers like Orb谩n behind. We need a decision-making centre, not 27 passionate speeches per meeting 鈥� a core Europe for defence that should emerge with the big and bold, with the committed and capable. France and Germany, yes, but also Estonia and Latvia and Lithuania. Let's not forget about those. And London and Oslo.听And yes, we make Europe act again. And yes, we will.

听听Kathleen Funchion (The Left). 鈥� A Uachtar谩in, as a Member from a country that cherishes our neutrality and recognises the benefits it has brought to the world, I want to express my opposition to any backsliding when it comes to the neutrality of Ireland.

Our country has a proud history of UN-mandated peacekeeping missions, a tradition that has gone on for decades. Our neutrality has enabled us to maintain an independent foreign policy, and this is a strength that is valued and supported by the Irish people.

It is therefore shameful that our Irish Government would try to use this real emergency to end the 'triple lock' policy, which is in place to protect our neutrality. The 'triple lock' is a core component of Ireland's independent foreign policy, and is enshrined in national declarations to the Irish people by governments in advance of a previous EU referendum. So if the Irish Government wants to remove this protection, it should put it to the people and have a referendum on it.

听听Dolors Montserrat (PPE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, el nuevo orden mundial ha puesto a Europa frente al espejo, oblig谩ndonos a elegir en qu茅 lado de la historia queremos estar. Tres a帽os despu茅s de la invasi贸n, Putin ya no busca solo una capitulaci贸n humillante para Zelenski y su pueblo, quiere borrar los valores europeos de libertad, democracia y paz y avanzar en su sue帽o imperialista.

Europa lo tiene claro: frente a la sumisi贸n, liderazgo, acci贸n y firmeza. Y esta es la peor noticia para Putin. No renunciaremos a la libertad, no descansaremos hasta una paz justa y duradera. Nuestro apoyo a Ucrania ha sido claro y firme desde el primer minuto, algo que no todos pueden decir aqu铆.

Mientras Estados miembros como Polonia y Alemania redoblan su inversi贸n en seguridad y defensa, Espa帽a tiene el Gobierno que menos invierte en defensa en Europa, solo un 1,2听%. Espa帽a es uno de los pa铆ses que m谩s gas compra a Putin desde que comenz贸 la guerra: 9听000 millones听de euros. S谩nchez es el equilibrista de una coalici贸n de Gobierno sin presupuestos ni respaldo parlamentario que le exige la salida de la OTAN y blanquea a dictadores. Todo con un mismo objetivo: debilitar a Espa帽a y a Europa desde dentro.

Europa debe asegurarse de que cada euro europeo para defensa se dedique a ello y no se repita lo que ha hecho S谩nchez con los fondos de Next Generation EU: usarlos como si fueran propiedad de 茅l y de su Partido Socialista. El Partido Popular Europeo lo dice bien claro y bien fuerte: s铆 a la Uni贸n Europea de Defensa y s铆 a una soberan铆a estrat茅gica real. La historia ya nos ha ense帽ado el precio de la inacci贸n y esta vez no podemos fallar.

听听Christel Schaldemose (S&D). 鈥� Fru formand! Verden er forandret. Det er en mindre sikker klode, vi har i dag end for bare f氓 uger siden. Derfor skal EU ogs氓 forandre sig. EU skal tage ansvar for egen sikkerhed. Det har vi v忙ret alt for langsom om at g酶re. Ukraine er vores lakmuspr酶ve p氓, om vi vil, og om vi kan. Tendensen er desv忙rre klar: Jo l忙ngere et EU land ligger fra Ukraine, jo mindre bliver der givet i st酶tte. Det duer ikke. Det er ikke m氓den, vi viser, at vi kan tage ansvar for Europas sikkerhed p氓. Vi siger, at alle i Europa skal st氓 sammen, men ikke alle handler derefter. Vi skal alts氓 have 酶get den st酶tte til Ukraine, og det skal v忙re nu. Og s氓 skal vi selvf酶lgelig ogs氓 opbygge vores egen europ忙iske forsvarskapacitet. Krigen i Ukraine, er simpelthen den pr酶ve, der viser, om vi i Europa kan st氓 sammen mod trusler udefra. Vi skal have alle lande til at forst氓, at det her, det handler faktisk ikke kun om Ukraine. Det handler ogs氓 om os selv. Lad os s忙tte i gang. Lad os vise, at vi godt kan forsvare Europa selv.

听听Jaroslava Pokorn谩 Jermanov谩 (PfE). 鈥� Pan铆 p艡edsedaj铆c铆, Evropa je vlastn铆 vinou ve slo啪it茅 situaci, kter谩 prov臎艡铆 na拧i schopnost spr谩vn臎 reagovat na osudov茅 v媒zvy. Mus铆me jednat pragmaticky, b媒t jednotn铆, ale z谩rove艌 respektovat suverenitu a z谩jmy jednotliv媒ch st谩t暖. Bezpe膷nostn铆 politika se nem暖啪e tvo艡it v Bruselu, ale mus铆 vych谩zet z pot艡eb 膷lensk媒ch zem铆. 艩ance Evropy je v transatlantick茅 spolupr谩ci. NATO disponuje obrann媒mi mechanismy, kter茅 se vyv铆jely cel谩 desetilet铆. Vytv谩艡et paraleln铆 evropskou strukturu je cesta 拧patn媒m sm臎rem.

Soust艡e膹me se na posilov谩n铆 aliance NATO. Investujme diplomatick茅 煤sil铆 i finan膷n铆 zdroje do tohoto projektu. Je pot艡eba se zastavit a o obrann茅 politice p艡em媒拧let s chladnou hlavou. Na拧e vz谩jemn茅 vztahy se Spojen媒mi st谩ty americk媒mi nyn铆 omezujeme pouze na ot谩zku Ukrajiny a nech谩v谩me je definovat t铆mto konfliktem. P艡itom je zde mnoho jin媒ch probl茅m暖, na kter媒ch pot艡ebujeme spolupracovat. M臎li bychom vyvinout maxim谩ln铆 煤sil铆 na zaji拧t臎n铆 m铆ru a vytvo艡en铆 funguj铆c铆ch bezpe膷nostn铆ch z谩ruk. Chytr茅 a zodpov臎dn茅 艡e拧en铆 je zaji拧t臎n铆 konkurenceschopnosti na拧eho hospod谩艡stv铆, udr啪ov谩n铆 pro Evropu v媒hodn媒ch transatlantick媒ch vztah暖 a veden铆 pragmatick茅 diplomatick茅 politiky.

听听Roberts Z墨le (ECR). 鈥� Cien墨t膩 priek拧s膿d膿t膩jas kundze, Padomes priek拧s膿d膿t膩ja, Komisijas vicepriek拧s膿d膿t膩ja!

Protams, Eiropadomes lemtais par 拧iem 800 miljardiem eiro ir solis pareiz膩 virzien膩. Ta膷u uzdosim jaut膩jumu, vai jau tr墨s gadus atpaka募 m膿s nevar膿j膩m pacelt 拧o klauzulu, kas liedza 650 miljardus dal墨bvalst墨m ieguld墨t milit膩raj膩 industrij膩 un aizsardz墨b膩. Un ar墨 拧ie 150 miljardi no SAFE programmas, 拧姆iet, tiks aplikti ar p膩rliekiem nosac墨jumiem 鈥� 拧odien dzird膿tiem no Eiropas Komisijas priek拧s膿d膿t膩jas puses, 鈥� kas var膿tu piemekl膿t l墨dz墨gu likteni, k膩 mums iet ar Atvese募o拧anas un notur墨bas meh膩nismu.

