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Dé Máirt, 11 Márta 2025-Strasbourg

12. Páipéar Bán maidir le todhchaí chosaint na hEorpa (díospóireacht)
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President. – The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on the white paper on the future of European defence ().

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Adam Szłapka, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, Mr Commissioner, honourable Members, we are witnessing a paradigm shift in European security. We are witnessing unprecedented geopolitical changes that affect us – Europeans – directly. And the conclusion is clear: we need to take greater responsibility for our own security and defence. This requires a collective effort of EU institutions and Member States. The debate we have convened today is timely. It takes place between last week's Special European Council and the communication on the future of European defence that the Commission and the High Representative are expected to issue next week.

As I said, the direction of travel is clear: a Europe with more responsibility for its defence – the pace of our work is clearly accelerating towards that aim. Indeed, the European Council, at its special meeting on 6March, marked an important moment in this context. As we have discussed this morning, leaders held a first discussion on the ReArm Europe plan set out by the President of the Commission and provided guidance for future EU actions. Let me briefly summarise how the Council of the European Union is working on boosting Europe's defence readiness.

We must strive for a stronger and more capable Union in the field of security and defence. Work in the Council takes place along five main priorities for EU security and defence. Firstly, we must spend more and better, and strengthen our defence, technological and industrial base. Deliberations are ongoing towards a Council general approach on the regulation establishing a European defence industry programme. We are looking forward to negotiations with Ϸվ. The Council is also currently conducting a strategic review of the Permanent Structured Cooperation, which will result in a revision of its legal framework.

Secondly, the EU must continue its unwavering support for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty and its territorial integrity. We must use all of our financial regulatory power to provide financial and military aid as long as it takes.

Thirdly, we need to increase the EU's ability to act, notably by effectively using both military and civilian means in a joined up manner. Efforts to operationalise the EU rapid development capacity are well underway, and military exercises will continue in 2025, increasing the EU's ability to act.

Fourthly, we must strengthen the EU's resilience and security, its access to strategic environments such as the space, maritime and air domains. To secure our access to these domains, we have agreed on strategies on cyber defence and space, and we updated the EU maritime security strategy. In October2024, the Council approved the first ever EU cyber census, which tracks our progress in implementing the EU policy on cyber defence.

Finally, the EU should continue to strengthen and expand tailored and mutually beneficial partnerships with bilateral and multilateral partners. We stepped up political dialogue with NATO and we have also concluded a security and defence partnership with six key partners and more will follow. We must also preserve our transatlantic bonds. The step undertaken recently by the US administration may worry us, but this is our existential interest and we should keep it above the current political developments.

These are the basic aspects of what the Council considers as the priorities for developing the EU's defence capacities. We look forward to examining how these priorities are addressed in the upcoming white paper. To conclude, let me reaffirm that we are committed to building a safe and secure Europe with the same determination and a great sense of urgency. There is still a lot of work ahead of us.

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Andrius Kubilius, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, thank you, first of all, for putting this debate and the morning debate on the future of European defence on the agenda.

In my view, those are the most important debates in the history of this House, because the days we are living through are days which will define the history of Europe and of the European Union.

This is a once-in-a-generation moment: we face a clear and present danger seen by none of us in our lifetimes. More than ever, Europe must prepare for the worst to prevent the worst: the possibility of military aggression against us. Such preparation is the only way to deter the worst. Russia's war industry is operating at full blast. Russia could be ready for a confrontation with NATO in five years or less. American actions are a wake-up call: their policy shift and pivot towards Asia.

Geopolitical reality is changing before our eyes. More than ever, we must stand on our two feet, take charge of our own defence and of deterrence. More than ever, we must support and defend Ukraine. Yes, there must be a peace, but a strong peace. Peace through real strength. A peace with Ukraine and Europe at the table. A just peace, not just a pause for Russia to lick its wounds and start a new, bigger war.

A strong peace also means a strong Europe, able to deter aggression and prevent war. To do that, we must completely overhaul our defence industry, because the gaps are colossal between the defences we have and the defences we need to protect our people. Already now there is a lack of thousands of tanks, fighting vehicles, armoured vehicles, pieces of artillery, as we can guess from publications about NATO's capability targets – a shortfall of EUR500billion at least. Even more hundreds of billions are needed for real air defence, space defence, military mobility. Member States need to invest massively to fill these gaps and the EU will support Member States with European Union added value, European scale, European coordination, European money and European laws.

This Commission put defence on the top of the European agenda since before our mandate even started. Defence was top priority in President von der Leyen's political guidelines, and she appointed me as the first-ever European Union Defence Commissioner. She charged me in my mission letter with High Representative Kaja Kallas to present a white paper on the future of European defence, and since the very first day of my mandate, we have been working non-stop in the college, with my services, in plenty of seminars, conferences and discussions, including in this House. I have met many ministers, Members of Ϸվ, CEOs of defence and space industry. We received many contributions and your very valuable resolution. This month of discussions helped prepare the ground, allowing us to present key proposals already last week with the historical decisions on ReArmEU, far ahead of the white paper's publication. Because if history is running, we cannot be walking.

Last week, President von der Leyen presented the ReArmEU plan, unanimously approved two days later by a historic European Council, with key proposals to supercharge our defence spending up to EUR800billion, such as activating the national escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact and the European Union instrument to support Member States with loans, redirecting existing European funding for defence like cohesion funds, encouraging investment by private banks and the European Investment Bank.

We welcome the leaders' call to reconsider excluded activities to increase funding into defence, and we encourage Member States to continue support for Ukraine by buying arms in Ukraine, with Ukraine and for Ukraine, like Denmark and Czechia are already doing. All initiatives that ensure Ukraine can stay strong and defend itself need to be supported. We will present four legal proposals on ReArmEU before the next European Council.

It is not enough to spend more: spending more in a fragmented market will only fragment it more. Spending more can also mean spending more outside the European Union. This will only increase our dependence. We need to spend better, spend together and spend European, as well as work together on research and development, build more bridges between civil and military research and innovation. Artificial intelligence and quantum technology will change the nature of war, so we must leverage deep tech to level up defence readiness. We must work on priority areas for action at EU level in the field of capabilities like air and missile defence, strategic enablers – including in relation to space – and military mobility.

This is where European Union programmes for joint procurement and joint development programmes like EDIP are crucial. With these programmes, we can incentivise Member States to spend together, to overcome fragmentation, to spend smart and to spend the European. This is how we will build up our own European defence industry, because the defence industry is no ordinary industry, but a resource for our defence. We are encouraging joint procurement to give our European industry the big orders it needs, to simplify production, to reduce the price of armaments and reduce fragmentation. We will simplify our laws and rules to remove all obstacles that stand in the way of ramping up our defence industry. All that is what the white paper is about, and now we need to scale up and speed up. I know this House strongly supports European defence, as President Metsola made clear, as many of you made clear to me during last week when I spoke with the ITRE Committee.

This is why I call on you urgently to agree the Ϸվ's negotiating position on EDIP, the European defence industry programme, which will allow us to be much more effective in bringing European Union added value to help Member States spend their national defence money in the most useful way. I welcome the Council's call to conclude negotiations as soon as possible. EDIP was proposed a year ago. History will not wait for us. Putin will not wait for us. Next week we will present the white paper to rethink European defence in this strategic moment.

Let me close with some inspiration from history. I recently read the memoirs of Jean Monnet. Jean Monnet was a founding father of the European Union, our great project of peace. But did you know that Jean Monnet was also a father of victory in the Second World War? Jean Monnet helped Churchill and Roosevelt prepare the so-called 'victory programme' to ramp up military production in the United States to defeat the Nazis. He would have recognised many of our current challenges.

Jean Monnet also said 'people only make great decisions when crisis is on their doorstep.' This is the greatest security crisis of our lifetimes, and we must now take the great decisions. All of Europe is a target of Russian aggression. We are all frontline Member States. The white paper is the basis for our industrial victory programme. Victory in defence of peace on the European continent. The white paper and ReArmEU are just the beginning of our road: the road to the victory of peace and democracy in Europe, and we shall prevail.

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Rasa Juknevičienė, on behalf of the PPE Group. – MadamPresident, dear colleagues, if we want to avoid even greater war in Europe, we must be prepared for war with Russia in the shortest possible time. War with today's Russia, whose ideology – Russkiy Mir – means destroying or enslaving everything that is not Russian.

A challenge for Europe in the short term is on Ukraine's battlefield. The future of Europe will be decided there. Member States should commit at least 0.25% of their GDP to military aid to Ukraine. Ukraine's defence industries should be integrated with the European one.

In the longer term, to ensure that most EU policies align with defence and security needs. Defence is the priority of priorities. We need to increase our defence spending to at least 3% of GDP in 2026 as a start. The EU was not created as a defence union. Europe flourished on US security guarantees. Everything has changed.

We will have to fill the huge security capabilities gap and diversify our security policy to build our own capabilities while trying to maintain and strengthen the transatlantic bond.

Tomorrow we will vote for a resolution on the white paper on defence. But this is just the very beginning of a difficult but very necessary journey – an existential journey.

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Γιάννης Μανιάτης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, η Λευκή Βίβλος, που αναμένεται σε μερικές μέρες, πρέπει να αποτελέσει τον οδικό χάρτη, ώστε με συγκεκριμένο χρονοδιάγραμμα και μέτρα να κάνει την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση ικανή να αντιμετωπίσει τις σημερινές γεωπολιτικές προκλήσεις. Χρειαζόμαστε μια ισχυρή ευρωπαϊκή αμυντική βιομηχανική και τεχνολογική βάση. Δεν είναι βιώσιμο να πηγαίνει σε τρίτες χώρεςπάνω από το 70% των χρημάτων που δαπανούμε για εξοπλισμούς. Πλήττει την οικονομία μας, πλήττει την κοινωνική μας συνοχή, πλήττει την ανταγωνιστικότητά μας, επηρεάζει αρνητικά την ασφάλειά μας, καθώς αυξάνει τις αμυντικές εξαρτήσεις από τρίτες χώρες.

Δυστυχώς, το ReArm EU, αν και φιλόδοξο, δεν αποτελεί όσο αποτελεσματική θα θέλαμε λύση στα προβλήματα που έχουμε. Δεν θέλουμε νέα δάνεια, αλλά κοινά ευρωπαϊκά χρηματοδοτικά εργαλεία. Για να έχουμε μια ευρωπαϊκή αμυντική ένωση που να μπορεί να υπερασπίζεται αποτελεσματικά τα σύνορα και τους συμμάχους της, δεν απαιτούνται μόνο επιπλέον χρήματα. Απαιτούνται προγράμματα όπως το EDIP, με αυστηρούς κανόνες, ώστε οι επενδύσεις να αντιμετωπίσουν το έλλειμμα στρατηγικών μέσων και διαλειτουργικότητας που έχουμε. Nα δαπανηθούν στην Ευρώπη, ενισχύοντας την ευρωπαϊκή αμυντική βιομηχανική βάση σε όλα τα κράτη μέλη, για να μειωθούν οι εξαρτήσεις από τρίτες χώρες. Oι επενδύσεις να μην γίνουν σε βάρος της κοινωνικής συνοχής και του κοινωνικού κράτους.

Τι σημασία έχει να έχουμε ισχυρό στρατό στα σύνορα, εάν υπονομεύσουμε την ασφάλεια των κοινωνιών μας αυξάνοντας τις ανισότητες; Δεν υπάρχει ευημερία χωρίς ασφάλεια. Δεν υπάρχει ασφάλεια χωρίς ευημερία. Χρειαζόμαστε κοινούς κανόνες εξαγωγών εξοπλισμού, ώστε να μη βρεθούν ευρωπαϊκά όπλα να απειλούν την κυριαρχία κρατών μελών. Τέλος, θα πρέπει να κάνουμε και τα απαραίτητα θεσμικά βήματα, ώστε η ρήτρα για την κοινή άμυνα, το άρθρο 42 παράγραφος 7 της Συνθήκης, να μην είναι κενή περιεχομένου, αλλά να αποτελεί τη βασική εγγύηση ασφαλείας όλων των κρατών μελών, από τη Φινλανδία και την Εσθονία μέχρι την Ελλάδα και την Κύπρο. Ευχαριστώ.

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Pierre-Romain Thionnet, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Ministre, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, je veux vous faire part d’une inquiétude et d’un doute. L’inquiétude, c’est celle d’une excitation européenne passagère, sans lendemain; le doute, c’est à propos de la réelle détermination à faire en sorte que l’Europe ne dépende de personne pour sa défense. Les déclarations de l’administration américaine ont provoqué un état de stupéfaction sur le continent. Une parenthèse historique s’apprête à se refermer: celle qui voulait que les États-Unis s’engagent à protéger l’Europe. Elle durait depuis soixante-dix ans pour certains États, depuis trente ans pour d’autres. Toutefois, est-ce que les appels à bâtir cette autonomie stratégique européenne sont vraiment sincères?

Imaginons un scénario: après avoir conditionné le maintien de la protection américaine à l’augmentation des budgets de défense, DonaldTrump annonce demain une condition supplémentaire: le réarmement de l’Europe doit se faire auprès de l’industrie militaire américaine. Ce sera le moment de vérité pour l’Europe, le moment où elle sera confrontée à un choix existentiel: notre destin commun doit-il rester entre les mains du locataire de la Maison-Blanche, ou bien les nations européennes sont-elles capables de retrouver confiance en elles, de croire en leur génie, d’exploiter leur potentiel immense et de s’affirmer sur la scène internationale comme une union d’États libres, capables de décider et d’agir selon ses propres intérêts?

Chers collègues, disons-le tout haut: nous ne voulons ni d’une Europe russe, ni d’une Europe rendue barbare par l’islamisme, mais pas non plus d’une Europe américaine. Ce que nous devons rechercher et bâtir, c’est l’Europe européenne.

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Reinis Pozņaks, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, Mr Commissioner, dear colleagues, over the last thirty years, we have seen dozens of white papers come and go – we are good at this, but I cannot imagine any of them being more important and coming at a more critical moment than this one.

Despite everything we see happening all around us, we must recognise this white paper for what it is – an opportunity to shape our own future for the next generations on our own terms with our own tools. It is time to be bold in ensuring that we work towards a total defence strategy, one that combines military and civilian assets to ensure that we are no longer exposed to hostile powers to our east. One that demonstrates our commitments to our allies. One that does everything in our power to invest our political, economic, and military capital into securing our citizens.

Restoring deterrence is our primary objective. Our enemies must know and see that war against Europe and our allies is hopeless, and to do so requires us to undertake a strategic audit of European military forces and civilian assets to ensure that we outpower our enemies. The next years are a key opportunity for us to turn Europe from security consumer to security provider. We have all the tools we need to achieve this. We only need to maintain our political will.

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Nathalie Loiseau, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, l’Europe de la défense est née jeudi dernier. Ce fut malheureusement un accouchement dans la douleur. Il aura fallu le rapprochement entre DonaldTrump et VladimirPoutine pour que l’on écoute enfin ceux qui plaident depuis des années pour l’autonomie stratégique européenne. Je ne céderai pas à la facilité de vous rappeler que nous vous l’avions bien dit, car personne n’imaginait que les États-Unis tourneraient le dos à leurs alliés et s’aplatiraient devant leurs adversaires. Je préfère vous dire qu’il n’y a plus une minute à perdre. Aussi, je salue le plan proposé par la présidente de la Commission, mais je nous alerte tous: ce que propose UrsulavonderLeyen, c’est peu et c’est tard.

C’est peu, car cela repose presque exclusivement sur une démarche volontaire des États membres. Or, si beaucoup ont déjà augmenté leurs dépenses de défense, certains restent obstinément à la traîne. C’est peu, car rien ne dit que l’on résoudra nos principales faiblesses, celles qui résultent de la fragmentation de nos industries de défense et celles qui sont le fruit d’un paradoxe toxique: nos industries exportent en priorité hors de l’Union européenne, et la plupart de nos États achètent essentiellement hors d’Europe. Nous ne pouvons plus nous le permettre et nous devons absolument assumer une préférence européenne marquée –enfin!