Kas b奴tu Eiropai j膩dara 拧aj膩 iz拧姆iro拧aj膩 br墨d墨? Manupr膩t, p膩rliecino拧i 膩tri so募i, piem膿ram, palielin膩t sankcijas krievu 膿nu flotei vismaz l墨dz ASV sankciju apm膿ram pret tiem, nepirkt Krievijas sa拧姆idrin膩to g膩zi, konfisc膿t iesald膿tos Krievijas resursus un nos奴t墨t Ukrainai pal墨dz墨bu, nu, vismaz apm膿ram 1% no IKP milit膩raj膩 pus膿.

J膩, nav pat墨kama ASV administr膩cijas poz墨cija, ta膷u Eiropas lab膩k膩 atbilde b奴tu r墨c墨ba 鈥� demonstr膩cija, un tas par膩d墨tu to, ka vien墨g膩 iz拧姆iro拧膩 iesp膿ja mums ir saglab膩t (NATO ietvaros) stingru Rietumu poz墨ciju dro拧墨bas jom膩.

听听Daniel Caspary (PPE). 鈥� Sehr geehrte Frau Pr盲sidentin, gesch盲tzte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es ist heute hinreichend oft gesagt worden: Wir haben die letzten drei Jahre nicht hinreichend auf Russlands Aggressionen reagiert. Und es ist auch deutlich geworden: Europa ist immer dann stark, wenn wir besonders unter Druck stehen.

Ich m枚chte auf eine Sache noch einmal hinweisen, die unser Fraktionsvorsitzender Manfred Weber vorhin vollkommen zu Recht dargestellt hat: Wir sind gut in den Krisenzeiten. Aber schaffen wir es in den Krisenzeiten nicht nur als Europ盲ische Union, die Mitgliedstaaten dabei zu unterst眉tzen, ihre Hausaufgaben zu erledigen, sondern schaffen wir es auch gemeinsam mit den Mitgliedstaaten, endlich in Europa den n盲chsten Schritt zu gehen?

Wir haben es doch gesehen bei der Corona-Krise: Der Corona-Wiederaufbaufonds war ein Riesenschritt der Europ盲ischen Union, um den Mitgliedstaaten zu helfen. Aber wir haben es nicht geschafft, die europaweiten Stromnetze z.听B. zu bauen, europaweite Eisenbahnnetze zu ert眉chtigen. Wir haben es nicht geschafft, Europa als Kontinent mit einem gemeinsamen gro脽en Projekt zusammenzubringen.

Und auch jetzt听鈥� ReArm Europe ist dringend n枚tig. Aber auch hier gilt doch wieder: Es fehlen genau die gemeinsamen europ盲ischen Projekte. Es geht doch nicht nur darum, die Mitgliedstaaten jetzt alleine dabei zu unterst眉tzen, die n枚tige Aufr眉stung zu machen, endlich verteidigungsf盲hig zu werden, sondern wir m眉ssen doch gemeinsame europ盲ische Projekte durchsetzen.

Ich kann den Rat nur aufrufen, Herr Costa, ich kann die Mitgliedstaaten nur aufrufen: Bitte machen Sie im Rat Druck, dass wir einige Projekte auch gemeinsam machen! Die Beispiele, die Manfred Weber heute genannt hat: mit dem gemeinsamen 脺berwachungssatellitensystem, mit einem gemeinsamen Luftabwehrschirm, mit einem vielleicht auch gemeinsamen Flugzeugtr盲ger, Hubschraubertr盲ger, Drohnentr盲ger oder was auch immer. Wir m眉ssen doch bitte auch als Europ盲er gemeinsam ein gro脽es Projekt voranbringen, um auch nach au脽en zu zeigen: Wir meinen die europ盲ische Einigung听鈥� gerade auch in Krisenzeiten听鈥� ernst.

听听Nicola Zingaretti (S&D). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io penso che l'Europa debba aumentare la sua sicurezza ma il modo per farlo 猫 aprire il cantiere per la difesa comune europea. E va detto con chiarezza: il semplice aumento della spesa militare per 27 eserciti nazionali non ci rende pi霉 sicuri.

La deterrenza o 猫 europea o non 猫 deterrenza e dobbiamo quindi finanziare progetti comuni, promuovere insieme acquisti a favore dell'industria europea, rafforzare il coordinamento dei sistemi e dei comandi, investire massicciamente nella ricerca dell'industria dell'aerospazio. Sicurezza 猫 rilanciare il ruolo politico e unitario dell'Europa, il听suo protagonismo come grande attore globale nel commercio, nell'industria e nella cultura, e rafforzare la sua politica estera.

Contro pi霉 nazionalismo occorre pi霉 federalismo e questa stagione si pu貌 e si deve aprire senza colpire la spesa e la coesione sociale ma con politiche di investimenti comuni. Perch茅 siamo tornati alla sostanza della straordinaria intuizione di Ventotene: l'Europa sar脿 libera se sar脿 pi霉 unita.

听听Harald Vilimsky (PfE). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! F眉r den Kurs der Europ盲ischen Union gilt in abgewandelter Form das Sprichwort: Immer, wenn du glaubst, es geht nicht mehr, kommt schon der n盲chste Wahnsinn daher. Und im Konkreten ist es jetzt der Plan, hier eine gewaltige Summe von 800听Milliarden daf眉r vorzusehen, diesen Kontinent aufzur眉sten. Und rechnen Sie diese Summe um auf die Zahl der Einwohner Europas, so kommen Sie per capita听鈥� wie es so sch枚n hei脽t, vom Baby bis zum Greis 鈥� auf eine Summe von um die 1听800听Euro. Rechnen Sie das auf die Aktivgeneration, kostet das jeden Europ盲er, der heute Steuern beitr盲gt, wahrscheinlich zus盲tzliche 4听000 bis 5听000听Euro听pro Jahr.

Ich sage: Das ist der falsche Weg. Europa braucht dieses Geld f眉r neue und gute Jobs. Europa braucht dieses Geld f眉r soziale Aktivit盲ten, f眉r Spit盲ler, f眉r den Bildungsbereich, f眉r Schulen, aber nicht, um aufzur眉sten. Und ins selbe Horn st枚脽t auch der Vorschlag, der jetzt aus Frankreich kommt, n盲mlich den ganzen Kontinent mit Atomwaffen quasi zu 眉bers盲en. Das ist der falsche Weg.

Wir haben zurzeit Verhandlungen in Saudi-Arabien mit der Trump-Administration听鈥� und jetzt kann man von Trump halten, was immer man m枚chte, aber es ist zumindest der Versuch, hier am Tisch Frieden herbeizuf眉hren. Ich h盲tte mir gew眉nscht, dass die Europ盲ische Union dort ankn眉pft, wo sie 2012, glaube ich, schon einmal war, n盲mlich eine Art Friedensnobelpreis erhalten zu haben, und sich jetzt hier in Kooperation und in einem Zusammenspiel mit dem Westen gemeinsam daf眉r ausspricht, das Sterben endlich zu beenden, endlich daf眉r Sorge zu tragen, dass es zu qualitativen Friedensverhandlungen kommt und dass wir in Zukunft wieder daran arbeiten k枚nnen, den Wohlstand auf diesem Kontinent voranzutreiben, und nicht zuzusehen, wie hier mehr und mehr Tote und Verletzte generiert werden.

听听Adam Bielan (ECR). 鈥� Madam President, for too long Europe has neglected its defence industry, leaving us dependent on external suppliers and slow to react to crises. While NATO allies uphold Article 5, they have failed to meet Article 3's obligation to develop their own defence capabilities.

EU Member States must urgently invest in their own security, as Poland did under Law and Justice leadership.

Recent events have shown that without the United States, Europe is unfortunately nearly defenceless. Regardless of political turbulence or disagreements, we must maintain strong and reliable transatlantic relations. Our security depends on it. And here, from this very place, I once again urge the Prime Minister of Poland to stop blocking President Duda's proposal to convene an EU鈥慤S summit in Warsaw under the Polish Presidency. Failing to hold it will only deepen the cracks in our relations with our most important ally. We cannot afford such missteps at a time when security challenges are multiplying across Europe and beyond.