Le plan d’UrsulavonderLeyen arrive après des décennies d’indolence. Surtout, il ne dit pas clairement comment nous allons massivement aider l’Ukraine; massivement, parce que notre sécurité en dépend; massivement, parce que nous sommes de plus en plus seuls à le faire. Saluons donc le Conseil de jeudi dernier, mais soyons lucides: ce n’est qu’une première étape. Défendre les Européens est une ardente obligation, qui va nécessiter des efforts et, parfois, des sacrifices. Préserver la paix en Europe est à ce prix.

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Reinier Van Lanschot, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues, what do Putin, Trump and Xi have in common? They are all afraid of a united Europe. Our ambition in this vision for the future of European defence is far too low. Too many of you still believe that 27 Member States should simply do more, instead of doing things together. Too many of you still believe we can sit back and rely on NATO instead of saving NATO through European leadership. And too many of you still believe nation states alone can provide protection, instead of trusting in the protection of a united Europe.

Integrate our 27 little armies to fight as one. As President Zelenskyy said, the time has come for the armed forces of Europe to be created. So let's take the first concrete steps today. Make NATO's command and control European so we can operate as one. Jointly procure strategic enablers so we can fight effectively. Create permanent multinational units so we can get 50 extra brigades.

Europe is a peace project, but how can we be strong enough to defend it? The answer to that existential question is simple and consists of three things: Unite! Unite! Unite!

Let's not wait for war to unite us. Let's unite to prevent war. And to my Dutch colleagues in the national parliament who just voted against the REARM plans from Ms von der Leyen, I say you're making a massive mistake.

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Marc Botenga, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers représentants du Conseil, chers collègues, 800milliards non pas pour augmenter les salaires des Européens, ni pour augmenter les pensions, ni pour garantir des soins de santé de qualité à tous les Européens sans liste d’attente, ni même pour avoir des bus ou des trains ponctuels dans chaque ville et chaque village. Non, vous voilà épris de la folie guerrière. Félicitations!

Disons les choses, cependant: nous dépensons déjà aujourd’hui de deux à troisfois plus que la Russie pour la guerre. Selon la presse allemande, nous avons actuellement quatrefois plus de navires de guerre que la Russie, troisfois plus de chars de combat et d’artillerie et deuxfois plus d’avions de chasse, tandis que la Russie n’arrive heureusement pas à conquérir même un quart de l’Ukraine. Avant que les Russes ne déboulent sur la Grand-Place de Bruxelles, il faudra du temps! Si vous ne voulez pas l’entendre, ce n’est pas grave. Ce sont les faits, mais vous préférez l’idéologie.

Arrêtez votre cinéma: tous ceux qui veulent plus d’armes et plus de soldats, vous allez y envoyer vos enfants à vous? C’est ce que vous allez faire? Non, ce seront encore les enfants de la classe ouvrière qui devront mourir! Eh bien, nous ne l’accepterons pas. Nous devons coordonner plus, pas dépenser plus, et investir enfin dans la diplomatie.

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Petr Bystron, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Während wir hier diskutieren, demonstrieren gerade in Rumänien Hunderttausende gegen diese EU und für ihren Kandidaten. Für den Kandidaten des Volkes, dem die Wahl gestohlen wurde, weil er gegen den Krieg war, gegen weitere Waffenlieferungen an die Ukraine. Und wie hat die EU reagiert? Wie hat dieses Parlament reagiert? Hier wurde die Debatte darüber verhindert. Das ist eine Schande! Stattdessen haben Sie hier Vertreter von dubiosen NGOs aus der Ukraine und aus Weißrussland eingeladen, die hier gegen Russland gehetzt haben. Was haben die hier im Plenum überhaupt zu suchen im Parlament? Die sind durch niemanden gewählt, durch niemanden demokratisch legitimiert, und deren Länder gehören nicht mal zur EU. Wer das zu verantworten hat, der tritt die Demokratie mit Füßen.

Ja, wer hat uns verraten? Die Christdemokraten. Die CDU stimmt hier mit den Sozialisten, Kommunisten und mit den Grünen, obwohl es rechts hier rechtskonservative Mehrheiten gibt. Und das ist Verrat am Wähler, mein lieber Kollege. Das will Merz in Deutschland genauso tun; da will man sogar das Grundgesetz ändern wegen 800Milliarden neuer Schulden– 300Milliarden für Waffen, 500Milliarden, um die Infrastruktur waffen‑ und panzertauglich zu machen. Sie wollen uns in den Krieg treiben. Das ist es– und das völlig illegal, denn Merz will das sogar mit dem alten, abgewählten Bundestag machen, weil er die Mehrheiten in dem neuen Bundestag gar nicht hat. Das ist wirklich verfassungswidrig. Es gibt da überhaupt keine Eilbedürftigkeit.

Die Menschen wollen keine Kriegstreiberei, die Menschen wollen Frieden. Weil das so ist, müssen Sie hier solche Spielchen spielen wie am Vormittag mit diesen NGOs. Deswegen bauen Sie hier Russland zu einem Feind auf. Von wegen Russland will uns angreifen; das ist doch völliger Schwachsinn. Was will denn Russland, wenn sie uns hier besetzen? Wir haben doch gar nichts außer Schulden – 2,5Billionen Schulden. Meinen Sie, das russische Volk will das abzahlen für uns? Und die 800Milliarden obendrauf? Sicher nicht.

(Die Präsidentin entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

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President. – Colleagues, please calm down. Please. No, I have closed the microphone.

I will ask my colleagues to remember that you have the blue-card option very soon, so you have a chance to ask questions for your colleagues. And when you don't have the blue card, please let people speak quietly. Please, colleagues. Thank you.

So now we are here where I open up for the blue-card option. We always do that after the first round of speakers on behalf of the political groups. And we ended that.

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David McAllister (PPE). – Madam President, dear Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I can echo a lot of things that have been said already in this debate, but not a single word of my previous speaker.

After numerous wake-up calls we have discussed here, Europe's moment of truth has finally arrived. We're not starting from scratch. In March2022, the 27heads of state or government adopted the Strategic Compass. A year later, the Commission published the European Defence Industrial Strategy, and we also adopted ASAP and EDIRPA and agreed on the capability development priorities.

All these initiatives are slowly but surely pushing Member States to step outside their national corridors in pursuit of a genuine European Defence Union. But now we really have to make a great leap.

Therefore, dear Commissioner Kubilius, the white paper must build on these achievements, and propose regulatory and programmatic initiatives at European level, rather than confining itself to a description of threats and shared needs.

You, dear Commissioner, and the HR/VP have a chance to significantly steer this debate. I look forward to discussing the white paper thoroughly at committee level.

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Sven Mikser (S&D). – MadamPresident, colleagues, the fragile entire security situation around us makes it absolutely imperative that we improve our ability to deter our adversaries, but also, if and when necessary, fight and win wars.

The dramatic reversal, of course, by our traditional American allies further underscores the need to achieve European strategic autonomy and industrial sovereignty. It actually underscores that some dependencies that we used to regard as security guarantees may, in this changed situation, prove to be vulnerabilities instead.

A stronger focus on defence and defence industrial base is not merely expenditure. It actually provides a boost for our economic competitiveness and economic activity. But it's also important to see that this additional impetus to our economic growth be shared equitably across our Union.

It has been said that we need to spend smarter and do more together, but it is obvious it's inevitable that we also need to start spending more, both at EU level, but also in our national budgets, where, let's be honest, the bulk of our defence spending and also capability generation will continue to happen.

We must be open to considering all novel ways of financing our ambitious programmes, both public and private sources. But while it may be tempting to think that at this critical time everything except defence can be put on the backburner, this is not the case, because there are two types of challenges our democracies face, both external – of military nature – but also internal. We must not provide additional fodder for the pro-Putin illiberal sentiment.

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Roberto Vannacci (PfE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi la signora von der Leyen è Polifemo e io mi chiamo Nessuno e posso dirvi con assoluta certezza che il libro bianco è un cavallo di Troia.

Perché, chi è il nemico? E quali sarebbero gli scenari strategici? Perché se il nemico è la Russia, la Russia spende in termini assoluti, in difesa, due volte e mezzo in meno di quanto non spenda l'Unione europea e ha un PIL più basso dell'Italia ed è un nono di quello dell'Unione europea ed ha una popolazione che è un terzo di quella dell'Unione europea ed ha una capacità industriale che è ridicola di fronte alla capacità industriale del Vecchio continente.

Ma come: negli ultimi tre anni ci avete dipinto una Russia infognata nel Donbass e che perde di fronte a un modesto avversario come l'Ucraina e oggi ce la volete dipingere come il nemico dell'intera Unione europea? Fate pace con il cervello.

La realtà è che Bruxelles vuole ingoiare la sovranità nazionale con la scusa e il pretesto della difesa comune. Quello di cui abbiamo bisogno sono nazioni forti con eserciti....

(La Presidente toglie la parola all'oratore)

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Elena Donazzan (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, se questo è il tempo delle scelte forti, Commissario, come ha detto lei, perché il contesto è completamente mutato e oggi dobbiamo discutere di alcuni temi che pensavamo lasciati alla tranquillità: dobbiamo difendere la nostra civiltà, la nostra economia e i nostri confini in un contesto di conflitto ibrido permanente.

Accanto ad alcuni che abbiamo identificato come problemi, però, ce ne sono altri, di scenari: oltre a quello Russia-Ucraina, c'è il Medio Oriente, c'è il Centrafrica, ci sono altri soggetti pericolosi per noi, c'è la Cina, c'è il ruolo della Turchia, c'è il ruolo dell'Iran, c'è l'islamismo che avanza.

Ecco, nel libro bianco mi aspetto che ci siano valutazioni di questo tipo, perché avremmo bisogno di un'industria della difesa, avremo bisogno di dual use, avremo bisogno di forze armate sempre più preparate e di nostri soldati sempre più sicuri, perché a loro va il nostro grazie.

E, come ha detto nella relazione di Niinistö, c'è anche da guardare alla popolazione, che deve essere più preparata. E soprattutto ai giovani dobbiamo parlare, affinché possano avere più amor di patria e capacità di difesa.

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Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin! Dass es jetzt turbulent zugeht, ist angesichts des Themas nicht überraschend. Es geht hier um Krieg oder Frieden und darum, wie unsere Zukunft gestaltet werden wird, und wir haben heute auch Zuschauerinnen und Zuschauer hier. Ich glaube, so eine Debatte ist nicht nur wichtig, sondern es geht auch darum, darauf hinzuweisen, was gerade um uns herum passiert.

Die Welt brennt, und Russland bombardiert mehr denn je die Ukraine, und wir konnten uns heute Morgen noch einmal ein Bild davon machen, was sich dort alles abspielt– das ist unmenschlich, das ist schrecklich, und noch schrecklicher ist es, dass so etwas ignoriert wird.

Europa stellt sich auf– auch im Rahmen der NATO müssen wir stärker werden: die europäischen Staaten, die EU-Staaten, aber auch die europäischen Staaten, die nicht in der EU sind. Und das ist die gute Nachricht: 29 von 32NATO-Staaten haben jetzt die Chance, auch unabhängiger zu werden.

Wir müssen aber auch wettbewerbsfähiger werden. Wettbewerbsfähiger, damit wir eben auch in die Zukunft gehen können, denn das Geld, was wir heute in die Hand nehmen, brauchen wir, aber es muss am langen Ende auch wieder erwirtschaftet werden. Das, was wir in der Ukraine sehen– ich komme noch einmal darauf zurück–, zeigt ja Bilder, wie wir sie aus dem Ersten Weltkrieg kennen, aber auch die moderne, schreckliche Kriegsführung, und darauf müssen wir Antworten finden in Forschung, in Technik.

Ich bin dem neuen Kommissar für Verteidigung und Sicherheit sehr dankbar, dass er mit großem Elan an die Arbeit herangegangen ist. Und natürlich ist das harte Arbeit, jetzt die Nationen zu überzeugen, die einzelnen Staaten, dass sie auch Europa vertrauen können. Und das wird die Zukunft weisen, dass wir auch vertrauenswürdig sind, dass wir das Geld, was wir in die Hand nehmen, auch sinnvoll und richtig einsetzen. Und das Weißbuch muss– hoffe ich– sehr klar und deutlich sein. Die Zeit von „lala“ und „wir gucken mal“ und „business as usual“ ist vorbei.

Meine Damen und Herren, so wie ich gerade angefangen habe, sage ich Ihnen, dass die Welt brennt, und wir in Europa können den Unterschied machen als größtes Friedensprojekt der Welt.

PREȘEDINȚIA: NICOLAE ŞTEFĂNUȚĂ
վș徱Գٱ

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Hannah Neumann (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I guess you all remember those painful images from the Oval Office when Trump and Vance openly joined the autocrats' camp, bullying and humiliating President Zelenskyy in front of cameras? If this, dear colleagues, is not the world we want to submit to – and I certainly don't – then we must be the alternative.

We must defend the rules-based international order, basing decisions on facts, treating partners with respect, and we must finally stand on our own feet. This means weapons and funding, but most crucially, it means attracting the brightest minds in science, tech and engineering. And here, dear colleagues, is the perfect match because many in the US also reject this administration's agenda – they too, are desperately looking for an alternative. So let's roll out the red carpet, launch a new blue card for a new era, a fast-track visa for skilled professionals from the US who want to work in Europe and build a future based on ethics, sustainability and fair growth. And to the scientists, engineers and innovators in the US: come to Europe. When autocrats embolden autocrats, democrats stand with democrats.

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Özlem Demirel (The Left). – Herr Präsident! Blühende Munitionslandschaften, blühende Waffenlandschaften, blühende Kriegslandschaften– das ist das Versprechen der Europäischen Kommission an die Bürgerinnen und Bürger der EU. Die Gelder aus den Kohäsionsfonds, die eigentlich dafür vorgesehen sind, die Lebensverhältnisse in der EU anzugleichen, können weiterhin umgeschichtet werden in die Waffenindustrie. Milliarden werden seit geraumer Zeit von der EU in den Rachen der Waffenindustrie geschmissen, und seit Beginn des Ukraine‑Krieges ist die Rheinmetall‑Aktie um das Zehnfache gestiegen– von 98€ auf 980€.Ja, es gibt jene, die Partys machen aufgrund von Kriegen, und es gibt jene, die in Kriegen sterben, und das sind die Armen und die Arbeitenden.

Sie fördern– das muss man sich mal vergegenwärtigen– Sie fördern und hegen und pflegen mehr die Rüstungsindustrie als das, was Sie im Moment in der EU für die Kinder, für ihre Zukunft investieren und tun, und das ist inakzeptabel. Aufrüstung wird weder Europa noch die Welt sicherer machen. Sie behaupten, damit würden Sie sogar die Demokratie stärken. Im Gegenteil: Militarismus schwächt die liberale Demokratie. Deshalb sagen wir Nein!

(Die Rednerin ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

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Lukas Sieper (NI), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Frau Kollegin! Meine Frage an Sie wäre: Glauben Sie wirklich, dass irgendjemand Bock auf Krieg hat? Glauben Sie wirklich, dass wir die Rüstungsindustrie, dass wir die Verteidigung stärken, weil uns das Spaß macht, weil wir gerne Waffen bauen? Oder glauben Sie nicht viel eher, dass wir das zum Beispiel machen, weil ein blutrünstiger Diktator im Osten dieses Kontinents einen Angriffskrieg gestartet hat und seine Armee unzählige Kriegsverbrechen begeht?

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Özlem Demirel (The Left), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Sieper, ich kann nicht in Ihren Kopf kucken und weiß natürlich nicht genau, was Sie möchten oder nicht möchten. Die Sache ist aber die, dass ich mir die Realität ankucke, und die Sache ist die, dass ich mir auch die Geschichte Europas ankucke. Wenn ich mir die Geschichte Europas ankucke, dann gab es eine Zeit der radikalen Aufrüstung; das war vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg, und das mündete darin. Die Lehre aus dem Ersten Weltkrieg war übrigens, dass man in Diplomatie und Abrüstung investieren sollte.

Wenn Sie uns heute erzählen, dass Abschreckung mit Aufrüstung erreicht wird, dann sage ich Ihnen, auch im Kalten Krieg war es die Diplomatie, die uns davor beschützt hat, einen schlimmeren Krieg zu erleben als die Aufrüstung selber. Deshalb, wirklich, wenn Sie keinen Krieg wollen, Herr Sieper, dann plädieren Sie bitte für einen anderen Kurs in der EU als für die Aufrüstung!

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Sarah Knafo (ESN). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, nous assistons depuis deux mois à une scène improbable. Les plus fervents atlantistes de cette assemblée découvrent soudain qu’il ne faut plus dépendre de Washington. Même ceux qui se taisaient quand BarackObama plaçait les dirigeants européens sur écoute, même ceux qui ne disaient rien quand JoeBiden empêchait la construction de sous-marins français en Australie, même ceux-là viennent nous dire aujourd’hui qu’on ne peut finalement faire confiance qu’à nous-mêmes. Vous découvrez l’indépendance par antitrumpisme. Nous, nous n’avons pas attendu le nom du locataire de la Maison-Blanche pour savoir qu’il fallait défendre notre pays nous-mêmes. Cela fait soixante-dix ans que le général de Gaulle vous le disait. Nos nations ont un devoir de puissance. Nous ne pouvons pas compter éternellement sur un pays dont les intérêts vitaux sont situés à un océan des nôtres.

Attention, toutefois, ne remplacez pas une dépendance par une autre. Ce n’est pas la Commission européenne qui vous défendra. La défense d’une nation, c’est sa survie, et la survie ne se négocie pas entre bureaucrates, à la majorité qualifiée. Ne donnez pas à MmevonderLeyen le pouvoir d’envoyer vos fils sur le champ de bataille. Il faut nous réarmer, et on ne réarme pas une nation avec des comptes publics en faillite. Une économie de guerre, ce n’est pas une machine à jeter notre argent par les fenêtres au profit de pays du monde entier. Si nous voulons gagner la prochaine guerre, il nous faut d’abord gagner tout de suite la guerre contre le gaspillage, les gabegies et le désordre budgétaire.

Notre réarmement doit bénéficier exclusivement à notre industrie militaire. Si vous achetez américain, vous restez sous tutelle américaine –c’est aussi simple que cela. La France, seule puissance nucléaire du continent, dotée d’une armée exceptionnelle, a un rôle historique à jouer. Pour les nations qui voudraient se placer sous notre protection, il faudra contribuer et donner à la France les moyens nécessaires, car la puissance exige des moyens. En revanche, notre dissuasion nucléaire ne sera jamais à partager avec quiconque, car la puissance ne se partage pas, la puissance ne se délègue pas, et la sécurité ne se sous-traite pas. C’est à nous d’assumer l’effort, ou à nous de nous préparer à en payer le prix.

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Fabio De Masi (NI). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Seit drei Jahren wird nun ein sinnloser und vermeidbarer Krieg in der Ukraine geführt, bei dem schon viel zu viele Menschen gestorben sind und der sich im Wesentlichen um die NATO‑Perspektive der Ukraine drehte. Der Krieg ist illegal, aber auch zahlreiche ranghohe US‑Sicherheitsexperten haben gesagt, es war eine große Dummheit, immer weiter an die Tore einer Nuklearmacht heranzurücken.

800MilliardenEuro sollen nun in Rüstung verausgabt werden, während unsere Wirtschaft im Koma liegt und unsere Infrastruktur kollabiert. Dabei geben die europäischen NATO-Staaten bereits das Dreifache Russlands für Rüstung aus. Russland beißt sich seit drei Jahren in 20% der Ukraine die Zähne aus. Deswegen ist es völlig illusionär anzunehmen, dass sie morgen auf dem Grand Place oder vor dem Brandenburger Tor stünden.

Eines ist aber richtig: Russland verfügt über 5000Atomsprengköpfe, Frankreich über 290. Und die AfD fordert jetzt– Überraschung– in Deutschland deutsche Atombomben. Mehr Sicherheit erfordert aber wechselseitige Abrüstungsinitiativen und eine neue europäische Sicherheitsarchitektur. Während Herr Trump uns Strafzölle androht, hauen wir der US‑Rüstungsindustrie die Auftragsbücher voll. Das ist völlig widersinnig, und deswegen ist es Zeit, mit diesem Unsinn Schluss zu machen, bevor sich Generationen von Untersuchungsausschüssen mit dem Filz im Rüstungssektor befassen.

(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

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Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). – Mr President, it looks like Mr De Masi's only concern is that we stop helping Ukraine. You cannot make up your mind whether Putin is strong or whether he is weak. The only thing that you care is that we stop helping Ukraine, which is, in fact, exactly what Mr Putin wants. This is exactly why we should continue to support Ukraine, because that is in the fundamental interest of European citizens. And whoever says we should stop helping Ukraine betrays the interest of European citizens and acts against the security of Europe.

If we are weak, we are a target. If we are strong, we are safe. This is the principle that needs to guide us. This is why I say invest more in defence, to keep our citizens safe and invest more in common European projects in defence.

Commissioner Kubilius, we very much welcome the work that you're doing, and we're very much looking forward to the white paper that you're going to propose. Our expectation is to see projects in there which we at European level can do better that than Member States can do alone. And then we should also find the funds, the resources, to support the projects which the European Commission puts forward. We should show to the people of Europe that spending money at European level on defence is worth it, and that it is better spent than at national level.

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Javi López (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, un Libro Blanco de la defensa para tener hoy una Europa autónoma que se haga cargo plenamente de su seguridad.

¿Por qué? Porque no podemos dar por garantizado el vínculo atlántico y tenemos una guerra en suelo europeo con una fuerza hostil a nuestras puertas.

¿Cómo? Coordinando mejor nuestro gasto, creando capacidades europeas, gastando más europeo con una base industrial europea y gastando más en proporción al reto que tenemos enfrente.

¿Para qué? Para tener una fuerza de disuasión suficiente como para evitar la guerra, es decir, para proteger la paz, para proteger nuestras democracias y también para tener una diplomacia y ser un actor global creíble en el mundo.

Y, al mismo tiempo, no solo vale con créditos y presupuesto nacional, necesitamos recursos y canales financieros europeos para hacerlo, para asegurar que, sobre todo, no entra en competición el gasto social con el gasto en defensa, algo que sería un suicidio político para Europa.Y, al mismo tiempo, diversificar nuestras alianzas también en materia de seguridad en un mundo crecientemente multipolar. Eso es una Europa autónoma.

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Vilis Krištopans (PfE). – Godātais sēdes vadītāj! Pēdējos piecus gadus Eiropa ir rūpējusies par sūnām un odiem, bet cilvēkus nezin kāpēc aizmirsusi. Eiropa ir ekonomiski atpalikusi un kļuvusi vāja bez stratēģiska redzējuma.

Pat tad, kad pirms trim gadiem Krievija iebruka Ukrainā, mūsu līderi joprojām nesaprata vai negribēja saprast, kādā situācijā mēs esam. Tikai tagad, kad amerikāņi ir parādījuši mūsu vājumu, mēs kaut ko cenšamies darīt.

Tagad tiek paziņots par 800 miljardiem lielu ieguldījumu Eiropas drošībā, bet tā ir tikai un vienīgi iespēja aizņemties. Vai mēs gribam vēl vienu inflācijas vilni? Vai mēs gribam vēl vairāk samazināt Eiropas konkurētspēju? Nekavējoši ir pilnībā jāatceļ zaļais kurss un visa nauda jānovirza aizsardzības industrijai. Ja mēs to neizdarīsim tūlīt, tad mēs neizglābsim ne klimatu, ne drošību.

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Adam Bielan (ECR). – MadamPresident, the white paper and its implementation present a timely opportunity to ensure Europe's boosted commitments translate into real capabilities and enhance protection for our citizens.

The war in Ukraine has highlighted the consequences of inaction and overreliance on external partners for European defence. Beyond Ukraine, Europe has increasingly become the target of hybrid attacks and disinformation campaigns, directly threatening our political and economic stability.

But, despite all possible efforts, NATO remains the cornerstone of our security. If Europe needs to step up, any European-led initiatives must complement, not duplicate, NATO's role.

In its current form, the joint resolution is concerning. Instead of strengthening Europe's security, it promotes an alternative to NATO, undermines the autonomy of Member States in defence matters and risks deepening confrontation with the United States – our most important ally.

Instead, Europe must focus on real security: replenishing stockpiles, strengthening transatlantic ties and investing in credible deterrence.

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Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Voorzitter, commissaris Kubilius, dit is het belangrijkste debat van de geschiedenis, want op dit ogenblik hebben we 27legers, 27defensiebudgetten en 27verschillende aankoopstrategieën. Nu zeggen we hier allemaal samen dat we meer gaan uitgeven aan defensie. Ik zeg dat hier al tien jaar. Dus zeg ik: ja, meer uitgeven, maar niet méér van hetzelfde. Het zal anders moeten, het zal samen moeten en het zal Europees moeten.

Ten tweede, commissaris, maakt u gebruik van artikel122 van het Verdrag om het Parlement buitenspel te zetten. Van mij mag het, maar dat gaat de kwaliteit niet verbeteren. Een goed Europees defensiebeleid voer je niet in achterkamertjes.

Ten derde, commissaris, komt u volgende week met een witboek. Ik hoop dat het duidelijker en concreter is dan u vandaag bent geweest. Er moeten echt grote Europese programma’s in staan en een routekaart voor een Europees leger. Ook dit zeg ik hier al tien jaar. U wilt de geschiedenis ingaan? Wel, commissaris, maak die routekaart voor dat Europees leger, of u mist de afspraak met de geschiedenis.

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Ville Niinistö (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, coming from a country that shares 1300 kilometres of border with Russia and a country that has had over 50 wars or border skirmishes with Russia in its history, I must say to you that we must show respect to Ukraine that is protecting democracy today, every day, with their lives.

This is not a theoretical discussion about where Europe shall head. This is a very serious discussion about how we can protect the international rules-based order, the national sovereignty of countries, and the right of countries to determine their own fate. Russia and Putin do not believe in that. They want their empire, they want their sphere of influence, and they are building a war economy that is threatening Europe, but also countries outside of the EU.

By this paper – and I urge you, Commissioner, to be very strong and ambitious – we show that Europe is united, that we can invest in defence, we can create military capabilities where Europe is united and can also act alone without the support of the United States. And that is something that negates the threat of Russia and protects democracy and peace in Europe – that is what we must achieve.

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Γιώργος Γεωργίου (The Left). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, τελικά θα το κάνετε, ε;Μέσα από έναν πολεμικό παροξυσμό, θα δαπανήσετε 800 δισ., που δεν τα έχετε, για τη δήθεν κοινή άμυνα. Μα, για να υπάρχει κοινή άμυνα, πρέπει να υπάρχει και κοινή εξωτερική πολιτική. Εδώ υπάρχουν πάρα πολλοί απρόθυμοι. Κάνετε παράνομες, αντι-θεσμικές παρασυνάξεις και ανακηρύσσετε την Τουρκία εγγυητή της ευρωπαϊκής ασφάλειας. Ντροπή! Δήθεν για να στηρίξετε την Ουκρανία και τον λαό της.

Πέστε την αλήθεια, εκείνο που θέλετε, μέσα από ένα χυδαίο παζάρι με τους Αμερικάνους, είναι οι σπάνιες γαίες και ο πλούτος της χώρας. Πέστε, επιτέλους, την αλήθεια. Θα πτωχεύσετε τους ευρωπαϊκούς λαούς και θα πλουτίσετε τους εμπόρους του θανάτου, για να κινήσετε τις ευρωπαϊκές οικονομίες μέσα από τους εξοπλισμούς. Ήδη το ομολογήσατε: χέρι χέρι με το αμαρτωλό ΝΑΤΟ θα βαδίσετε. Πάει περίπατο, βέβαια, και η ευρωπαϊκή αυτονομία.

Κύριε Επίτροπε, σπέρνετε ανέμους και οι ευρωπαϊκοί λαοί θα θερίσουν θύελλες. Η μπάλα είναι πλέον στα πόδια των ευρωπαϊκών λαών. Μόνον αυτοί μπορούν να σας σταματήσουν.

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Νικόλαος Αναδιώτης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κατ’ αρχάς συμφωνούμε με τη διαμόρφωση ευρωπαϊκής άμυνας, εφόσον θα τηρείται το αυτονόητο, ότι η επίθεση ενός κράτους μέλους, θα σημαίνει επίθεση εναντίον όλων των κρατών μελών. Ελλάδα και Κύπρος έχουμε κάθε λόγο να συμφωνούμε στη συνδιαμόρφωση κοινής, μεταξύ των κρατών μελών, άμυνας. Πλην όμως, πρώτον, σαφής ευρωπαϊκή εξωτερική και αμυντική πολιτική και διπλωματία είναι προαπαιτούμενο. Δεύτερον, συμφωνία ως προς την αρχή της συλλογικής άμυνας, ανάλογη του άρθρου 5 της Συνθήκης του ΝΑΤΟ, είναι απαραίτητη. Τρίτον, επιβεβλημένος, επίσης, ο πλήρως θεσμοθετημένος τρόπος συμμετοχής ευρωπαϊκών στρατευμάτων σε επιχειρήσεις υποστήριξης ειρήνης.

Και τρία καίρια ερωτήματα:

Πώς θα γίνεται η κατανομή των αμυντικών δαπανών για τη χρηματοδότηση των κρατών μελών; Απαραιτήτως, συναρτήσει πολλών και σημαντικών παραγόντων, φαντάζομαι, όπως του πληθυσμού των κρατών μελών και άλλων ιδιαιτεροτήτων τους.

Θα υπάρχουν κράτη μέλη που θα λάβουν τη μερίδα του λέοντος; Ελλάδα και Κύπρος πρέπει να επωφεληθούν τα μέγιστα, δεδομένων των αυξημένων αναγκών λόγω γεωγραφικής τους θέσης και γειτνίασης με χώρες όπως η Τουρκία.

Τελικά, ευρωπαϊκή άμυνα ή ευρωτουρκική; Σαφώς ευρωπαϊκή, σε κανένα μέρος της ευρωπαϊκής άμυνας και σε καμία αμυντική δαπάνη δεν θα συμμετέχει η Τουρκία. Δεν θα βάλουμε τον λύκο να φυλάει τα πρόβατα.

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Michael Gahler (PPE). – Mr President, colleagues, dear Commissioner, when the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, we began checking the potential of the treaty in the area of defence, starting with the costs of non-Europe in this policy area. Simply adding all national defence budgets showed how inefficient the expenditure was – almost no common planning, no common procurement. And since 2011, instead of making use of the single market on defence products, the abuse of Article 346, which made Member States step out of European spending.

Times have changed: there is war in Europe, Putin threatens all of us, and this US administration leaves doubt whether they will live up to their NATO commitments. That is why I thank the Commissioner for presenting this white paper on the future of European defence, together with the earlier announcement on the programme to ReArm Europe. Let us make the best out of it – let us defend our European way of life together and let us start on the front line, supporting Ukraine with whatever it takes as they defend their and our freedom. Slava Ukraini!

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Lucia Annunziata (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mentre discutiamo, giustamente la nostra decisione importantissima di preparare la difesa dell'Europa, Trump, Putin e Zelensky sono, mi sembra, totalmente impegnati, e molto attivi, a preparare il tavolo delle trattative.

Un tavolo, da cui ricordo, noi siamo stati espulsi senza neanche essere stati avvertiti, a meno che il ministro Lubilius non lo fosse stato. Questo è un vulnus incredibile, è il vero punto di queste trattative: tenere fuori l'Europa.