听听Zolt谩n Tarr (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, dear colleagues, usually I speak Hungarian, but I'm compelled to speak English because I need to speak to the people of Europe on behalf of my fellow Hungarians.

In an increasingly uncertain global political situation we need a strong Europe, which requires the establishment of a new security system. Unfortunately, there is a risk that my country, Hungary, will not be part of this because the current Hungarian Prime Minister serves foreign interests. The country's economy is in despair, inflation is soaring and corruption is our present and our future.

The government is isolating Hungary. It claims to seek peace, but in reality it endangers the security of Hungarians and that of the whole of Europe. The vast majority of Hungarians believe that Hungary's place is in Europe. Everyone must clearly understand that. Hungary's home is Europe, and Europe's security is equal to Hungary's security.

We, the opposition, the Tisza party, are ready to lead Hungary back to the heart of Europe. Our future lies in a strong, secure and prosperous Europe, not in the shadows of the Kremlin.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

听听Alexander Jungbluth (ESN), Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Sehr geehrter Kollege, Sie haben ja kaum zum Tagesordnungspunkt gesprochen; Sie haben ja eigentlich Ihre Redezeit vor allem dazu genutzt, gegen Ihre eigene Regierung vorzugehen. Aber ich stelle mir mal folgende Frage: Sie wollen ja immer diese st盲rkere europ盲ische Integration. Sie stellen hier in Aussicht, dass Ihre Delegation daf眉r steht, Ungarn in das Herz Europas zur眉ckzuf眉hren. Was wollen Sie denn eigentlich erreichen? Wollen Sie tats盲chlich, dass eine ungarische Armee geopfert wird, damit es eben eine europ盲ische Armee gibt, die Ungarn dann mit Sicherheit nicht mehr verteidigen will?

Meinen Sie mit dem Herzen Europas das, was Ihre Fraktionskollegen von der CDU zu verantworten haben, dass es zu Massenvergewaltigungen in Deutschland kommt, dass es zu Terror in Deutschland kommt? Wollen Sie, dass das auch in Ungarn stattfindet? Glauben Sie, dass das der Punkt ist, wo Sie sagen, dass das Herz Europas Sie dahin zur眉ckf眉hrt?

听听Zolt谩n Tarr (PPE), k茅kk谩rty谩s v谩lasz. 鈥� Azt 茅rtem az Eur贸pa sz铆ve alatt, hogy egy olyan Eur贸p谩ban 茅l眉nk 茅s kell 茅lj眉nk, ahol az eur贸pai orsz谩gok 枚nsz谩ntukb贸l, saj谩t akaratukb贸l egy眉ttm疟k枚dnek annak 茅rdek茅ben, hogy egy biztons谩gos, biztons谩got ny煤jt贸, egym谩snak seg铆t艖 Eur贸p谩t hozzanak l茅tre. Ehhez arra van sz眉ks茅g, hogy az eur贸pai orsz谩gok egy眉ttm疟k枚djenek, seg铆ts茅k egym谩st 茅s tisztelj茅k egym谩st. Erre gondolok akkor, amikor az Eur贸pa sz铆v茅r艖l besz茅lek.

听听Javier Moreno S谩nchez (S&D). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, se帽or comisario, se帽or presidente del Consejo Europeo, comienzo enviando, en nombre de la delegaci贸n socialista espa帽ola, nuestro recuerdo, apoyo y cari帽o a las familias de las v铆ctimas del 11M.

Se帽or铆as, 驴guerra o paz? La Uni贸n est谩 en una disyuntiva impensable hace unos a帽os, especialmente para quienes no hemos vivido la guerra. Crece la inquietud en nuestras sociedades, especialmente entre los j贸venes. Tenemos que hacer part铆cipe a la ciudadan铆a, con transparencia y pedagog铆a, de los cambios que exige la nueva realidad geopol铆tica. No podemos dejar el relato en manos de la extrema derecha, que aprovechar谩 para seguir destruyendo la esencia de la Uni贸n Europea.

Tienen que decirnos claramente si est谩n con Ucrania y con Europa o si est谩n con Putin. Tenemos que explicar que la paz y la seguridad en nuestro continente pasan por seguir apoyando a Ucrania para lograr urgentemente una paz justa y duradera en la que participemos ucranianos y europeos. Y, a medio y largo plazo, tenemos que rearmar Europa y desarrollar una pol铆tica de defensa com煤n que nos permita ser aut贸nomos y garantizar nuestra propia seguridad.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la 芦tarjeta azul禄)

听听Jaak Madison (ECR), blue-card question. 鈥� I generally agree with you when we are talking about defence policies. We really have to support more Ukraine. I definitely agree.

But, as you are from the Socialist Party from Spain, just a very small, tiny question: what is your opinion on why Spain has provided so little help to Ukraine currently? Because when you look at the GDP, the real help 鈥� military aid 鈥� it has given to Ukraine, it's almost nothing compared to Poland, Estonia, Denmark, Finland and so on. So, why is there so much talk and no actions? What is the problem in Spain with the Socialists? Why are you not acting?

听听Javier Moreno S谩nchez (S&D), respuesta de 芦tarjeta azul禄. 鈥� Se帽or Jaak Madison, gracias por su pregunta. Desde el primer minuto de la invasi贸n de Putin a Ucrania, el Gobierno de Espa帽a ha estado con Ucrania. Haremos todo lo necesario para que consigamos esa paz duradera y justa. Estamos con Ucrania, seguiremos estando con Ucrania y pondremos los medios que hay que poner. No se preocupe que el Gobierno socialista espa帽ol est谩 en ello y seguiremos apoyando a Ucrania, porque no solo es la paz en Ucrania, es la paz en Europa, es la defensa de nuestras democracias y por eso tenemos que seguir unidos. Por eso pregunto a la extrema derecha europea si est谩n con Putin o est谩n con nosotros.

听听Marion Mar茅chal (ECR). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, malheur aux vaincus et aux vassaux! Telle est la grande le莽on inculqu茅e aux Europ茅ens depuis maintenant plusieurs semaines. Si nous ne voulons pas risquer que, un jour, l鈥檜n de nos chefs d鈥櫭塼at se retrouve dans la position de Volodymyr听Zelensky dans le Bureau ovale, alors oui, il faut augmenter nos stocks, nos munitions, notre mat茅riel op茅rationnel et le nombre de nos soldats, non pas pour jouer l鈥檈scalade guerri猫re, mais pour 锚tre craints par des adversaires convaincus de notre capacit茅 脿 riposter. Si vis pacem, para bellum.

Pour cela, nous devons d猫s maintenant 茅carter la dangereuse illusion d鈥檜ne force arm茅e au service d鈥檜ne Europe f茅d茅rale. L鈥橴nion europ茅enne peut et doit, bien s没r, faciliter le financement de ce r茅armement, mais elle ne peut en aucun cas en 锚tre la g茅n茅rale en chef; c鈥檈st aux arm茅es nationales de d茅fendre nos nations. L鈥檜rgence qui doit nous occuper est d鈥櫭﹖ablir une pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne en mati猫re d鈥檃chats militaires. Si cette priorit茅 ne devient pas la pierre angulaire de la nouvelle architecture de d茅fense de notre continent, alors toute vell茅it茅 d鈥檌nd茅pendance restera illusoire.

Allons au bout du chemin: le r茅armement militaire n鈥檃 de sens qu鈥檃ccompagn茅 d鈥檜n r茅armement d茅mographique et identitaire. Il est grand temps que cette institution cesse de regarder les menaces uniquement 脿 l鈥檃une de ses 艙ill猫res id茅ologiques.

听听Sebasti茫o Bugalho (PPE). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Presidente, h谩 tr锚s anos, ningu茅m antecipou que a Europa se unisse em torno da Ucr芒nia, negando a invas茫o da Federa莽茫o da R煤ssia.

Tr锚s anos depois, a instabilidade americana faz com que muitos digam que a Europa n茫o existe, que n茫o conta, que n茫o consegue.

Caros colegas, nos 煤ltimos cem dias, as tr锚s institui莽玫es aqui reunidas mostraram que a Europa est谩 aqui.听脌 amea莽a de tarifas respondemos no dia, defendendo a nossa economia. 脌 amea莽a de al铆vio de san莽玫es respondemos na semana, com o 16.潞 pacote de san莽玫es. 脌 suspens茫o de apoio 脿 Ucr芒nia respondemos na hora, n茫o abdicando da liberdade ucraniana, da sua constitui莽茫o, da sua soberania.

A Uni茫o tem provado que 茅 poss铆vel reagir sem provocar, agir sem desistir. Fazemo-lo n茫o para invadir ningu茅m, mas para impedirmos novas invas玫es. Fazemo-lo n茫o por oportunidade econ贸mica, mas por necessidade, porque n茫o h谩 pobreza mais devastadora do que a pobreza da guerra.

Friends, I am Portuguese. I was born in a most distant Member State from this war. So I say to my Polish friends: I know your security is our security. I say to my Romanian friends: I know your democracy is our democracy. I say to my Baltic friends: your defence cannot just be our defence.

To our Ukrainian friends, I say: your freedom is our freedom. Today it is increasingly clear that a common response is the only fair response, that to invest in defence is the most urgent response in solidarity. Let's not waste time. Let's do it.

听听Ren茅 Repasi (S&D). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Nach den bizarren Szenen im Wei脽en Haus vor elf Tagen wissen wir: Die europ盲isch鈥慳merikanische Freundschaft hat keine verl盲sslichen Freunde mehr auf der anderen Seite des Atlantiks. Wir m眉ssen uns der bitteren Realit盲t stellen: Wir sind alleine f眉r unsere Sicherheit verantwortlich. Das verlangt echte Anstrengungen und keine Luftbuchungen. 650听Milliarden Euro mehr an m枚glichen nationalen Schulden f眉hrt noch lange nicht zu 800听Milliarden Euro zus盲tzlichem Geld f眉r unsere Verteidigung.

Ich verlange einen ambitionierten Vorschlag, der Verteidigung als europ盲ische Aufgabe versteht, der echtes europ盲isches Geld in die Hand nimmt, ohne den sozialen Zusammenhalt zu schw盲chen. Das verlangt gemeinsame Verschuldung f眉r gemeinsame Verteidigungsaufgaben, ohne nationale Schulden zu erh枚hen.

Lasst uns mutig sein! Die 盲u脽eren Gefahren unseres Kontinents sind die Pandemie unserer Zeit.

听听Michael Gahler (PPE). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Aggressor im Kreml wei脽 gar nicht, wie ihm geschieht: Die bisherige F眉hrungsmacht des Westens wechselte in Sachen Ukraine die Seiten. Es muss uns als Weckruf reichen, dass es Zweifel gibt, ob die USA gegen眉ber ihren Verb眉ndeten im Ernstfall ihren Beistandsverpflichtungen nachkommen. Da m眉ssen wir vom worst case ausgehen und so schnell wie m枚glich alle Instrumente aktivieren, um uns zu verteidigen und um uns verteidigungsf盲hig zu machen auf nationaler und europ盲ischer Ebene听鈥� im Prinzip, wie es dem Vorschlag der Kommission entspricht.

Als EP haben wir Probleme mit der Rechtsgrundlage, und ich h盲tte mir auch gew眉nscht, dass wir auch die nationale听escape clause nur insoweit gelten lassen, als die zus盲tzlichen Ausgaben in gemeinsame R眉stungsprojekte investiert werden, um Skaleneffekte zu erzielen, um Interoperabilit盲t zu erh枚hen. Wir brauchen auch europ盲ische Projekte, um uns gemeinsam zu sch眉tzen. Ein European Sky Shield w盲re so ein Beispiel; andere Projekte sind genannt worden.

In der Zwischenzeit sehen wir, wie die russische R眉stungsmaschinerie auf Hochtouren l盲uft und schon jetzt mehr produziert, als sie in der Ukraine einsetzt. Wof眉r wohl? Machen wir uns endlich klar: Die russische Bedrohung richtet sich gegen uns alle, und die Ukraine ist unsere erste Verteidigungslinie, die wir st盲rken m眉ssen, w盲hrend wir das eigene Potenzial hochfahren.

Die Ukrainer sind die ersten, die Frieden wollen. Sie wollten auch den Krieg nicht. Aber sie wissen auch, wie ein russischer Frieden aussieht, ein stalinistischer Frieden im russischen Gulag. Das droht auch uns, wenn die Ukraine f盲llt und wir nicht verteidigungsf盲hig sind. Lassen wir es nicht so weit kommen! Slawa Ukrajini!

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥� zu antworten.)

听听Erik Kali艌谩k (NI), ot谩zka polo啪en谩 zdvihnut铆m modrej karty. 鈥� Po膷k谩m na p谩na. Je hrozn茅, 啪e v 膷ase, ke膹 cel媒 svet tla膷铆 na diplomaciu a mierov茅 rokovania, v Eur贸pskom parlamente re膷n铆me dve a pol hodiny o zbrojen铆 a potrebe akejsi vojenskej federaliz谩cie. Za m艌a 煤plne mimo, ale ot谩zka na v谩s.

Hovor铆me o stovk谩ch mili谩rd na zbrojenie ako sp么sob, ktor媒m pom么啪eme aj Ukrajine, ale tej za膷铆naj煤 z煤falo ch媒ba钮 nie peniaze, nie zbrane, ale 木udia. Ako chcete rie拧i钮 tento probl茅m? Deport谩ciou Ukrajincov z 煤zemia Eur贸pskej 煤nie alebo nasaden铆m na拧ich vojakov?

听听Michael Gahler (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Wir werden alles unterst眉tzen, was zu einem gerechten Frieden f眉hrt听鈥� und je fr眉her, desto besser. Und das hei脽t dann aber auch, dass wir dann, wenn wir einen Kriegszustand beendet haben, unseren Beitrag leisten, dass die Ukraine nicht noch einmal wieder 眉berfallen wird, und das hei脽t, diese Abschreckung muss glaubw眉rdig sein.

Die Ukraine braucht Sicherheitsgarantien, die den Namen auch verdienen, und der britische Premierminister hat gesagt 鈥�boots on the ground and planes in the air鈥�. Ich glaube, das w盲re nach Ende des Kriegszustandes eine gemeinsame Antwort auf die russische Bedrohung.

听听Rapha毛l Glucksmann (S&D). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Pr茅sident, chers coll猫gues, le grand 茅crivain et combattant de la France libre Romain听Gary se demandait pourquoi les 茅lites fran莽aises n鈥檃vaient pas suivi le g茅n茅ral de Gaulle 脿 Londres en听1940. 脡tait-ce parce qu鈥檈lles 茅taient violemment antis茅mites? Non, pas vraiment, nous dit Gary. Pro-allemandes ou pro-nazis, alors? Non plus. La raison 茅tait plus tristement banale, selon Gary: c鈥檈st qu鈥檈lles aimaient trop leurs meubles.

Les grandes temp锚tes exigent de rompre avec l鈥檋abitude, et le moment est venu pour nous aussi de nous d茅faire de nos meubles. La Russie nous menace directement, et les 脡tats-Unis nous abandonnent l芒chement. Eh bien, c鈥檈st le moment de v茅rit茅 de l鈥橢urope.

Il nous revient d茅sormais, 脿 nous et 脿 nous seuls, d鈥檃ider massivement notre premi猫re ligne de d茅fense qu鈥檈st la r茅sistance ukrainienne. Le Conseil europ茅en l鈥檃ffirme, mais cela suppose de prendre des d茅cisions fortes, devant lesquelles nos 脡tats reculent encore, comme la saisie des 209听milliards d鈥檃voirs publics russes gel茅s en Europe et leur affectation 脿 l鈥橴kraine.