Allora, io vi domando: mentre prepariamo giustamente questo piano di difesa, non dobbiamo porci il problema e la priorità di tornare a quel tavolo? Ministro, noi rischiamo oggi di fare un grande discorso militare ma di tenere fuori la politica a cominciare dal ruolo del Parlamento.

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Alberico Gambino (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Libro bianco sul futuro della difesa europea rappresenta un'opportunità cruciale per delineare una strategia chiara, realistica ed efficace. L'Europa deve rafforzare la propria capacità difensiva, evitando, però, di duplicare la NATO o creare nuove sovrastrutture burocratiche prive di utilità.

L'Italia sostiene una difesa più forte e fondata su investimenti mirati, su un'industria competitiva nei settori strategici dello spazio, delle comunicazioni e dell'innovazione tecnologica. Investire nella sicurezza non significa alimentare una corsa al riarmo ma dare stabilità, autonomia strategica e crescita economica.

Ecco perché il piano presentato dalla presidente von der Leyen, a mio avviso, deve essere rinominato come Defence Europe.

La sicurezza è la vera garanzia di pace ed è per questo che voglio stigmatizzare anche il comportamento di alcuni che si professano pacifisti solo per raccogliere pochi consensi senza pensare agli interessi nazionali.

Il Libro bianco deve essere l'occasione per costruire una difesa europea solida, rispettando le specificità di ogni Stato membro, e rafforzare il ruolo dell'Europa nel mondo.

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President. – The next speaker is Petras Auštrevičius. Congratulations on the independence of your country.

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Petras Auštrevičius (Renew). – Mr President, thank you, it is indeed a special day. Commissioner Kubilius, Minister, dear colleagues, I must repeat myself, what I have written in my speech, sorry for certain repetitions. Exactly 35 years ago on this day, Lithuania declared the restoration of its independence. We knew about the evil Soviet Empire from our own painful experience, but we had no illusions about the better future of Russia.

Now, we must not only change our thinking and policies, but also defend Europe and our fellow Europeans. We must ensure European security, which is measured by the weakest link in its defence. Therefore, we must act together, not selectively. We must act now, not tomorrow.

Standardisation of weapons and military equipment, mobilisation of financial resources for their innovation, and speedy production and further development of military mobility and capabilities – these are the most important things now.

For the European defence community should involve our partners from the very beginning, especially candidate countries like Ukraine. Close cooperation in this area will undoubtedly benefit all participant countries and, most importantly, our citizens.

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Mounir Satouri (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, le monde que nous avons connu n’est plus. Celui dont le projet européen a rêvé ne naîtra pas par magie, même avec 800milliards d’euros d’investissements dans l’armement. L’argent est indispensable, mais pas n’importe comment. Il ne doit pas venir des fonds structurels ou des fonds agricoles. Il doit financer une industrie de défense européenne et garantir l’interopérabilité de nos forces, et non alimenter des intérêts étrangers. L’argent seul ne suffit pas. Sans volonté politique et sans stratégie de défense commune, ces milliards ne feront que servir les projets de Trump.

Notre stratégie doit reposer sur notre émancipation de la défense américaine et s’appuyer sur une force européenne permanente, dotée de son propre commandement et capable de défendre nos intérêts et nos valeurs. Elle doit être fondée sur le respect du droit international, un droit que nous devons défendre, de Gaza à l’Ukraine. Notre place est aux côtés des peuples qui se battent pour la justice. Nous aurions dû être aux côtés de l’Afrique du Sud devant la Cour internationale de justice. Nous aurions dû soutenir la Ligue arabe dans son plan de reconstruction de Gaza face au diktat de Trump.

L’Union européenne ne peut plus rester spectatrice. Elle ne peut plus garder le silence sur les grandes initiatives de notre monde. Elle n’a plus le droit d’avoir peur. Elle doit s’émanciper et agir.

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Marina Mesure (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, penser l'avenir de la défense de l’Union européenne sans penser l'avenir de notre industrie de défense est absurde. Penser l'avenir de notre industrie de défense sans penser l'avenir des industries lourdes européennes est une voie sans issue. Prenons l’exemple de la sidérurgie: aux dernières nouvelles, pour produire des armes, nous avons besoin d’acier, sauf que les hauts fourneaux européens ferment les uns après les autres, faute de régulation des prix de l’énergie et de protectionnisme. Ainsi, au moment même où nous discutons ici d’autonomie dans le domaine de la défense, ArcelorMittal, qui est pourtant biberonné aux aides publiques, prévoit de délocaliser sa production en Inde, là où nous allons signer des accords de libre-échange. Sans acier européen, il ne peut y avoir d’industrie européenne de défense réellement autonome, et sans industrie européenne autonome, les 800milliards d’euros annoncés parUrsulavonderLeyen n’auront qu’un seul débouché: celui de l’industrie militaire américaine.

Donnons-nous donc les moyens de cette autonomie, en changeant radicalement nos politiques industrielles et commerciales, en prônant moins de libre-échange et plus de protectionnisme, et en achetant européen.

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Ruth Firmenich (NI). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Die EU, die sich gerne als Friedensprojekt bezeichnet, will zur europäischen NATO werden– 800MilliardenEuro sollen in Aufrüstung fließen. Und genau wie die NATO ist die EU weder Verteidigungs- noch Wertegemeinschaft. Denn wo sind die europäischen Werte, wenn es um Gaza geht? Wo sind sie, wenn die EU Wahlfälschung in Rumänien bejubelt? Und warum gab es nie eine Initiative der EU für eine friedliche Beilegung in der Ukraine? Jetzt wollen Sie stattdessen den Stellvertreterkrieg in der Ukraine auch ohne die USA fortführen.

Frieden gilt Ihnen als Verrat– das erinnert an George Orwell. Sie sagen Verteidigung und meinen Angriff. Sie sind dabei, einen Krieg gegen Russland vorzubereiten. Einige träumen sogar von französischen Atomwaffen für die EU, auch wenn die Reichweite der französischen Bomber nur bis Hannover langt. Die Zeit der Illusionen ist vorbei, sagte Frau von der Leyen heute. Dies sollte allerdings vor allem für die hemmungslose Selbstüberschätzung der EU gelten, bei der man sich an das deutsche Kaiserreich erinnert fühlt. Die EU verkommt zum Europa der Rüstungskonzerne, für deren Profite Sie über Leichen gehen. Die Kriegskredite müssen gestoppt werden, wir brauchen Entspannungspolitik.

(Die Rednerin lehnt eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ von Virginijus Sinkevičius ab.)

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Michał Szczerba (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Nie miejmy złudzeń. Za oceanem nastąpiła zmiana paradygmatów, choć bardzo nam się to nie podoba, a mówiąc wprost – jesteśmy wściekli. Nigdy wcześniej tak bardzo nie potrzebowaliśmy jedności i planu. Nigdy wcześniej nie byliśmy tak bardzo zdani na siebie. Za długo byliśmy zależni od innych. Czas jazdy na gapę w wydatkach na obronność się skończył. To, z czym się mierzymy jako Europa, to deficyt bezpieczeństwa. To, co powinno nas połączyć, to odpowiedzialność. Na nowo trzeba przedefiniować relacje transatlantyckie i sojusze, których trwałość, ale też wzajemne zobowiązania, nigdy wcześniej nie były kwestionowane. Opuszczenie Ukrainy przez sojusznika i gwaranta jej integralności musi rozpocząć dyskusję o ryzyku i konsekwencjach opuszczania Europy. Rosja rozpoczęła wyścig zbrojeń. Europa musi na to odpowiedzieć.

Deklaracja niezachwianego wsparcia dla Ukrainy musi wyrażać się w konkretach. Potrzeba odważnych działań, by to aktywa rosyjskie finansowały obronę Ukrainy. Biała księga to mapa drogowa, której musimy się trzymać konsekwentnie, odważnie i hojnie. Musimy dozbroić Europę. Musimy zabezpieczyć nasze granice. Muszą być jak tarcza. Musimy zapełnić nasze magazyny i musimy wykorzystać ten czas.

Europe: stay the course.

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Tobias Cremer (S&D). – Mr President, dear colleagues, Vance, Musk and Trump have achieved in just about one month what Stalin, Khrushchev and Putin have failed to do in 80 years: they have undermined the transatlantic alliance, they have surrendered America's claim to global leadership and dismantled the legacy of US presidents from FDR to Ronald Reagan.

I am a committed transatlanticist, and I still refuse to believe that this is the end. I still have faith that America will be back, but I also know that Europe cannot wait for that. This is why it is good that European leaders are finally waking up. It is good to invest EUR800billion in defence. It is good that countries like Germany are finally breaking free from self-imposed fiscal straitjackets.

But funds alone are not enough: we must anchor this investment in a broader security strategy, one that recognises that, in an era of hybrid warfare, social cohesion and resilience are just as vital for our security as tanks and drones. This white book offers the opportunity for us to do just that, to be a blueprint for a whole-of-society approach to defence. One that defends Europe, regardless of who is sitting in the White House.

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Εμμανουήλ Φράγκος (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, τήν πατρίδα οὐκ ἐλάσσω παραδώσω. Είναι ο ελληνικός όρκος που έρχεται από μακριά. Δεν έχουμε αιώνιες φιλίες. Η ακεραιότητα της πατρίδας μας αποτελεί προαιώνια πίστη. Όλοι ανεξαιρέτως έχουμε συμφέρον να γίνει η ηλεκτρική διασύνδεση Ελλάδας-Κύπρου. Το έργο πρέπει να γίνει. Γι’ αυτό πρέπει να υπάρχουν πλοία όλων μας, αποτρεπτικά για τους Τούρκους εισβολείς που θέλουν να πλήξουν ένα ευρωπαϊκό έργο κοινής ωφέλειας. Κανένα άλλο κράτος μέλος δεν έχει δεχθεί τέτοια επιθετική ενέργεια.

Είτε μας αρέσει είτε δεν μας αρέσει η κυβέρνηση των ΗΠΑ, δεν υπάρχει ούτε ένας σε αυτή την αίθουσα που να διαφωνεί ότι το ΝΑΤΟ εξασθενεί. Το κενό το καλύπτει η Συνθήκη για τη λειτουργία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στο άρθρο 42 παράγραφος 7· η ρήτρα για την αμοιβαία άμυνα. Άρα μας ενδιαφέρουν οι υποδομές διπλής χρήσης. Μας ενδιαφέρει η δυνατότητα ναυπήγησης περισσότερων πλοίων στο έδαφός μας. Μας ενδιαφέρει όλους η ενισχυμένη στρατιωτική κινητικότητα, για να υπερασπιστούμε των Ελλήνων τα ιερά, όπως τη Θράκη, το Καστελλόριζο, την Κάσο και την προσωρινά υπόδουλη Αμμόχωστο. Σας ευχαριστώ.

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Lucia Yar (Renew). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, kolegovia, kolegyne, priznajme si to a hovorme to už nahlas. V Európe máme vojnu, akú sme nezažili od štyridsiatych rokov a pod tlakom novej geopolitickej situácie hrozí, že sa naozaj skončí prehrou Ukrajiny. Vojna sa ale môže posunúť aj hlbšie do Európy a presne o to Putinovi ide. Poraziť Ukrajinu, získať čas na prezbrojenie a destabilizovať nás medzitým dezinformáciami. Koho potom obetujeme? Pobaltie, Poľsko, moje Slovensko?

Nemáme desiatky rokov, možno máme mesiace, aby sme vytvorili spoločnú obranu, ktorá Rusko odstraší, ale presne o tom odstrašení je táto debata. O asertívnosti a o našej jednote. A o tom by mala byť aj debata o bielej knihe. Áno, bude nás to niečo stáť, ale bude to cena prevencie a udržateľného mieru určite nižšia ako cena vojny. A aby zvýšené náklady nepadli na tých najbližších, na to máme v Európskej únii a v členských štátoch nástroje.

Takže včera bolo neskoro. My sa musíme poistiť a investícia do spoločnej bezpečnosti je našou poistkou. Európa sa musí brániť.

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President. – Mr Sinkevičius, happy Independence Day!

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Virginijus Sinkevičius (Verts/ALE). – MrPresident, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the upcoming white paper on the future of European defence is a crucial step. But the expectation is that it's going to be finally more than just a paper. It must be a real catalyst for action. We cannot afford to continue business as usual.

The security of our citizens and the integrity of our borders depend on our ability to act swiftly and decisively. We must accelerate our efforts to enhance interoperability among Member States' armed forces. This is not just about spending more on defence; it's about ensuring that our forces can work seamlessly together.

We need also to integrate our defence industries and streamline our procurement processes to avoid duplication and inefficiencies. We also should move beyond intergovernmental agreements and build a genuine European Defence Union.

Our support for Ukraine is not just a moral imperative. It's a strategic necessity. We must provide more arms and ammunition, expand training operations and integrate Ukraine's defence industry into our own.

In doing this, we must remember that our ultimate goal is peace. We are strengthening our defence to avoid war, protect our values and ensure that the EU remains a beacon of stability in the world.

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Νικόλας Φαραντούρης (The Left). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, φίλες και φίλοι, συζητάμε για μία κοινή άμυνα και μία κοινή πολιτική ασφάλειας και άμυνας. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή καταθέτει προτάσεις κι εμείς εδώ σήμερα συζητάμε την κοινή μας στάση στα ζητήματα αμυντικής πολιτικής. Μου φαίνεται ότι μας διαφεύγει όμως κάτι κρίσιμο: ότι η άμυνα δεν μπορεί παρά να είναι παρακολούθημα μίας κοινής εξωτερικής πολιτικής· ότι αποφασίζεις να υπερασπιστείς κάτι και δαπανάς χρήματα, όταν έχεις αποφασίσει ποιο είναι το διακύβευμα, για να θωρακίσεις εθνική κυριαρχία, εθνική ανεξαρτησία και κάθε σπιθαμή εδαφικής ακεραιότητας των 27 κρατών μελών.

Δεν μπορούμε, λοιπόν, αγαπητοί φίλοι, πριν ακόμα σταθμίσουμε τα επόμενα βήματα μιας κοινής εξωτερικής πολιτικής, για την οποία είμαι υπέρ και πιστεύω στην κοινή μας στάση και το κοινό μας μέλλον σε αυτή την ήπειρο, να σπεύδουμε να ξοδεύουμε χρήματα, χωρίς να έχουμε καταλήξει στον αντικειμενικό στόχο. Σας ευχαριστώ.

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Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, werte Abgeordnete! Wenn wir über Verteidigung sprechen, dann sprechen wir über Krieg. Einen Krieg, der hoffentlich niemals kommt, aber einen Krieg, den nicht der durchschnittliche Abgeordnete hier, mit seinen 55Jahren, führen wird, sondern meine Generation. Meine Generation! Aber wenn es so weit kommt, dann garantiere ich Ihnen: Meine Generation, die mit Frieden und Freiheit aufgewachsen ist, wird sich diese Freiheit niemals nehmen lassen.

Wir werden unsere Union verteidigen, koste es, was es wolle. Wir werden an unseren Küsten kämpfen, wir werden an unseren Grenzen kämpfen. Wir werden auf unseren Feldern und Straßen kämpfen, und wenn es sein muss, auf jedem Hügel und in jedem Tal Europas. Denn Europa ist unsere Heimat, und für unsere Heimat werden wir uns wehren. Wir wollen keinen Krieg, aber wenn es sein muss, dann werden wir für unsere Freiheit kämpfen.