Il nous revient aussi d茅sormais, 脿 nous et 脿 nous seuls, d鈥檃ssurer notre propre s茅curit茅 et de construire une d茅fense autonome. Nos dirigeants l鈥檃ffirment, mais cela suppose d鈥檃ller plus loin que ce qui fut annonc茅 jeudi. Lan莽ons un emprunt commun finan莽ant des programmes europ茅ens et assurons-nous que cet argent serve 脿 d茅velopper les industries europ茅ennes 鈥撎齟t pas 脿 empiler les F-35.

Nous avons besoin d鈥檃gir plus, et plus en Europ茅ens. 小谢邪胁邪 校泻褉邪褩薪褨 (芦Slava Oukra茂ni禄)! Vive l鈥橢urope libre!

听听Lud臎k Niedermayer (PPE). 鈥� Madam听President, the world has changed, not to better, in the last few years, but mostly in the last few weeks.

It's clear what we Europeans have to do: the exact opposite to what Moscow, Beijing, but also Donald Trump, is dreaming about. We must get united and we must get much, much, much stronger.

From that point of view, the summit was a good start. But not everything is about money. We need a strong and clear foreign policy to be able to represent the interest of Europeans. Common purchases are good, but it's not the same as the European defence that we desperately need, and this is what Manfred Weber was talking about.

So for me, the summit was a good start. But we must go much, much further and we must go much, much quicker, because there is very little time left.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

听听Ond艡ej Dost谩l (NI), blue-card question. 鈥� Good morning, Mr听Niedermayer. I hope you will respond to my question. Do you really think it would be a good idea to transfer deciding about war and peace from Prague 鈥� or other capitals of sovereign nations 鈥� to Brussels, and let Brussels institutions decide if our sons will go to war? Because this is a necessary aspect of the common European defence you propose.

听听Lud臎k Niedermayer (PPE), blue-card answer. 鈥� First, this is not exactly what I was talking about. But it's absolutely obvious: either we defend ourselves together, or we don't defend ourselves.

What I'm talking about are the projects that will substantially increase our ability to defend, and make it much more effective, and save money 鈥� for example, anti-missile defence, drone defence, electronic defence, and so on.

It would be 鈥� and I guess you understand 鈥� much more effective to make it together than try to develop 10 or 20 different systems at the same time. We don't each need to reinvent the wheel.

听听Dan Nica (S&D). 鈥� Doamn膬 pre葯edint膬, domnule pre葯edinte Costa, domnule comisar 艩ef膷ovi膷, discut膬m ast膬zi despre un program de asigurare, de fapt, a securit膬葲ii Uniunii Europene. Pentru mine ca rom芒n 葯i pentru 葲ara mea este extrem de important s膬 葯tim nu c膬 suntem doar 卯n marginea Europei 葯i c膬 trebuie s膬 ap膬r膬m Uniunea European膬 pe flancul estic, dar trebuie s膬 ne asigur膬m c膬 avem 葯i cu ce. Trebuie s膬-i asigur pe cet膬葲enii rom芒ni c膬 trebuie s膬-葯i vad膬 de via葲a lor de zi cu zi, la fel ca to葲i cet膬葲enii europeni, 葯i c膬 nu exist膬 vreo amenin葲are care s膬 pun膬 卯n pericol modul lor de a tr膬i, de a-葯i desf膬葯ura via葲a 卯n condi葲ii normale.

Totu葯i, 卯n actuala configura葲ie global膬, doar dac膬 e葯ti 卯narmat suficient e葯ti respectat. Aceasta este o lec葲ie pe care am 卯nv膬葲at-o, din p膬cate, 卯n ultimii ani de zile, iar perioada de naivitate a Uniunii Europene s-a terminat. Trebuie s膬 avem scut de ap膬rare antiaerian膬, s膬 avem drone, s膬 avem sisteme antidrone, s膬 avem sateli葲i, s膬 avem sisteme care s膬 ne protejeze, pentru c膬 doar 葯i numai atunci vom putea s膬 ne desf膬葯ur膬m via葲a 卯n mod normal. 脦n plus, trebuie s膬 avem grij膬 de industriile noastre strategice. Trebuie s膬 avem o葲el, trebuie s膬 avem aluminiu produs 卯n Uniunea European膬, pentru c膬 altfel nu vom putea realiza nimic din ceea ce 卯nseamn膬 asigurarea intereselor noastre strategice.

听听Rasa Juknevi膷ien臈 (PPE). 鈥� Gerbiama pirmininke, lygiai prie拧 35 metus pirmajame po okupacijos laisvai i拧rinktame parlamente balsavau u啪 Lietuvos Nepriklausomyb臋, o 拧iandien 拧i diskusija man 鈥� to paties kelio t臋sinys kartu su Europa.

Mano 啪inia viena 鈥� Europa bus stipri, jei pad臈sime Ukrainai laim臈ti. Ir mes galime, tik reikia patik臈ti, kad galime. 鈥濺eArm Europe鈥� turi b奴ti 寞gyvendinama solidariai tarp Europos S膮jungos nari懦 ir solidariai su Ukraina, kuri jau yra ES nar臈 de facto, nes savo krauju gina mus.

Ukrainos fronte sprend啪iamas Europos likimas. Ka啪kas paskai膷iavo, kad iki 拧iol kiekvienam Europos S膮jungos pilie膷iui Europos karin臈 parama Ukrainai nekainavo n臈 dviej懦 puodeli懦 kavos. Valstyb臈s nar臈s tikrai gali skirti Ukrainai daugiau. Sutarkim d臈l ne ma啪iau kaip 0,25听proc. nuo BVP i拧 kiekvienos 拧alies. I拧kelkim ambicij膮: Ukraina 鈥� Europos S膮jungos nar臈 iki 2030听m. Pasikartokim istorijos pamokas ir priimkim i拧拧奴kius. 鈥濳eep calm, carry on鈥� 鈥� Winston Churchill.

听听Marta Temido (S&D). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Caro Presidente do Conselho, quero come莽ar por saudar as conclus玫es do Conselho Europeu extraordin谩rio da semana passada.

Mais do que nunca, todos compreendemos que a seguran莽a europeia est谩 estreitamente ligada ao desfecho da guerra na Ucr芒nia. O rearmamento da Uni茫o Europeia, nomeadamente para responder 脿s amea莽as h铆bridas, n茫o 茅 uma escolha, 茅 uma emerg锚ncia de dissuas茫o.

A Ucr芒nia precisa de apoio imediato, incluindo da mobiliza莽茫o dos ativos russos congelados, e as conclus玫es do Conselho mostram a compreens茫o de que vivemos uma rutura hist贸rica.

Mas precisamos de ir mais longe. Da mesma forma que fomos capazes de o fazer na resposta 脿 pandemia, tamb茅m no investimento em seguran莽a e defesa precisamos de maior solidariedade e coordena莽茫o entre os Estados-Membros, nomeadamente atrav茅s de mutualiza莽茫o da d铆vida e de compras conjuntas.

E, ao mesmo tempo, precisamos de fazer tudo para manter a mesma ambi莽茫o de investimento nas 谩reas sociais e ambientais da Uni茫o Europeia, que s茫o a nossa raz茫o de ser.

Por 煤ltimo, precisamos de ser claros com os nossos cidad茫os: o momento que vivemos 茅 grave, e provavelmente n茫o o ultrapassaremos sem sacrif铆cios.听A paz justa que queremos para a Ucr芒nia 茅 a paz que nos proteger谩, enquanto sociedades democr谩ticas e livres, a todos.

听听Tonino Picula (S&D). 鈥� Madam President, dear colleagues, I welcome the proposal to strengthen European Union defence capabilities with ReArm Europe, and I call on Member States to proceed forward.