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Βαγγέλης Μεϊμαράκης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητέ Επίτροπε Kubilius, χαίρομαι που βρίσκεσαι σήμερα εδώ μαζί μας ως ο πρώτος Επίτροπος Άμυνας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, γιατί, σκεφθείτε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, ότι από το 2006, η κυβέρνηση της Ελλάδας της Νέας Δημοκρατίας, στην οποία ήμουν υπουργός Άμυνας, ζητούσε τη δημιουργία Επιτρόπου Άμυνας, την υιοθέτηση της ρήτρας διαφυγής στις αμυντικές δαπάνες και μια δύναμη αποτροπής και προστασίας. Πώς να μην χαίρομαι, λοιπόν, σήμερα, που 20 χρόνια μετά, με γρήγορους ρυθμούς υποτίθεται, η Ένωση υλοποιεί τις προτάσεις μας αυτές. Γι’ αυτό και χαιρετίζω το σχέδιο της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής, το οποίο θα δώσει στην Ένωση την αυτονομία και ανεξαρτησία την οποία χρειάζεται και τη δυνατότητα της προστασίας των συνόρων της, τα οποία δεν βρίσκονται μόνο στην ανατολική πλευρά, αλλά και στην ευρύτερη περιοχή της Νοτιοανατολικής Μεσογείου, την οποία δεν πρέπει να ξεχνούμε ποτέ.

Και για να το ξεκαθαρίσουμε: η Ευρώπη δεν είναι η ήπειρος του πολέμου. Είναι το κέντρο της ειρήνης, της ανάπτυξης, της ευημερίας και της ελευθερίας. Είναι γεγονός, λοιπόν, ότι μια περαιτέρω αμυντική και αποτρεπτική πολιτική θα δώσει στην Ένωσή μας τη δυνατότητα να δρα ενιαία στη διεθνή σκηνή, να έχει ενιαία εξωτερική πολιτική, να έχει ισχυρή παρουσία στο τραπέζι των διαπραγματεύσεων και να τη λαμβάνουν σοβαρά υπόψιν. Σας ευχαριστώ πολύ.

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Elio Di Rupo (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, l’histoire des civilisations nous enseigne qu’il n’existe pas de puissance politique respectée sans une force militaire capable de défendre son peuple. Dans votre stratégie, je pense que chaque euro investi dans la défense doit l’être en faveur de nos entreprises et de nos PME, ainsi que de nos ouvriers, employés et ingénieurs qui y travaillent.

Qui dit sécurité des peuples dit aussi sécurité sociale. Défense et sécurité sociale vont de pair –lutte contre la pauvreté, logement, santé, retraites, et j’en passe…

Enfin, Monsieur le Commissaire, pensez-vous vraiment qu'il soit possible de construire une Europe de la défense avec 27pays? Vu l'urgence, ne faudrait-il pas inciter un groupe restreint d’États membres à aller de l’avant à ce sujet, comme nous l’avions fait pour Schengen?

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Rihards Kols (ECR). – Godātais sēdes vadītāj! Eiropas aizsardzībai ir vajadzīgas skaidras prioritātes un strādājoši mehānismi. Eiropas pārapbruņošana nevar balstīties tikai uz paplašinātu aizdevumu iespēju piedāvāšanu. Ir dalībvalstis, kas jau gadiem būtiski audzē savu aizsardzības finansējumu krietni virs minimālā līmeņa, un tas tiek darīts uz nacionālo budžetu rēķina. Papildus 150 miljardiem aizdevumos jāievieš arī grantu mehānismi, lai vairāk atbalstītu tās valstis, kas jau dara vairāk, gan dotu stimulu starpvalstu kopīgiem iepirkumiem. Nosakot kvantitatīvus kritērijus un sniedzot tiešus stimulus, mudinās valstis veikt kopīgus iepirkumus, kas attiecīgi veicinās lielākas investīcijas kopējā drošībā un nodrošinās iegādātā bruņojuma un tehnikas savienojamību un savietojamību, kas ir neapšaubāma prioritāte.

Mums ir jāizmanto tās priekšrocības, ko sniedz Ukrainas aizsardzības industrija — Ukrainas attīstītās militārās tehnoloģijas jau ir pierādījušas sevi kaujas laukā. Iepērkot bruņojumu no Ukrainas, mēs palīdzam ne tikai tās ekonomikai, bet arī investējam savā drošībā.

Aizdevuma plāns ir iezīmēts četriem gadiem. Sagaidu, ka paredzētie un papildu finanšu avoti būs dalībvalstīm pieejami tūlītēji, nevis kaut kad gada beigās.

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Bart Groothuis (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner, having heard the President of the Commission and the President of the Council this morning, and you, dear Commissioner, just now, I worry that we got it wrong, at least partially.

It's not about rearming individual countries, as in the Cold War. That would be insufficient, as it does not deter our adversaries. It is about collective rearming into an alliance which is able to compete with the deterrence that NATO had in the 1980s. That is the task.

For Europe, this requires delivering strategic enablers to operate on a divisional level, Commissioner, and the majority of those enablers are currently being paid for and operated by the US, which is still our ally. But Europe needs to develop or buy such enablers ourselves now.

Secondly, continental Europe is much bigger than the European Union. So the solution when it comes to a solid security architecture should, therefore, also include the UK, Norway, Turkey, Iceland, even Canada in a European security council – of which nothing has been mentioned. The industrial policy in the white paper should follow this security architecture. I ask you to take this on board, dear Commissioner, and get it right this time.

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Benedetta Scuderi (Verts/ALE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, "ReArm EU": ma quando ci siamo disarmati? Spendiamo in armi più di Russia e Cina; eppure nessuno si sente al sicuro. E invece di coordinarci, ora vogliamo gettare altre risorse in un sistema disfunzionale, legandoci a un'economia di guerra con sussidi per i già alti profitti dell'industria militare.

Trump e Putin ridono della nostra disorganizzazione e ci impongono le loro regole: un'Europa sempre più povera, disorganizzata, priva di una governance politica e una difesa comune è ciò che vogliono e che gli stiamo consegnando con la nostra idea di difesa: 800 miliardi per 27 eserciti, senza una missione comune e senza vaglio del Parlamento.

Più sicurezza è una governance unica e democratica, non 27; interoperabilità, non altre armi; infrastrutture, diritti, welfare e rinnovabili, non tagliare questi investimenti; diplomazia, corpi di pace, nuovi alleati, non escalation dei conflitti.

Nasciamo per costruire la pace: non sono le nostre armi a fare paura ma il nostro potenziale come unione politica, federale e democratica. Spinelli diceva: un'Europa unita è il miglior modo per garantire libertà e pace.

(L'oratrice accetta di rispondere a una domanda "cartellino blu")

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Marta Wcisło (PPE), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Mówi Pani o dyplomacji? Mówi Pani o pokoju, o demokracji? A słyszała Pani dzisiaj kobiety z Ukrainy, z Białorusi? Słyszała Pani o gwałtach? Słyszała Pani o gwałcie na 4-letniej dziewczynce? W jakiej rzeczywistości Pani żyje? Chce Pani 500 mln obywateli Unii Europejskiej narażać? Weźmie ktoś za to odpowiedzialność? Czy Pani wie, co czują obywatele w Europie Wschodniej? Bo ja z takiej pochodzę. Skoro Pani nie wie, to niech Pani przyjedzie i z nimi porozmawia.

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Benedetta Scuderi (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – Thank you for your question. Have I ever said that? Have I ever said that we shouldn't have a common defence? Have I ever said that Europe should not try to build a common defence and a defence that is democratic? I have not said that. I've just said that we spend on weapons already, but we do not co-ordinate weapons. We do not have energy security, we do not have energy independence. If we got cut out from US and Russia, which is happening at the moment, and we do not invest in our welfare and in our energy, how do we make defence? We cannot make defence – we need a union, we need to invest in our people, we need to invest in a Europe, but especially we need to have a more democratic and federal Union. Otherwise the dream of Europe will go away from our population – and if that goes, no one will fight for Europe.

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Pekka Toveri (PPE). – Madam President, dear colleagues, some people in this plenary question the need for defence investments. Either they say that we should try diplomacy or that Russia is not a threat – both are wrong. Russia has broken the Minsk agreements and other agreements hundreds of times and it is well recorded. We can't trust Russia. Diplomacy won't work.

Those who say that Russia is not a threat normally come from countries that has not been attacked, occupied, raped and pillaged dozens of times through history like Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and many other countries have. Don't lecture us about peaceful Russia, we know better!

Europe has finally – after decades of inaction – started to take the right steps towards our security and defence. Let us continue on this path.

I have three children, all in the Finnish army reserves, ready to defend us all. I want them to be properly equipped to do that. We must and we can afford to do that. Otherwise, saying that is not true, it is a lie.

And to those who claim that Russia's defence budget is much smaller than Europe's, please Google purchasing power parity and the Russian defence budget – you will be surprised.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

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Merja Kyllönen (The Left), blue-card question. – Diplomacy really did not help Finland when our neighbour Russia decided to come across the border.

The US has also been a long-term partner, but now it seems that President Trump is using the divide-and-rule model known since Roman times to get China off Russia's side to divide Europe and oppress others under its own power.

One should not side with those who dream of Tsarist power or world empire. MrToveri, how do we find European cooperation and understand that the situation is that only a united and strong Europe, which covers its powers in all areas of activity, will survive?

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President. – Excuse me, colleagues, blue cards are not an occasion for a speech in itself. Please stick to the question.

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Pekka Toveri (PPE), blue-card answer. – Thank you for the good question. I think we are living in very dangerous times, and this won't end in one year or two years, or not even in PresidentTrump's term, it will continue for decades.

So Europe has to grow up and be strong – both economically and militarily – so that we can take care of our own independently, hopefully with good cooperation with the United States some time after Trump's term. But if not, we still have to be able to do it independently. We have people, we have money, we have innovation. We can do it.

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Costas Mavrides (S&D). – Mr President, for years, very few of us were arguing in favour of European defence as a necessary step towards European autonomy.

Today, almost everyone supports it, and we recently reached European conclusions with reference to the defence of all EU borders, from the northeast down to the south and eastern Mediterranean.

But these EU borders are violated by the neo-Ottoman Turkey that occupies part of Cyprus. Currently, neo-Ottoman Turkey occupies also part of Syria and Iraq, it has a military presence in Libya and beyond. This neo-Ottoman Turkey has illegally intervened in the eastern Mediterranean, violating the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea against two EU Member States.

Paradoxically, though, the neo-Ottoman Turkey is considered an ally more than a threat. In fact, the Presidents of the Council and of the Commission had a teleconference the day after the conclusions to brief our partners, including Erdoğan, about European defence.

Mr Commissioner, this is hypocrisy in action. It divides us, and I strongly believe that it will not fool this House, neither the EU citizens.

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Beata Szydło (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Wojna toczy się tu i teraz i te działania, które musimy podjąć, musimy podejmować natychmiast. Oczywiście rozmowa na temat przyszłości obronnej i bezpieczeństwa Europy jest konieczna i dobrze, że ona się toczy. Ale, Szanowni Państwo, czy pamiętacie szczyt w Wersalu w 2022 roku? Przecież wtedy również były dyskusje na temat, co zrobić, żeby zwiększyć możliwości obronne Europy. Po trzech latach stoimy w tym samym miejscu. No, może różnica jest taka, że w międzyczasie gospodarczo Europa straciła konkurencyjność, a europejski przemysł ciężki, praktycznie zniknął. Więc gdzie jesteśmy w tej chwili?

Ci wszyscy, którzy myślą, że możemy sobie poradzić bez NATO i ci wszyscy, którzy próbują w tej chwili obrażać się na Stany Zjednoczone, popełniają ogromny błąd. Trzeba wyciągać wnioski, trzeba iść do przodu. Polski prezydent Andrzej Duda zaproponował polskiemu rządowi, ażeby zmienić konstytucję i wpisać 4% PKB z polskiego budżetu jako gwarantowane środki na obronę, mimo że Polska już wydaje 5% PKB. Mam nadzieję, że polski rząd przyjmie tę propozycję, że większość rządowa przyjmie tę propozycję, i mam nadzieję, że inne państwa członkowskie NATO zrozumieją, że trzeba wywiązywać się ze swoich zobowiązań, żeby Europa była bezpieczna.

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Engin Eroglu (Renew). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Kubilius! Wir haben heute tatsächlich eine sehr wichtige und historische Diskussion, und ich wünsche Ihnen sehr viel Kraft. Ich glaube, Sie sind der richtige Kommissar zur richtigen Zeit, und ja, wir brauchen auch einen starken Kommissar im Bereich der Verteidigung, denn wir gerade deutschen Abgeordneten haben mit Frau von der Leyen im Bereich der Verteidigung keine guten Erfahrungen gemacht. In diesem Sinne stärken wir Ihnen den Rücken, und bitte enttäuschen Sie uns nicht.

Wenn ich dann hier die Reden höre von der extremen Rechten und der extremen Linken, wie die uns unterstellen, dass wir als Europäer Krieg wollen, dann wird mir wirklich schlecht. Wenn man sich das anschaut, wie historisch vergesslich diese Kollegen sind, von linker und rechter Seite, dann sollten diese Kollegen mal weniger TikTok schauen, damit ihr Wissen nicht begrenzt auf 30 oder 60Sekunden ist, sondern sollten einfach mal ein bisschen mehr in den Geschichtsbüchern lesen.

Wladimir Putin hat unmittelbar nach seiner ersten Wahl zum Präsidenten von Russland die Tschetschenen angegriffen, 1999. Dieser Mann tötet seit 1999, seit 25Jahren, Menschen auf diesem Kontinent und an den Grenzen seines Kontinents und auch indirekt in Afrika mit seiner Wagner‑Gruppe und auch stellvertretend in Syrien und überall woanders. Wir müssen verteidigungsfähig werden, um diesen Mann endlich zu stoppen, damit er weiß: So geht es nicht weiter! All seinen Nachfolgern, wenn er mal beim lieben Gott ist, müssen wir auch ein Zeichen setzen.

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Markéta Gregorová (Verts/ALE). – Pane předsedající, Evropa zbrojí, ne z touhy po válce, ale protože agresor na Východě vraždí naše sousedy a přátele a někdejší spojenec na Západě se od nás odvrací. Ano, mocenské uspořádání staré osmdesát let končí a v tom novém se o svou bezpečnost musíme postarat sami. Dospět. Je to historický moment evropské nezávislosti a bohužel jsme pozadu. Mluví se o stovkách miliard eur na obranu, ale chybí konkrétní plány. My nepotřebujeme nutně další rezoluce a to, co je v té bílé knize, už dávno víme. Dokonce nepotřebujeme ani další summity.

To, co nyní urgentně potřebujeme, jsou investice hodné globálního hráče s 15trilionovou ekonomikou. Musíme autoritářům po celém světě ukázat naši skutečnou ekonomickou sílu a akceschopnost. Tohle je náš moment. No a musíme jednat okamžitě. Máme-li vůbec nějaký čas, je to čas, který nám svými životy vykupují ukrajinští obránci. Mysleme na to! Sláva Ukrajině a sláva Evropě!

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Alice Teodorescu Måwe (PPE). – Herr talman! Kommissionär Kubilius! Vi måste prata om elefanten i rummet. Räcker Europas befintliga kärnvapen för att avskräcka världens största kärnvapenmakt, Ryssland, även utan USA i ryggen? Idag innehar USA och Ryssland tillsammans över 90%, motsvarande drygt 5000 stridsspetsar var, av den samlade kärnvapenarsenalen. I Europa har Frankrike och Storbritannien kärnvapen motsvarande 515 stridsspetsar tillsammans.

Ukraina ingick Budapestuppgörelsen 1994, varpå man gav upp sina kärnvapen. I gengäld försäkrade Ryssland att inte använda våld eller hota Ukrainas territoriella integritet och politiska självständighet. Ryssland bryter det löftet varje dag. Vi får inte vara naiva. Om vi inte vill riskera att Putins erövringskrig fortsätter längre in i Europa – i ett läge där Trumps uttalanden väcker frågor kring USA:s lojalitet och intressen – behöver vi skaffa oss en egen trovärdig avskräckningsförmåga, vilket i klartext betyder en större kärnvapenarsenal.

I en perfekt värld hade vi inte haft några kärnvapen. Men så länge som den europeiska avskräckningsförmågan i praktiken bygger på amerikansk förmåga äger inte vi vår egen säkerhet.

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Tonino Picula (S&D). – Mr President, Mr Commissioner, dear colleagues, four years ago, many expected that NATO would be back to business as usual, and that Trump was a one-time incident. We also had the strategic compass drafted.