I also believe that this House will support an even more ambitious position. It goes without saying that the transatlantic disruption caused by the new US administration has brought us long-term geopolitical changes. We must not base European security on voter attitudes in US swing states. The EU needs to plan de-risking policy towards Trump's Washington. This is not America that wants its allies to respect it. This is an America that wants its allies to fear it.

Europe must make some historical and responsible steps ahead. Bold leadership and adequate funds are needed, including through seizing EUR 200 billion of Russian assets. I always repeat that our security does not stop at our borders. That's why we have to act fast and to act now. Time is of the essence.

Spontane Wortmeldungen

听听Dariusz Jo艅ski (PPE). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! 鈥濨ezpiecze艅stwo, Europo鈥� to nie jest tylko has艂o polskiej prezydencji. To r贸wnie偶 jest wyzwanie, przed kt贸rym stoi dzisiaj ca艂a Europa. I powiem absolutnie wprost: musimy si臋 dozbroi膰, bo Putin wcale si臋 nie chce zatrzyma膰 na Donbasie, nie chce poprzesta膰 na Ukrainie. I nie jest prawd膮, kiedy m贸wi teraz, 偶e ju偶 nie chce, 偶eby ludzie gin臋li, bo gdyby tak by艂o, to by trzy lata temu nie atakowa艂 Ukrainy.

Ot贸偶, cho膰 wiem, 偶e jeszcze na tej sali s膮 osoby, kt贸re by chcia艂y robi膰 interesy z Putinem 鈥� cho膰 ich jest coraz mniej na szcz臋艣cie 鈥� i szerz膮 tutaj rosyjsk膮 propagand臋, m.in. to, co m贸wi Russia Today, to jest najwy偶szy czas, 偶eby powiedzie膰 stop i do艣膰. Do艣膰 ju偶 tego. My dzisiaj musimy zbudowa膰 europejsk膮 polis臋 ubezpieczeniow膮 i 偶eby tak by艂o, musimy zainwestowa膰 ogromne pieni膮dze w uzbrojenie. I ten plan Komisji Europejskiej, 偶eby wyda膰 do o艣miuset miliard贸w euro w艂a艣nie na uzbrojenie jest bardzo dobrym pomys艂em, tylko musimy to zrobi膰 szybko, bez debat, bez konsultacji, bez rocznych dyskusji. Po prostu musimy to zrobi膰 zaraz, bo my nie mamy czasu.

I chc臋 powiedzie膰 jeszcze jedn膮 rzecz. Polska chce przenie艣膰 z KPO, z krajowego planu odbudowy prawie 30 mld z艂 na to, 偶eby w艂a艣nie zainwestowa膰 w uzbrojenie, bo bezpiecze艅stwo dla Europy jest dzisiaj najwa偶niejsze.

听听Maria Grapini (S&D). 鈥� Doamn膬 pre葯edint膬, domnule pre葯edinte al Consiliului European, domnule comisar, stima葲i colegi, ast膬zi trebuia s膬 dezbatem despre 葯edin葲a Consiliului din 20 martie. Din p膬cate, aproape toate discursurile au fost legate de re卯narmare, de ap膬rare; sunt foarte importante, dar vreau s膬 m膬 opresc la cele trei puncte spuse de pre葯edin葲ia polonez膬 葯i vreau s膬 le discuta葲i, domnule pre葯edinte, 卯n 20 martie. Este vorba de problema economic膬. Nu putem s膬 fim puternici 鈥� a葲i spus, domnule ministru, 葯i pe bun膬 dreptate, trei piloni foarte importan葲i: simplificare, energie 葯i investi葲ii. Dac膬 aceste trei lucruri nu le vom face, nu avem cum s膬 ne ap膬r膬m.

Trebuie s膬 spun cu regret c膬, 卯n ultimii 20 de ani, diploma葲ia Uniunii Europene a sc膬zut. Dac膬 vrei s膬 fii puternic 卯n lumea global膬, trebuie s膬 葯tii s膬 negociezi 葯i cu cei mai puternici ca tine 葯i cu cei mai slabi ca tine 葯i s膬 ai clar o economie solid膬, care 卯葲i permite dup膬 aceea s膬 po葲i s膬 stai la masa negocierilor. De aceea, domnule pre葯edinte Costa, special pentru dumneavoastr膬, v膬 rog s膬 discuta葲i 卯n 20 martie ce solu葲ii avem pentru energie. IMM-urile sunt la p膬m芒nt, popula葲ia nu-葯i poate pl膬ti energia, cel pu葲in 卯n 葲ara mea 葯i 卯n alte 葲膬ri din est.

听听President. 鈥� I apologise: apparently there was not interpretation in every language, but at least in German I had it.

听听螕蔚维未畏蟼 螕蔚维未畏 (ECR). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 蟽蠅蟽蟿维 苇蠂蔚蟿蔚 伪谓伪蠁苇蟻蔚喂 蟽蟿畏谓 慰渭喂位委伪 蟽伪蟼 蠈蟿喂 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 慰喂魏慰未慰渭萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 魏慰喂谓萎 维渭蠀谓伪. 螕喂伪 蟺慰位位慰蟽蟿萎 蠁慰蟻维 伪魏慰蠉蟽伪渭蔚 蟺慰位位维 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪, 蠈渭蠅蟼 慰蠉蟿蔚 位苇尉畏 蟺维位喂 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 螝蠉蟺蟻慰. 韦慰 蟺蟻蠈尾位畏渭伪 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 渭蠈谓慰 畏 巍蠅蟽委伪 伪位位维 魏伪喂 畏 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪. 螝蠀蟻委蔚蟼 魏伪喂 魏蠉蟻喂慰喂, 魏维蟺慰喂伪 纬蠅谓喂维 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼, 畏 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蟼, 苇谓伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 27 魏蟻维蟿畏 渭苇位畏 蟿畏蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼, 纬喂伪 蠈蟽慰蠀蟼 苇蠂慰蠀谓 尉蔚蠂维蟽蔚喂, 蟿蔚位蔚委 蠀蟺蠈 蟺伪蟻维谓慰渭畏 魏伪蟿慰蠂萎. 螖蔚谓 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 蠀蟺维蟻蠂慰蠀谓 魏伪蟿慰蠂喂魏苇蟼 未蠀谓维渭蔚喂蟼 未蠉慰 蟺蟻慰蟽蔚纬纬委蟽蔚蠅谓. 螒蟺慰蟿蔚位蔚委 蟺蟻蠈魏位畏蟽畏 畏 蟺伪蟻慰蠀蟽委伪 蟿畏蟼 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪蟼 蟽蟿畏 蟽蠀谓维谓蟿畏蟽畏 蟿慰蠀 螞慰谓未委谓慰蠀 魏伪喂 畏 蟺蟻慰蟽蟺维胃蔚喂伪 谓伪 蟽蠀渭蟺蔚蟻喂位畏蠁胃蔚委 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 维渭蠀谓伪 蠅蟼 蔚纬纬蠀萎蟿蟻喂伪 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼. 螠委伪 蠂蠋蟻伪 蟺慰蠀 魏伪蟿苇蠂蔚喂 蟺伪蟻维谓慰渭伪 蟿慰 尾蠈蟻蔚喂慰 蟿渭萎渭伪 蟿畏蟼 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蠀, 伪蟺蔚喂位蔚委 渭蔚 蟺蠈位蔚渭慰 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀 螡螒韦螣 魏伪喂 蟽蟿畏蟻委味蔚喂 蟿蟻慰渭慰魏蟻维蟿蔚蟼 蟽蟿畏 螠苇蟽畏 螒谓伪蟿慰位萎. 螚 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪 蠈蠂喂 渭蠈谓慰 未蔚谓 苇蠂蔚喂 胃苇蟽畏 蟽蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 伪位位维 慰蠉蟿蔚 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 维渭蠀谓伪 魏伪喂 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪. 螘位蔚蠀胃蔚蟻委伪 蟽蟿畏谓 螝蠉蟺蟻慰, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 位苇渭蔚 "蔚位蔚蠀胃蔚蟻委伪 蟽蟿畏谓 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪"!

听听Hilde Vautmans (Renew). 鈥� Voorzitter, mevrouw Ursula von der Leyen heeft haar job gedaan. Ze heeft op korte termijn gezorgd voor 800听miljard euro aan extra budgetten en de lidstaten hebben het goedgekeurd en gingen naar huis. Maar ik richt mij nu tot u, want nu begint het echte werk. Ik wil u ertoe oproepen om niet gewoon meer van hetzelfde te doen. We zullen het anders moeten doen. Ik reken erop dat u een "coalition of the buying" aangaat. Koop samen aan. We weten wat er nodig is: een Europees luchtafweersysteem en een Europese nucleaire paraplu.

Ik heb de heren Merz en Macron gehoord. Frankrijk en Duitsland doen mee en als zij meedoen, dan zullen andere landen sowieso mee instappen. Doe dit gewoon. Neem ook de Noren en de Britten mee aan tafel. We weten allemaal waarom. Laat ons niet gewoon meer van hetzelfde doen, alleen maar een "coalition of the willing" vormen. Er is nog 茅茅n grote stap die u samen met de Commissie moet zetten 鈥� en ik heb dit vandaag maar een paar keer gehoord 鈥撎齨l. de stap naar een Europees leger. Dat is wat we nodig hebben.

听听Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, se帽ora Von der Leyen, ante la escalada militarista y belicista, le traslado como eurodiputada de una organizaci贸n pacifista nuestra m谩s rotunda oposici贸n a este rearmamento europeo.

A la se帽ora de la guerra no le importa que el gasto militar lo paguen los pueblos, no le importa que la factura de la guerra la pague la ciudadan铆a, prefiere apoyar el belicismo antes que la pol铆tica social, prefiere apoyar m谩s gasto militar y menos servicios p煤blicos como la vivienda, la salud o las pensiones.

Hay que volver a la defensa de la paz, a la resoluci贸n pac铆fica de conflictos, a la diplomacia, a la defensa de los derechos humanos. Hay que volver a la democracia, no a estar supeditado ni a la OTAN ni a los Estados Unidos. No al rearme, ni a la escalada militar y belicista de la Uni贸n Europea. (La oradora pronuncia una frase en gallego).

听听脰zlem Demirel (The Left). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Frau von der Leyen sagte: Die Zeit der Illusionen ist vorbei. Und sie streute dabei aber so viel Sand in die Augen der Bev枚lkerung, dass man kaum noch richtig schauen kann. Sie nutzt die Verunsicherung in der Bev枚lkerung f眉r ein gigantisches Aufr眉stungspaket. 800听Milliarden听Euro: nicht f眉r Bildung, f眉r Jobs oder soziale Gerechtigkeit, sondern f眉r Waffen. Das wird nicht zu mehr Sicherheit und Frieden hier in Europa beitragen. Nein, es dient nicht unserem Bed眉rfnis. Es dient der Gro脽machtkonkurrenz, 眉ber die Frau von der Leyen seit 2020 in diesem Parlament immer wieder gesprochen hat.

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, an diejenigen, die hier immer die alten R枚mer zitieren, dass diejenigen, die den Frieden wollen, jetzt f眉r den Krieg r眉sten sollten. Ich m枚chte euch sagen: Dann geht doch ab an die Front, aber schreit nicht nach der Bev枚lkerung! Unsere S枚hne, unsere Kinder kriegt ihr nicht.

Die Bev枚lkerung in Europa sehnt sich nicht nach Krieg, sie sehnt sich nach Frieden.听Und unsere Geschichte in Europa hat uns beigebracht, dass immer mehr Waffen nicht zu Frieden beitragen werden.

听听Lukas Sieper (NI). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, liebe Menschen Europas! Unsere Frau Kommissionspr盲sidentin von der Leyen wird es nicht wissen, aber sie war einmal meine Vorgesetzte. W盲hrend sie in Deutschland Verteidigungsministerin war, diente ich als Ladesch眉tze bei der Panzertruppe in Munster, in Leopard-2-Panzern, die heute in der Ukraine im Einsatz sind听鈥� und genau dort geh枚ren sie hin.

Die Europ盲ische Union ist ein Friedensprojekt, aber solange die UN ein zahnloser Tiger ist, muss man Frieden leider verteidigen. Und daf眉r brauchen wir langfristig eine europ盲ische Armee, denn wohl kaum werden die Spanier die Portugiesen angreifen, die Polen die Tschechen oder听鈥� Gott beh眉te听鈥� die Luxemburger uns Deutsche.

Mittelfristig muss die Beistandspflicht aus Artikel听42 Nummer听7听des Vertrags 眉ber die Europ盲ische Union dem Artikel听5 des NATO-Vertrags mindestens gleichkommen, aber kurzfristig wird der Kampf um unsere Freiheit in der Ukraine gef眉hrt. Und dementsprechend muss es unsere gr枚脽te Priorit盲t bei unserer eigenen Verteidigung sein, die weitere und nun mit dem Wegfall der USA noch st盲rkere Aufr眉stung der Ukraine voranzutreiben. Denn der Feind steht听鈥� leider genauso wie bei unseren 脺bungen damals auf dem Truppen眉bungsplatz听鈥� im Osten.

听听H茅lder Sousa Silva (PPE). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Presidente do Conselho, Senhora Comiss谩ria, as conclus玫es do Conselho extraordin谩rio representam o reconhecer de uma estrat茅gia europeia que, durante d茅cadas, desenvolveu um modelo de seguran莽a fraco e contradit贸rio, uma Europa geopoliticamente relevante, mas sem os instrumentos de poder necess谩rios para influenciar a sua pr贸pria vizinhan莽a.

Andamos agora a correr para recuperar o tempo perdido.听A seguran莽a n茫o 茅, t茫o鈥憇贸, mais uma pol铆tica p煤blica, mas a condi莽茫o existencial de todas as pol铆ticas p煤blicas.

O tempo da guerra 茅 tamb茅m distinto do tempo da burocracia em Bruxelas. Enquanto a Europa delibera, as linhas da frente movem-se, as capacidades industriais de defesa alteram-se, e as vulnerabilidades aprofundam-se.

Com o plano ReArm Europe, 茅 ineg谩vel que se abre uma nova janela de oportunidade para a Europa. 脡 mesmo tempo de mudar.

听听Thomas Bajada (S&D). 鈥� Sinjura President, a魔na rridu l-pa膵i jew li tkompli l-gwerra? B魔ala so膵jalist u b魔ala rappre偶entant minn pajji偶, Stat Membru newtrali, g魔andi inkwiet trawmatizzanti, li na魔dmu biss li nikkreaw ekonomija ta' gwerra. Minn suq uniku Ewropew ta' popli, prodotti, servizzi u kapital, ninbidlu g魔al wie魔ed ta' munizzjon u armamenti li jeqirdu u mhux jg魔aqqdu.

Iva, huwa 膵arissimu li hemm b偶onn u hemm bi偶a' serju ta' inva偶joni fit-territorju tal-Unjoni. Spe膵jalment issa bl-in膵ertezza li 摹ejjin min-na魔a l-o魔ra tal-Atlantiku. U b'hekk nifhem li l-gvernijiet Ewropej iridu jing魔aqdu fi sforzi kon摹unti fejn jid魔ol l-investiment personali tag魔hom g魔ad-difi偶a. Argument li jag魔mel sens, per貌 ma nistg魔ux nag魔mlu dan askapitu tal-ambizzjonijiet u tat-tama ta膵-膵ittadini Ewropej. 摩bieb, fl-istess waqt u bl-istess sa魔魔a, ejja ninvestu fin-nies, fil-魔ajja tan-nies u mhux inaqqsuhom. Ejja 魔a nibba偶aw l-ekonomija Ewropea fuq il-benesseri u mhux fuq il-gwerra, fuq il-pa膵i u mhux fuq il-qerda.