Unfortunately, the turbulent developments of today’s world show us how that expectation was wrong, and how we cannot take things for granted anymore.

Strengthening our collective defence to respond to all kinds of threats in the current circumstances is a must. The responsibility we bear to our citizens is something we cannot betray. We have to provide the right incentives to fully develop our autonomous security and build the European Defence Union.

At the same time, funding should not come at expense of our successful social and cohesion policies, which is why we need a viable investment strategy.

Finally, you cannot choose your neighbours, but you can choose your friends. This is also an opportunity for the European Union to strengthen foreign and security ties with like-minded allies and partners all over the world.

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Gheorghe Piperea (ECR). – Domnule președinte, securitatea și stabilitatea financiară ne sunt puse la grea încercare acum, după lupta ineficientă cu criza financiară și cu pandemia și eșecul ambițiilor climatice iraționale ale birocrației Uniunii Europene. Prelungirea războiului găsește și Uniunea, și statele membre slăbite economic, vlăguite și vulnerabile politic. Planul militar al Uniunii Europene prevede mobilizarea a 800 de miliarde în următorii patru ani pentru a întări capacitățile de apărare ale Europei. O idee bună în sine.

Circa 650 de miliarde vor fi culese de la statele membre ale Uniunii, care vor fi nevoite să-și crească bugetele apărării și să se împrumute. Alte 150 de miliarde vor fi acoperite din noi facilități de împrumut, cu dobândă. Majoritatea fabricilor de armament sunt acum închise în țări ca România pe motiv de decarbonizare a economiei. Ne vom împrumuta pentru a importa armament. România are cea mai lungă graniță cu Ucraina, deci va avea și cel mai mare cost militar relativ la PIB. Efectele? Supraîndatorare și dezechilibru economic. Așadar, cui profită acest plan?

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Helmut Brandstätter (Renew). – Sehr geehrter Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir, meine Generation, wir sind die glücklichste Generation, die in Europa, im freien Europa aufgewachsen ist. Und es ist die Verantwortung unserer Generation und derer, die nachher auch die Freiheit bekommen haben, für die nächsten Generationen dafür zu sorgen, dass sie auch in Frieden und Freiheit leben können. Ich sage immer: Wir haben nichts dafür getan, aber jetzt müssen wir etwas dafür tun, dass wir auch für die nächsten Generationen Europa verteidigen können– und das können wir nur gemeinsam machen. Das können wir nur gemeinsam machen.

Und dann heißt es manchmal: Ja, Russland ist schwach, was sollen uns die schon tun? Der Kollege Eroglu hat schon sehr deutlich gesagt: Die Brutalität von Putin müssen wir bedenken– seit 1999 mordet er Leute; wir haben heute gehört, wie die Menschen in der Ukraine unter ihm leiden. Und er droht ja auch uns, und das wollen viele bei uns nicht zur Kenntnis nehmen, und das ist das Traurige.

Es gibt auch Desinformation, da sind die sehr gut. Und leider sitzen auch in diesem Haus– jetzt eh nicht mehr, die sind schon woanders– viele Leute, die bei der Desinformation Putins mitmachen, die das, was er auf Russisch sagt, hier auf Deutsch, Englisch, andere Sprachen übersetzen und uns damit gefährden. Dagegen müssen wir uns auch wehren.

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Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, tras unas semanas de tormenta geopolítica, pocos dudan ya de que necesitamos una defensa europea sólida, conjunta y bien financiada. Sin embargo, todavía hay algunos, desde la izquierda, que presentan una dicotomía tan falsa como peligrosa: o invertimos en hospitales o invertimos en tanques. Que pregunten a los ucranianos, que sufrieron cientos de bombardeos y ciberataques en sus hospitales, a ver qué opinan de su dicotomía.

Señorías, poner a la opinión pública en esta encrucijada es, además de un intento por infantilizarla, una irresponsabilidad en un momento crítico para nuestras democracias. El futuro de la defensa europea exigirá esfuerzo, como nuevas partidas presupuestarias, un mejor aprovechamiento de los recursos existentes y una cooperación más estrecha con nuestros socios.

Pero nadie está hablando aquí de eliminar la protección social, las pensiones o la sanidad. Por mucho que digan Sánchez y Zapatero, ni nos sobra el Ministerio de Defensa ni nos sobra el Ejército. La inversión en defensa no solo es necesaria, sino que es el mejor escudo para poder seguir disfrutando del Estado del bienestar.

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Jean-Marc Germain (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, l’Europe de la défense, enfin! Il aura fallu l’agression militaire de Poutine contre l’Ukraine; il aura fallu les ingérences étrangères; il aura fallu les cyberattaques; il aura fallu les sabotages; enfin, il aura fallu le lâchage de Trump. Il fallait réagir vite, et ce fut fait.

Nous accueillons positivement le plan de la Commission, mais le compte n’y est pas. ReArm Europe repose bien trop sur les États membres; en effet, même à supposer que les 650milliards d’euros attendus soient au rendez-vous, sans davantage d’emprunt commun, sans davantage de recours à un budget européen doté de ressources nouvelles, sans utiliser les 200milliards d’avoirs russes gelés, nous pouvons dire adieu à la cadence accélérée, à l’interopérabilité et au bouclier antimissiles et antidrones; nous pouvons dire adieu à la protection nucléaire française étendue et à l’autonomie stratégique. Davantage d’Europe dans la défense, voilà le chemin d’une défense de l’Europe sans les États-Unis.

Enfin, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous vous demandons solennellement de renoncer à puiser dans les fonds de cohésion pour financer l’effort de défense. C’est notre ligne rouge sociale pour votre livre blanc sur la défense. On ne bâtira pas la force de l’Europe sur l’affaiblissement de son peuple.

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Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, έχω δηλώσει ξανά ότι η προσπάθεια για κοινή ευρωπαϊκή άμυνα αποτελεί ορθό βήμα, συνεπεία των γεωπολιτικών εξελίξεων. Επιβάλλεται ανάπτυξη ενός πλήρως ικανού ευρωπαϊκού πυλώνα του ΝΑΤΟ, ο οποίος θα είναι σε θέση να ενεργεί αυτόνομα όποτε χρειάζεται και θα μετατρέπει τις διακηρύξεις για αλληλεγγύη μεταξύ των ευρωπαϊκών κρατών από λόγια σε πράξεις. Συζητώντας όμωςγια το μέλλον της ευρωπαϊκής άμυνας, δεν μπορώ να παραλείψω ότι είδαμε την Τουρκία καλεσμένη στη συνάντηση στο Λονδίνο στις 2 Μαρτίου και τον σουλτάνο Ερντογάν να δηλώνει με θράσος πως η νέα αρχιτεκτονική άμυνας της Ευρώπης δεν μπορεί να μην περιλαμβάνει την Τουρκία.

Κυρίες και κύριοι, η απάντηση πρέπει να είναι σαφής. Όχι μόνο η Τουρκία πρέπει να μείνει μακριά από την ασφάλεια της Ευρώπης, όταν το μόνο που προσφέρει στην Κύπρο, την Ελλάδα, την Αρμενία, το Ισραήλ, είναι απειλές και ανασφάλεια αλλά επιβάλλεται να θέσουμε κυρώσεις και βέτο πώλησης ευρωπαϊκού στρατιωτικού οπλισμού, ενόσω συνεχίζεται στην Κύπρο η κατοχή, ενόσω συνεχίζει να απειλεί την Ελλάδα με πόλεμο.

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Wouter Beke (PPE). – Voorzitter, who will defend Europe? Dat is niet alleen de titel van een boek. Dat is ook de cruciale vraag die hier vandaag voorligt. Who will defend Europe? En toen de commissaris aangetreden is, heeft hij gezegd: we hebben een big bang nodig. 800miljard ligt er op tafel, mijnheer de commissaris. Maar gisteren had u het op Bloomberg TV zelfs over de noodzaak van duizend vijfhonderd miljard om ons te beschermen. Nu, geld is één zaak. De manier waarop we het moeten inzetten is een andere zaak.

Laat ons van deze crisis gebruikmaken, deze kans benutten, om het geld efficiënt in te zetten, om het Europees in te zetten. Better together European. Dat moet het adagium zijn, anders is het een missed opportunity. We moeten het samen kunnen doen. De laatste Eurobarometer is duidelijk: de grootste zorg van de Europeanen is hun bescherming, is hun veiligheid. U heeft dus een stevig mandaat, niet alleen geld, maar u heeft een stevig mandaat om samen te werken aan die Europese defensie. Doe het nu. U heeft onze steun.

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Carla Tavares (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, com a realidade que vivemos hoje, é inegável e inadiável promover mais investimentos na nossa segurança e defesa comuns.

Temos de garantir que a União está preparada para enfrentar todo o tipo de ameaças, desde as híbridas às convencionais, estabelecendo uma forte dissuasão, reduzindo as nossas dependências e reforçando a nossa autonomia.

Mas qualquer ideia de tentar escolher entre investimentos em segurança e defesa, ou em coesão social, ou em coesão, resultaria numa derrota certa em ambas as frentes. Qualquer estratégia de investimento tem de ser abrangente, terá de abordar tanto as nossas vulnerabilidades em capacidades militares como as do nosso tecido social.

Estas são decisões estratégicas para a União e para o seu futuro. Isso significa que o Parlamento Europeu não deve ser excluído dos processos de decisão no que diz respeito aos programas de despesa subjacentes às opções tomadas para a União Europeia.

A recente proposta do ReArm inclui novos empréstimos conjuntos com base no artigo 122.º do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia — e não podemos deixar de lamentar o recurso, novamente, a este artigo, que exclui o Parlamento da decisão.O Parlamento Europeu é a única instituição com poderes legislativos, orçamentais e de supervisão, com legitimidade democrática conferida pela eleição direta dos seus membros.

Estamos cá para decidir em prol dos cidadãos europeus.

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Fernand Kartheiser (ECR). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, en2012, l’Union européenne avait reçu le prix Nobel de la paix. Montrons-nous donc à la hauteur de cette distinction. Au lieu de réarmer, apprenons d’abord à nous reparler.

Notre première ligne de défense doit être une bonne diplomatie. Or, à cet égard, l’Union pourrait faire beaucoup mieux. Nos relations sont tendues avec Washington, difficiles avec Pékin et inexistantes avec Moscou. Ce n’est pas toujours la faute des autres. Nous devons réapprendre à pratiquer la diplomatie, à communiquer, à écouter et à comprendre, même dans des circonstances apparemment adverses.

Notre deuxième ligne de défense est la dissuasion. Nous voulons améliorer nos armées, mais essayons d’éviter une course à l’armement. Faisons plutôt renaître les mesures de confiance et veillons à ne pas dépenser de sommes démesurées et à ne pas contracter des dettes faramineuses pour couvrir des dépenses militaires. Nos sociétés connaissent encore bien d’autres besoins, souvent plus pressants. Le réarmement est une activité dangereuse à maints égards, vers l’extérieur comme vers l’intérieur: gardons-le sous contrôle.

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Hélder Sousa Silva (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, a segurança da Europa finalmente deixou de ser uma questão secundária.

O Livro Branco sobre o futuro da defesa europeia é um bom — é um excelente — alicerce, sobre o qual construiremos uma verdadeira União Europeia da Defesa.As nossas prioridades são claras: uma abordagem abrangente à segurança europeia, aumentar significativamente o investimento em defesa e desenvolver uma indústria de defesa credível, autónoma e soberana.

A Comissão apresentou o plano ReArm Europe para mobilizar, inicialmente, 800 mil milhões de euros. Apoiamos estas medidas, mas exigimos compromissos vinculativos e imediatos com responsabilidades atribuídas a todos os Estados‑Membros.

A diplomacia sem capacidade de dissuasão é um pleno exercício de fraqueza. É tempo de honrar a responsabilidade histórica que nos foi confiada, e a História será escrita em função da nossa ação ou da nossa inação.

(O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

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João Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhor Deputado Hélder Sousa Silva, o senhor deputado considera mesmo que é com a corrida aos armamentos que se garante a paz e a segurança coletiva?

A União Europeia já despende hoje três vezes e meia mais em gastos militares do que a Rússia e 1,3 vezes mais do que a China. Qual é o sinal que se dá ao resto do mundo com esta corrida aos armamentos?

Como é que desviar verbas dos fundos da coesão para os gastos militares pode corresponder às necessidades e expectativas dos povos? O senhor deputado não acha que se põe em risco não apenas aquilo que era prioritário para a vida dos povos, como, ainda por cima, se acentua a ameaça e o risco de a confrontação e a guerra se tornarem mais globais?

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Hélder Sousa Silva (PPE), Resposta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul».(início da intervenção com o microfone desligado)...tende a não ver a verdadeira dimensão do problema. A esquerda em Portugal vê que a China se está a armar, vê que a Rússia já se armou, mas quer que a Europa continue a enterrar a cabeça na areia.

Aquilo que nós dizemos é «não», nós queremos ter capacidade mínima de dissuasão para defender o povo europeu dos 27 Estados‑Membros.

Nós não queremos fazer um armamento até aos dentes, como se diz em bom português, nós queremos ter uma capacidade de dissuasão mínima para não sermos invadidos, como foi a Ucrânia, injustamente, por Putin.

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Eero Heinäluoma (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, nyt jos koskaan on tärkeää, että eurooppalaiset kokoontuvat yhteen ja puolustavat omia arvojaan. Venäjän raakalaismainen hyökkäys Ukrainaan pakottaa meidät satsaamaan turvallisuuteen. Vastaus Yhdysvaltain uuden hallinnon linjauksiin taas edellyttää sekin Euroopan omien suorituskykyjen vahvistamista.

Komission puolustuksen valkoinen kirja on vasta alku tarpeellisille johtopäätöksille. Puolustusalan yhteistyössä on mentävä paljon pidemmälle kuin mitä komissio nyt esittää.

Kun laitamme lisää rahaa puolustukseen, meidän on varmistettava, että nämä rahat tuovat turvaa myös taloudellisesti. Eurooppalainen puolustusteollisuus tarvitsee pitkälle tulevaisuuteen vakaita hankintaohjelmia. EU-rahalla tulee luoda osaamista ja työpaikkoja Eurooppaan – ei valtamerten ylitse. Buy European.

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Antonio López-Istúriz White (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, algunos —como usted y como yo— llevamos años pidiendo más gastos en defensa en esta Unión Europea. Ahora ya se nos han unido todos, menos mal, ya era hora. Vamos a ver si esto por fin hace que Europa pueda defender también su sistema de bienestar.

Muchas gracias por el Libro Blanco y por los millones que van a acompañar a todo este asunto. El tiempo, como digo, nos dirá si estamos a tiempo de defendernos sin renunciar a este estado de bienestar.

Las dudas que ahora son explotadas por los populistas y por la extrema izquierda se podían haber resuelto si se hubiese actuado antes. Pero la presidenta de la Comisión y el anterior alto representante han callado y han colaborado para cubrir la falta de cumplimiento de nuestros deberes en materia de defensa en el pasado en países como el mío, España.

Ya no se trata de gastar dinero para mantener una buena relación con Maduro, ya no se trata de pagar más a las policías autonómicas que al Ejército español; se trata, sin duda, ahora, de gastar en defender nuestro sistema de bienestar. A ver cómo se lo explican a sus socios comunistas e independentistas. Ahí les quiero ver.

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Thijs Reuten (S&D). – Mr President, Commission, Council, dear colleagues, Europe is already under attack. And you, Commissioner, understand the need for bold ambition and courageous action, which the Ϸվ shares with you.

Member States say they do as well, but I'm not sure, at least not about all of them – your Member State excluded. They have had their chance to get European defence right, but they squandered precious time and opportunity for the last 15 years. Despite programmes, funds, platforms to promote true European cooperation, Member States have proven unable to rise above narrow national interests. And this costs us military ability, precious money and desirable jobs.