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)

听听Maro拧 艩ef膷ovi膷, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Madam听President, Mr听President of the European Council, honourable minister, my dear colleague Commissioner Kos, honourable Members of the European 合法博彩网站, first and foremost, I really would like to thank you for all the interventions and debate, which for sure will enter into history as a debate, as a plenary, where we made a decisive step towards building common European defence.

The spirit of the consensus from the European Council 鈥� unprecedented and unthinkable just a few weeks ago 鈥� was felt, I would say, in most of the debate very strongly here as well, in this House of European democracy.

As many of you said, we have to think differently. Only in that way can we mobilise Europe's massive resources and start the deterrence build-up we need.

Many of you honourable Members were absolutely right to underscore that we cannot benefit from a peace dividend anymore. To the contrary, we must address the running security deficit. It's a huge task, and I would say that we must work on all levels 鈥� European, national. We have to bring together our industry, our economic stakeholders.

As you heard from President von der Leyen, the first-ever Commissioner for Defence, Mr听Kubilius, who also joined our debate this morning, together with the whole College of Commissioners, will be working day and night to achieve these goals.

We all realise that a powerful Europe means just and lasting peace in Ukraine, and a free and sovereign Ukraine means stronger Europe.

My colleague, Commissioner Kos, here with us today, has moved cooperation with Ukraine to a new level. She works tirelessly to support Ukraine in the path towards European membership. And I agree with her that we have to underline that we are living in historic times and therefore extraordinary challenges require extraordinary answers.

As we discussed the last time in this plenary, new geopolitics and transactional fragmentation of the world means that size matters again. Therefore, enlargement of the European family, enlargement of democracy and enlargement of respect for our values are the best answers for today's unstable world. The Commission will work hard to achieve these goals.

Let me conclude by the words of Mr听Glucksmann, who said:

芦C鈥檈st l鈥檋eure de la v茅rit茅 pour l鈥橢urope禄 鈥撎齟t je suis tout 脿 fait d鈥檃ccord avec lui.

听听Adam Sz艂apka, President-in-Office of the Council. 鈥� Madam President, President Costa, honourable Commissioners,听honourable Members, thank you very much for your remarks and comments. It's clear for everyone that we are at a crucial juncture. The special European Council last week marked important progress, but we are aware that we have crucial work ahead of us, and an important part of that work must be carried out by the Council.

The Council is ready to do its job and follow up on the special European Council conclusions with the urgency that the moment requires, namely in the setting-up of the necessary instruments to bolster security in the European Union, and the ramping-up of the European defence, technological and industrial base.

Let me address the call of some MEPs on frozen assets. There will be a debate on it tomorrow. Last year, G7 leaders agreed to use the revenues from the immobilisation of Russian assets in the EU for repaying loans to Ukraine granted by the EU and G7 in the amount of USD听50听billion. The Council will consider all possible solutions in coordination with our international partners.

Thank you very much for this debate and thank you very much for your attention.

听听Ant贸nio Costa, President of the European Council. 鈥� Madam听President, honourable Members of the European Commission, Minister Sz艂apka, Members of the European 合法博彩网站, thank you for this opportunity for this democratic dialogue. Allow me to give five short remarks.

First, peace without defence is an illusion. We need to invest more, better and faster in our own defence. It is what we are doing and we need to do more, to invest more, to invest together, to develop common projects for sure. Last week we made a decisive step, but not the last one. We need to continue and we will continue.

Second, defence is broader than ReArm. We need to invest in our strategic autonomy to reduce our dependencies on energy, to secure supply chains, to fight disinformation and protect the integrity of our democratic process and to keep our borders under control.

Third, the European Union and the Member States do not need to choose to invest in peace or to invest in health systems, education or housing. ReArm and the escape clause provide additional funds for defence. Strengthening our societies, protecting our citizens and boosting our economies is essential to strengthening our defence.

Fourth, this war is not only about Ukraine. In fact, this war is about international law: a rules-based international order. Protecting the universal values enshrined in the United Nations Charter 鈥� sovereignty, territorial integrity, self-determination, respect of international recognised borders 鈥� is essential in Ukraine, as it is essential in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in the Kingdom of Denmark or in Cyprus. So we need to stand for the international law, because international law must be a must win this war.

A last remark: we need to invest more in diplomacy. We need to engage with partners around the world and widen a global network with, of course, our transatlantic partners and beyond 鈥� by enlargement, by trade 鈥� and stand for a multilateral system, and champion global causes like climate change, fighting poverty or engaging to develop the pact for the future.

These five remarks synthesise what we need to continue to do to ensure our security and to contribute to support for Ukraine for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace.

听听President. 鈥� The debate is closed.

Thank you very much for this interesting debate and for the time discipline. It's really remarkable. We are perfectly on time, so I will suspend for a very short moment until all colleagues have arrived, and then we will continue.

Schriftliche Erkl盲rungen (Artikel 178)

听听Kinga G谩l (PfE), 铆谤谩蝉产补苍. 鈥� H谩rom 茅ve d煤l a puszt铆t贸 h谩bor煤 Ukrajn谩ban 茅s Eur贸pa hatalmas 谩rat fizet 茅rte. Miel艖bbi fegyversz眉netre 茅s b茅ket谩rgyal谩sokra, tart贸s b茅k茅re van sz眉ks茅g, nem pedig t枚bb fegyversz谩ll铆t谩sra, t枚bb h谩bor煤ra. Itt az ideje, hogy az Eur贸pai Uni贸 vizsg谩lja fel眉l hib谩s Ukrajna-strat茅gi谩j谩t. Eur贸p谩nak a b茅keteremt茅sre kellene 枚sszpontos铆tania ahelyett, hogy m茅g t枚bb p茅nzt k眉ldene Ukrajna katonai meger艖s铆t茅s茅re 茅s a h谩bor煤 folytat谩s谩ra.

Most, hogy az Egyes眉lt 脕llamok is visszavett a h谩bor煤 t谩mogat谩s谩b贸l, Eur贸p谩ban is vissza kellene t茅rni a j贸zan 茅sz talaj谩ra, v谩ltoz谩sra van sz眉ks茅g az EU h谩bor煤val kapcsolatos strat茅gi谩j谩ban.

A megv谩ltozott vil谩gpolitikai helyzetben ugyanakkor kulcsfontoss谩g煤, hogy Eur贸pa meg tudja v茅deni mag谩t 茅s t枚bbet tegyen saj谩t b茅k茅j茅nek 茅s biztons谩g谩nak garant谩l谩s谩茅rt. De az Uni贸 v茅delmi k茅pess茅gei meger艖s铆t茅s茅nek k茅rd茅se nem k枚thet艖 az Ukrajn谩nak ny煤jtott tov谩bbi katonai seg铆ts茅ghez. Ezeknek k眉l枚n谩ll贸 k茅rd茅seknek kell maradniuk.

A v茅delem ter眉let茅n t谩mogatjuk azt az elk茅pzel茅st, hogy Eur贸p谩nak k茅pesnek kell lennie arra, hogy megv茅dje mag谩t. De a d枚nt茅shozatalnak tag谩llami hat谩sk枚rben kell maradnia. Mik枚zben t谩mogatjuk a tag谩llamok k枚z枚tti ipari egy眉ttm疟k枚d茅st 茅s a k枚z枚s programokat, ellenz眉nk minden olyan f枚deralista t煤lkap谩st, t煤lterjeszked茅st a Bizotts谩g r茅sz茅r艖l, amely al谩谩ssa a nemzeti szuverenit谩st.

(Die Sitzung wird anl盲sslich der Feierlichkeiten zum Internationalen Frauentag unterbrochen.)

IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
President