European security is a collective public good for all citizens. It should go hand in hand with resilient societies, with sound education, care and social fabric. No contradiction there. We need a truly European approach to defence that includes European financing, European planning, development, procurement and operational command. Let's get to work.

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Željana Zovko (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner Kubilius, as you are presenting the white paper on the future of European defence, you will set the tone for strengthening our defence capabilities and industrial competitiveness.

Some important elements must be addressed in this strategic document. As the foundation for our approach to European defence, we must take into account the security challenges of all Member States. When building the future of our defence, it is crucial that we are more open and comprehensive, including by considering the threats that our borders are facing, big and small, and from the east and the south, as we have heard here. The borders and the states of the eastern and south-eastern flank must engage in defence cooperation with our partners in enlargement countries that are participating in our CSDP missions that fully align with our Common Foreign and Security policy. By involving enlargement countries industry in defence procurement, we will fortify the security of European borders.

Finally, all the stakeholders should be engaged in buildingEuropean defence. Only by having a state in our common defence vision, all Member States and citizens will embrace this paper as their textbook for future defence of our citizens. Once again, I warmly welcome the announcement that the US is engaging again to help Ukraine at this moment while we are building our European defence, and the good news from Riyadh is an encouraging step in our transatlantic relations.

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Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, Commissioner, it is crucial that we cultivate strength. Recent global events, from the aggression of the dictator Putin to Trump's approach in the US, remind us of the urgent need for unity within the EU.

It is astonishing to find ourselves discussing the impact of both Putin and a US President in the same breath, but a fact is a fact. For the sake of future generations, we must invest in our industries, in our defence, in infrastructure and cybersecurity capacity, ensuring our societies are robust and resilient.

Moreover, we must broaden our alliance beyond the traditional transatlantic relations. While the partnership with the US is still important, Europe should also strengthen ties with states like the UK, Canada, Brazil, Mexico, India, Japan and countries across Africa. The future of global security, of course, depends on our strength, but it also depends on our cooperation with states with shared values and interests.

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President. – I will not take blue cards for the moment because we are running very much behind.

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Mika Aaltola (PPE). – Arvoisa puhemies, komission jäsen Kubilius, maailmalla yleistyy transaktionalistinen suurvaltatoiminta, pakottavan voiman diplomatia. Tehdyt linjaukset Euroopan varustautumisesta Venäjän varalle ovat sangen järkeviä.

On aika aikuistua. Päätökset olisi ollut hyvä tehdä jo kolme vuotta sitten, mutta satsaamalla puolustukseen nyt voimme kolmen vuoden päästä ehkä huokaista helpotuksesta. Ukrainan vahvuus ja tuen jatkuminen on nähtävä Euroopan puolustuksen samanaikaisena synnyttämisenä.

Liiallinen Amerikka-riippuvuuden karsiminen vaatii eurooppalaisten vaihtoehtojen kehittämistä. Tilanne, jossa noin 70 prosenttia kaikesta hankinnasta tehdään Yhdysvalloista, ei ole kestävä malli. Paljon kestävämpää on Euroopan teollisen kapasiteetin valjastaminen painavan pelotteen synnyttämiseen.

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Vasile Dîncu (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar Kubilius, am auzit azi că timpul iluziilor a trecut, deci trebuie să spunem că și timpul strategiilor de hârtie a trecut. Avem nevoie în acest moment de o foaie de parcurs pentru o armată europeană. Avem nevoie de un plan de acțiune pentru a consolida autonomia strategică a Uniunii Europene și pentru a diminua dependența de NATO din acest moment. Avem nevoie de trei piloni pentru asta. Despre primii doi s-a vorbit mult: crearea în primul rând a unei capacități militare proprii, apoi o industrie de apărare integrată și mai ales, aș spune, o strategie proprie de descurajare. Voi insista asupra acestui al treilea element.

Avem nevoie de un mecanism european de descurajare militară și economică, capabil să contracareze amenințările externe fără a depinde de NATO, și aici ar fi câteva lucruri. În primul rând, ar fi nevoie de o construcție a unei doctrine proprii, a unui scenariu de răspuns militar în cazul unui atac, și de operaționalizare a articolului 42 din Tratatul privind Uniunea Europeană, similar articolului 5 din NATO. Ne trebuie un scut european de apărare pentru atacuri cibernetice, de exemplu, dar poate și un scut antirachetă și, de asemenea, o definire clară a momentelor și a circumstanțelor în care Uniunea Europeană intervine militar, atât în intern, cât și în extern. Sunt investiții de inteligență absolut necesare. De asemenea, ne-ar trebui și o structură de guvernanță în apărare, pentru că acum este fragmentată.

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Matej Tonin (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, esteemed colleagues, now more than ever, we need a true European Defence Union. Today we face a key moment for our defence under the REARM Europe plan. While I strongly advocate for this initiative, we must recognise that we are at least three years late in addressing our defence needs.

Europe must reclaim its own security. We are at the beginning of an important journey to develop a European army. Together we can turn our vision into reality, but this will require strong commitment from all of us.

This is not just about buying equipment. It's about coming together. We must address challenges with a united military force. We need to significantly expand our military capabilities. Yes, challenges will come, just as they did with introducing a common currency – the euro. But today, the euro is a pillar of European stability. Tomorrow we have to add a European army.

PRESIDENZA: ANTONELLA SBERNA
Vicepresidente

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Klára Dobrev (S&D). – Elnök Asszony! A mai napon egyszerűen csak szerettem volna örülni annak, hogy a múlt héten megszületett a megállapodás az erős európai védelemről, de sajnos nekünk, magyaroknak a múlt héten a világ veszélyesebb hellyé vált, mint volt előtte. Mert miközben Európa összefogott, mert megértette, hogy az állampolgárait csak itt tudja nagyobb biztonságban, aközben Orbán Viktor egy újabb lépést tett afelé, hogy országunkat kivezesse az Európai Unióból.

Már nem elég, hogy belülről bomlasztja, Putyin utasításai alapján elutasít mindent, ami Ukrajna támogatásáról szól, de a múlt héten egy olyan törvényjavaslatot kezdeményeztek, amely lehetővé fogja tenni, hogy magyar állampolgárokat, a kormánynak nem tetsző civileket és politikusokat száműzzenek az országból. Ez országom Európa Tanácsból történő kilépését jelentené azonnal, amely egy hatalmas lépés az Európai Unió elhagyása felé. De nem fogjuk hagyni, Európa erősebb, és így Magyarország is erősebb lesz Orbán nélkül.

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Λουκάς Φουρλάς (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, φίλε κύριε Επίτροπε, η Ευρώπη δεν μπορεί πλέον να βασίζεται σε τρίτους για την ασφάλεια και την άμυνά της. Η επικείμενη Λευκή Βίβλος για το μέλλον της ευρωπαϊκής άμυνας πρέπει να ανοίξει τον δρόμο για τη δημιουργία μιας ευρωπαϊκής δύναμης που να είναι σε θέση να υπερασπιστεί τα σύνορα και τα συμφέροντά της. Αυτό υποστηρίζω από την πρώτη μέρα της εκλογής μου. Δεν μπορεί όμως να ξεκινάμε λάθος. Και θέλω να είμαι σαφής. Δεν μπορεί σε αυτή την προσπάθεια του Ευρωπαϊκού Αμυντικού Μηχανισμού να συμμετέχει η Τουρκία, μια χώρα που κατέχει παράνομα ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος. Μια χώρα που είναι πειρατής στη Μεσόγειο και απειλεί συνεχώς άλλα γειτονικά της κράτη. Μια χώρα που δεν εναρμονίστηκε με τις κυρώσεις κατά της Ρωσίας, αντίθετα ενισχύθηκε οικονομικά και ουδέποτε αναγνώρισε τη Χαμάς ως τρομοκρατική οργάνωση. Σας καλώ να αναλογιστείτε τις ολέθριες συνέπειες από μια τέτοια εξέλιξη. Επιβάλλεται να γίνουν βήματα προς την αμυντική αυτονομία. Αυτό το στηρίζω σθεναρά. Όχι όμως να γίνουν βήματα προς τη λάθος κατεύθυνση. Ευχαριστώ πολύ.

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Εμμανουήλ Κεφαλογιάννης (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κυρίες και κύριοι: ευρωπαϊκή άμυνα. Ζούμε τη μεγαλύτερη κρίση από τον δεύτερο Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο. Ας κάνουμε την κρίση αυτή ευκαιρία. Ας πιάσουμε ξανά το νήμα εκεί που το αφήσαμε πριν 70 χρόνια. Τότε που οραματιζόμαστε να δημιουργήσουμε την Ευρωπαϊκή Αμυντική Ένωση —European Defence Community—, την οποία καταψήφισε η γαλλική Εθνοσυνέλευση το 1950, για να δημιουργήσουμε τη Δυτικοευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, έναν οργανισμό που για 50 χρόνια ελάχιστα προσέφερε στην ευρωπαϊκή άμυνα και ασφάλεια.

Κυρίες και κύριοι, ας ενισχύσουμε την άμυνα και την ασφάλεια, και σε εθνικό επίπεδο και με τα 150 δισεκατομμύρια του ευρωπαϊκού προϋπολογισμού. Δύναμή μας η Ευρώπη των αρχών και των αξιών, η Ευρώπη της ειρήνης, η Ευρώπη του διεθνούς δικαίου, η Ευρώπη της ειρηνικής επίλυσης των διαφορών. Δύναμή μας η Ευρώπη του σεβασμού του Καταστατικού Χάρτη του Οργανισμού των Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Σας ευχαριστώ για την προσοχή σας.

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Seán Kelly (PPE).A Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir Kubilius, Russia's invasion of Ukraine has upended European security, bringing conventional warfare back to our doorstep.Hybrid threats like cyber-attacks and disinformation now target our institutions.

For too long, Ireland has overlooked security and defence. While we remain committed to military neutrality, it does not equate to vulnerability. Securing our territorial waters and airspace is crucial, and the Government is prioritising the much-needed investment in our defence forces.

That is why I support Ireland's increased ambition in terms of urgent investment in primary radar, naval expansion and air defence. These are not luxuries: they are fundamental to our national security.

At the same time, Ireland's commitment to neutrality remains steadfast. But neutrality must be fit for purpose for the 21st century. That means contributing meaningfully to European security and contributing in areas in which we have a considerable degree of experience and expertise – like peacekeeping, for example.

It's time to get off the fence and get on with defence.

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Ana Miguel Pedro (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Ministro, Senhor Comissário, a política de defesa deve ser guiada pelo realismo, não por ilusões.

A União Europeia reconheceu o óbvio: a Europa não está pronta para se defender. A paz depende da força, e a Europa não tem a suficiente.Durante décadas, acreditámos num mundo sem guerra, numa ordem baseada em regras e num continente seguro, sem investimento em defesa.

A NATO continua a ser o pilar da nossa segurança, imaginar uma defesa europeia isolada da Aliança é uma fantasia perigosa.

Não precisamos de um exército europeu, mas de 27 forças armadas eficazes, interoperáveis, com padrões comuns e capacidade de resposta coordenada. Isso significa mais harmonização, defesa aérea avançada e uma indústria de defesa robusta; assegurar o domínio estratégico no espaço e no ciberespaço, tudo isto são escolhas que definirão o futuro da Europa.

Os desafios que enfrentamos não são teóricos, são reais, e a História não espera por quem hesita. Precisamos de uma política de defesa à altura do nosso tempo.

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Christophe Gomart (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, le général français que je suis connaît bien le monde de la défense et l’industrie de la défense. Les traités fondateurs de l’Europe, ceux qui protègent notre unité, nous rappellent que la défense n’est pas une compétence de l’Union européenne. Nous n’avons pas besoin d’unearmée européenne; nous avons besoin d’armes conçues, produites et vendues par les Européens et aux Européens. Cela donnera de la cohérence à nos armées nationales.

N’ayons pas peur de faire face aux défis auxquels nous sommes confrontés: une Russie très hostile; des États-Unis qui prennent leurs distances et nous divisent; une Turquie liberticide qui occupe un tiers de Chypre et soutient les djihadistes en Syrie et l’Azerbaïdjan contre les chrétiens d’Arménie; un islamisme radical qui nous menace à l’extérieur comme à l’intérieur; enfin, une Chine de plus en plus puissante, dont nous sommes le plus dépendants économiquement, car elle représente 21% de nos importations.

Soyons concrets: chaque pays doit accomplir cet effort de cohérence en achetant européen. En effet, des achats d’armes étrangères peuvent nous empêcher de mener les actions militaires que nous aurions décidées. Surtout, six États membres disposent de 120 à 4000entreprises de défense en mesure de répondre à nos besoins. Ces six pays doivent pouvoir vendre davantage en Europe et élaborer des politiques industrielles communes. C’est à ce seul prix que nous deviendrons indépendants et autonomes.

Procedura "catch-the-eye"

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Radan Kanev (PPE). – Madam President, dear colleagues, I followed the whole debate and I heard really many reasonable voices from almost all the groups in this Ϸվ. It seems that we are united around the evident truth that European security is our natural, first and common priority.

To that, I would say common defence makes common sense, that security requires more than a Commission proposal and a Council consent, but a strong common effort to build a strong European industry, from steel to chemicals, from raw materials to weapons, and from food to space technology.

Above all else, it requires real unity, a grand political coalition of pro-Europeans crossing national and ideological lines, leaving the cultural wars behind and building consensus around universally accepted European values and interests.

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Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, de este debate sobre la defensa europea emergen tres lecciones claras. La primera es que reforzar la defensa europea no puede depender de incrementar veintisiete presupuestos nacionales fragmentados entre sí, porque sin interoperabilidad ni estructuras comunes no tendremos ninguna capacidad disuasoria frente a Rusia, pese a que nuestro ejército y nuestros presupuestos conjuntos sean superiores a los suyos; no, desde luego, sin el paraguas de la OTAN y con una Casa Blanca desvinculada del compromiso de la seguridad colectiva del artículo 5 del Tratado del Atlántico Norte.

En segundo lugar, para reinterpretar correctamente la cláusula de seguridad colectiva del Tratado de la Unión Europea (artículo 42, apartado 7) lo que tenemos que hacer es especializar por valores añadidos la conjunción de capacidades militares, innovación y ciberseguridad. Y la tercera lección es que eso no puede hacerse a costa ni del pilar europeo de derechos sociales ni de la cohesión europea, de modo que resulta imprescindible ensayar herramientas e instrumentos de financiación nuevos, incluida, naturalmente, la deuda común para sustentar el esfuerzo defensivo de Europa.

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Rasmus Andresen (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin! Ich glaube, dass man nach über zwei Stunden Debatte feststellen kann, dass hier eine große Mehrheit gewillt ist, mehr für unsere Sicherheit zu tun und, ja, auch mehr gemeinsam zu investieren. Aber ich finde, unsere Rolle als Europäisches Parlament sollte nicht nur sein, abzunicken, was die EU-Kommission vorschlägt, mit dem ReArm Europe-Programm, sondern darüber hinauszugehen.

Und ich will ganz deutlich sagen: Wenn wir mehr Kredite auch gemeinsam in die Hand nehmen wollen, dann müssen wir dafür sorgen, dass sie effizient eingesetzt werden, dass Transparenz herrscht und dass wir auch mehr gemeinsam europäische Projekte nach vorne stellen.

Ich glaube, dass, wenn wir die Schuldenregeln aussetzen, das nicht ausreicht, sondern dass wir eine richtige Reform der Schuldenregeln auf europäischer Ebene brauchen, um wirklich auch mehr gemeinsam zu investieren. Ich glaube, dass wir das nicht nur tun sollten für Waffen und Rüstungen– die alleine schaffen keinen Frieden und keine Sicherheit. Wir müssen auch in innere Sicherheit, in Cybersicherheit oder aber auch in Klimainfrastruktur investieren– nur dann werden wir als Europäische Union gemeinsam wieder souveräner.

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Lynn Boylan (The Left). – MadamPresident, I've been listening to the whole debate, and I've heard a lot of colleagues talk about defending democracy and about the need to join an EU army, but I would like to ask them, what about Ireland's democracy? What about our right to be a neutral country? Because repeatedly, Irish citizens have rejected any form of EU common security and defence or EU army, both at Nice and at Lisbon treaties. They rejected those treaties on that basis, and consistently polling data shows that 75% of the Irish population support our position of neutrality. So I ask colleagues who are calling for NATO, who are calling for EU armies, what about Ireland's respect for our democracy and our democratic wishes to remain a neutral country and to not have our cohesion funds slashed and burned for the arms industry of Europe? So, respect Ireland's democratic wishes.

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Luis-Vicențiu Lazarus (NI). – Doamnă președintă, dragi colegi, realitatea crudă este că nu avem strategie, nu avem lideri, nu avem diplomație. De ce spun asta? Pentru că, în realitate, dacă aveam, acest război fie nu ar fi avut loc sau, acum, la trei ani distanță, am fi stat cu Trump la masă și am fi pus la cale nu numai pacea din Ucraina, ci și pacea de pe întreaga planetă. În schimb, Trump nu se uită la noi. Trebuie să înțelegem că America de astăzi a lui Trump nu mai e America de ieri a lui Biden. Trump vrea pace și prosperitate, Biden vrea război.

Poate nu ar mai trebui nici noi să dorim război, poate nu ar trebui să cheltuim 800 de miliarde pe înarmare și poate ar trebui să căutăm soluții. Ce soluții sunt? Dacă Președinta Parlamentului European, doamna Roberta Metsola, a fost la Washington, am înțeles că a mers la cimitirul Arlington, dar n-a ajuns să se întâlnească cu Vance sau cu Trump. Atunci de ce s-a dus acolo, să viziteze un cimitir? Poate dânsele ar trebui să-și dea demisia, să punem alți lideri importanți în funcțiile care contează și să stăm la masă cu Trump pentru a găsi soluții de pace, căci altfel o să ne ducem în... (câteva cuvinte care nu se aud)

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Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Szanowni Państwo! Europejska unia obronna musi stać się faktem. Europejska unia obronna jako sojusz gospodarczy musi być nowym kołem zamachowym dla europejskiej i polskiej gospodarki. Ale żeby to się stało, muszą być zaangażowane wszystkie środki, zarówno europejskie, krajowe, jak i prywatne. Dzisiaj o tych prywatnych bardzo dużo tu rozmawialiśmy. Ale, Panie Komisarzu, jeśli nie uporządkuje się spraw certyfikacji i akredytacji wszystkich produktów związanych z szeroko rozumianą obronnością, niestety nie będziemy potrafili wykorzystać tego potencjału prywatnych przedsiębiorców w tak ważnej sprawie jak kwestia obronności.

I drugi element to kwestia preferencyjnych kredytów, które przedsiębiorcy muszą uzyskać, ale bez tej buchalterii urzędniczej i biurokracji, która niesie za sobą środki europejskie pochodzące z budżetu Unii Europejskiej. Jeśli będziemy potrafili zaangażować w to prywatny biznes, prywatnych przedsiębiorców, pozostałe inne środki, jestem przekonany, że Europejska Unia Obronna będzie dla nas wszystkich naprawdę wielkim sukcesem.

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Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – MadamPresident, dear colleagues, I think that we need to acknowledge that today the US has a different assessment of Russia and the threat it poses to European security. At the same time, we also need to acknowledge that we are cooperating well with the United States in promoting, for example, peace and stability in the Western Balkans, and that we need to keep that cooperation.

But in both cases, I think that we will be stronger allies and we will be a more secure continent by investing more and investing better in our defence. And that's why the ReArm Europe was necessary. We need to support it. It's probably not enough, but it's a decisive step in building the European defence capabilities. And that's why we also look forward to the white paper to be delivered next week, to see the ways how to spend not only more, but also to spend better and to produce more in the European Union.

We knew that we need to assume more responsibilities for our security. Now, that is not a choice. That is a necessity.

(Fine della procedura "catch the eye")

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Andrius Kubilius, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, I would like to thank you for this historic debate, as I said at the very beginning. It is very symbolic that we have this debate on this special day, for me, my Lithuanian colleagues here in Ϸվ and all the Lithuanian nation, on Lithuania's independence day.

In 1990, we regained our independence after 50 years of occupation by the Soviet Empire. My message on this day is very clear: we, Lithuanians, don't want to go through the same in the 21st century – another occupation and another independence day. I don't want my sons and my grandkids to face it and I don't want your – in the left, in the centre and the right – kids and grandkids to face the fate of Ukrainian children. That is why I wish Lithuanians a Happy Independence Day from the 1990s.

And to all my friends in Europe, I want to say: independence is easy to lose, but very hard to regain. We must now be ready to defend our European independence. I would like to remind you that Russia, this year, in so-called purchasing power parity terms, will spend for the war more than all of us in the European Union are going to spend.

I would also like to remind you of the numbers which NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte is always repeating. Now, at this moment, Russia during three months produces more weapons than all NATO Member States, including the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Norway and us in the European Union are producing during one year. We must really understand what this means. That is why I want to thank all of you for all of your support during this discussion, for Ukraine and for the defence of Europe.

Next week, we will present the white paper on the future of European defence, with a focus on investment capabilities and defence industry. We will continue our discussion and we will put words into action to deter aggression and prevent war.

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Adam Szłapka, President-in-Office of the Council. – MadamPresident, honourable Members, Commissioner Kubilius, congratulations with Lithuania's national independence day, of course. Thank you very much for this debate. I think we all agree that security and defence are top political priorities. I also see a lot of common ground when it comes to the question of defence financing and reinforcing our defence industry.

The special European Council last week gave a strong impetus to our work on European defence. The EU leaders had the first concrete discussion based on options tabled by the Commission. The President of the Commission presented them this morning. The EU leaders will continue their discussion on the European Council meetings next week and in June. As presidency of the Council, we stand ready to proactively take forward all initiatives that will reinforce European defence. I look forward to our continued exchange on this key topic and, of course, the forthcoming white paper on the future of European defence.

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Presidente. – Comunico di aver ricevuto otto proposte di risoluzione a conclusione della discussione.

Dichiaro chiusa la discussione.

La votazione si svolgerà domani.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 178)

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Γεώργιος Αυτιάς (PPE), γαπτώς. – Αξιότιμο Προεδρείο, Κ. Επίτροπε, Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι Η ενεργοποίηση της ρήτρας διαφυγής θα πρέπει να διασφαλίζει την ίση μεταχείριση μεταξύ των κρατών μελών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Πρέπει να ισχύει η ίδια δημοσιονομική ελάφρυνση και σε εκείνα τα κράτη που ήδη καλύπτουν το στόχο των αμυντικών δαπανών του ΝΑΤΟ, όπως η Ελλάδα που δαπανά πολλά δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ για την προστασία των συνόρων της. Η Κομισιόν πρέπει να κινηθεί προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση, καθώς αρκετές χώρες της ΕΕ όπως και η Ελλάδα, έχουν υποστεί τεράστιο κόστος για τη φύλαξη των συνόρων τους και την αναβάθμιση των αμυντικών της δυνατοτήτων. Η σύσταση Ευρωπαϊκού Ταμείου Άμυνας, είναι θετική. Ωστόσο, πρέπει εγκαίρως να διευκρινισθεί από την Επιτροπή ότι τα 150 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ του νέου ταμείου πρέπει αξιοποιηθούν αποκλειστικά και μόνο από τα κράτη μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.Ουδεμία χώρα εκτός ΕΕ δεν πρέπει να δικαιούται χρηματοδότηση από την Ευρωπαϊκή Τράπεζα Επενδύσεων.

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Ioan-Rareş Bogdan (PPE), în scris. – Cetățenii privesc cu îngrijorare planurile de a maximiza securitatea continentului prin investiții militare.

Ei sunt conștienți că fără ajutorul SUA, apărarea Uniunii Europene ar scădea semnificativ. Dar mai sunt conștienți că siguranța depinde de cât de mult investești în ea. Două aspecte trebuie avute în vedere de Comisie și Consiliul European atunci când vor stabili regulile concrete ale achizițiilor: transparența și obiectivitatea.

În privința obiectivității, să nu uităm ceva: Vestul n-a trecut prin 50 de ani de comunism, unde nu a existat piață, competență, investiții în bunăstarea generală, transparență, ci doar lozinci sovietice bine ambalate.

Decalajul este atât de mare încât, a trata egal necesarul de investiții în apărare ar fi o nedreptate.

Ar fi o neglijare a aspirațiilor cetățenilor din România, Bulgaria și restul țărilor din fostul bloc comunist în a-și obține infrastructuri civilizate în materie de sănătate, educație, transport, administrație.

Și asta deoarece dacă aloci bani pentru apărare, trebuie să îi iei din altă parte!

Foarte mulți ani, în timp ce țările socialiste erau la frontiera Europei, orientate forțat, cu glonțul la tâmplă, către ruși, Vestul s-a dezvoltat.

Românii au apărat Europa nu o dată și n-au vrut niciodată să o cucerească.

Acum este rândul Europei!

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José Cepeda (S&D), por escrito. – Vivimos un momento determinante para poner las bases en garantizar la defensa europea y los socialdemócratas vamos a impulsar que se tengan en cuenta nuestras propuestas, que se entienda la seguridad como un concepto concreto, y que no se comprometan las políticas sociales ni los recursos destinados a ellas para el necesario refuerzo de nuestra seguridad.

Los principales temas que abordará el Libro Blanco son: evaluación actualizada de las amenazas para la UE, apoyo a Ucrania, estrategia para cerrar la brecha en nuestras capacidades de defensa y su financiación. Abordará la dimensión industrial, transformando la evaluación de amenazas y el análisis sobre la brecha de capacidades en un conjunto de objetivos industriales para la producción de capacidades y material de defensa.

Los socialdemócratas defendemos mantener capacidad para proteger a nuestros ciudadanos, disuadir a nuestros enemigos, apoyar a nuestros aliados y convertirnos en un actor poderoso en la defensa de un orden internacional basado en normas.

Necesitamos un presupuesto sólido además de otros instrumentos financieros europeos adicionales, base industrial fiable y soberana, capacidades de seguridad europeas, incluidos los facilitadores estratégicos, y un mando integrado que permita a todas las fuerzas nacionales actuar bajo una única estructura. Defendemos además una contribución importante relacionada con la PCSD y sus aspectos operativos.

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Csaba Molnár (S&D), íá. – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony!

Tisztelt Képviselőtársak!

Európa csak akkor lehet biztonságos, ha képes saját magát megvédeni. Az Európai Unió döntése világos: erősítenünk kell közös védelmünket, mert ez nemcsak Európa, hanem Magyarország biztonságát is szolgálja.

Miközben Európa összefog, Orbán Viktor újabb lépést tett az elszigetelődés felé. Nem elég, hogy belülről gyengíti az Uniót, blokkolja Ukrajna támogatását és Putyin érdekeit képviseli, de politikájával Magyarország európai jövőjét is veszélybe sodorja.

Orbán Viktor nem akadályozhatja meg Európa megerősödését. A közös európai védelem az Európai Egyesült Államok felé tett újabb lépés és ez a jövő Orbán nélkül is meg fog valósulni.

Mi, a Demokratikus Koalíció képviselői, egy olyan Európában hiszünk, amely nemcsak gazdasági és politikai, hanem valódi biztonsági közösség is. Erős Európa = biztonságos Magyarország. Mi ennek megvalósításán dolgozunk az Európai Parlamentben.

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Victor Negrescu (S&D), în scris. – În contextul actual marcat de evoluții geopolitice complexe, devine esențial să consolidăm industria de apărare europeană și să investim strategic în securitatea Uniunii Europene. Pentru a realiza acest obiectiv, este esențial să mobilizăm resursele europene disponibile, să sprijinim inovarea în domeniul apărării și să dezvoltăm capacitățile naționale de apărare.

În acest sens, România are un potențial semnificativ de a deveni un actor important în industria de apărare europeană, însă pentru aceasta trebuie să acționăm rapid și strategic. Este necesar să simplificăm procedurile administrative, să implicăm mediul de afaceri, să creăm parteneriate strategice cu statele membre și să dezvoltăm proiecte concrete, care să contribuie direct la întărirea capacităților de apărare. În același timp, trebuie să elaborăm și să implementăm un plan național de dezvoltare a industriei de apărare, care să alinieze România la standardele și obiectivele europene.

Avem nevoie de o viziune europeană de apărare care să răspundă eficient provocărilor externe, dar și să ofere o perspectivă strategică pe termen lung. Doar printr-o abordare colectivă și unitară putem construi o Europă capabilă să facă față amenințărilor actuale și viitoare.

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Bogdan Rzońca (ECR), na piśmie. – Europa stoi przed kluczowym momentem w zakresie swojej obronności. Rosnące zagrożenia, takie jak wojna w Ukrainie, cyberataki i dezinformacja, wymagają natychmiastowych działań. Musimy wzmocnić nasze zdolności obronne i wyciągnąć wnioski z przeszłości, unikając iluzji, że możemy zapewnić bezpieczeństwo kontynentu w izolacji od naszych strategicznych sojuszników. Biała księga to krok w stronę zwiększenia naszego zaangażowania, ale musi ono przekładać się na realne działania, a nie tylko deklaracje.

Każda inicjatywa wzmacniająca obronność Europy powinna uzupełniać, a nie dublować rolę NATO. Obecny projekt rezolucji budzi niepokój, ponieważ promuje alternatywę dla Sojuszu i podważa autonomię państw członkowskich w kwestiach obronnych. Co więcej, może prowadzić do niepotrzebnych napięć w relacjach z USA – naszym kluczowym sojusznikiem.

Europa musi inwestować w realne bezpieczeństwo: odbudowę zdolności produkcyjnych, uzupełnianie zapasów oraz wzmacnianie transatlantyckich więzi. Kluczowe jest także, aby wszystkie państwa członkowskie wypełniały swoje zobowiązania obronne, wzorem Polski, która już dziś wydaje 5% PKB na ten cel. Tylko w ten sposób zapewnimy stabilność i odstraszanie.

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Mihai Tudose (S&D), în scris. – Am votat rezoluţia care prezintă propunerile Parlamentului European pentru documentul-cadru ce trebuie să asigure Europei capacitatea de a se apăra singură la orizontul anului 2030. Rezoluţia identifică în mod corect deficiențele structurale ale bazei industriale tehnologice de apărare a UE – în special fragmentarea, subfinanţarea şi lipsa competitivităţii. Drept urmare, este nevoie de pasul decisiv spre crearea unei piețe europene unice a apărării. De aceea, rezoluţia noastră are la bază două principii esenţiale: coerenţa şi suveranitatea europeană în plan militar. Măsurile concrete pe care le propunem merg de la achiziţiile publice comune pentru apărare, la crearea unui sistem european de certificare a armelor, precum şi de la înființarea unei bănci pentru apărare, securitate și reziliență, la crearea unei flote aeriene a UE de răspuns în situații de criză şi la investiţii masive în infrastructura de mobilitate militară. Susţin, totodată, cererea fermă de transformări majore în plan decizional, prin crearea unui Consiliu al miniștrilor apărării și trecerea de la votul în unanimitate la votul cu majoritate calificată pentru hotărârile ce privesc securitatea europeană.

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Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR), in writing. – Europe’s defence stands at a crossroads— we must rearm ourselves now.

My home country, Finland, shares the EU’s longest border with Russia—over 1,300 kilometres.

The Finnish Defence Forces have shown how decades of commitment is now bearing fruit.

Conscription, military training, and investments in defence have long been among the EU’s best.

We are ready to defend our borders.

Meanwhile, some EU countries have neglected their duties, keeping defence spending minimal while expecting others to bear the burden.

Now the era of free riding is over — we cannot start to fund countries that have failed to prepare.

Defence is not a charity - it’s everyone’s duty.

An nuashonrú is déanaí: 25 Márta 2025Fógra dlíthiúil-Beartas príobháideachais