合法博彩网站

IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
President

听听President. 鈥� I declare open the 2025-2026 session of the European 合法博彩网站.

(The sitting opened at 09:01)

听听President. 鈥� Good morning, dear colleagues. The first item on the agenda is a joint debate concerning European Council meetings and European security:

鈥� European Council and Commission statements on the conclusions of the special European Council meeting of 6听March听2025听();

鈥� Council and Commission statements on preparation of the European Council of 20-21听March听2025 ();

鈥� European Council and Commission statements on European security architecture: urgent decisive steps and unwavering support for Ukraine ().

The President of the European Council is on his way. He was delayed by fog in Brussels, so as soon as he lands he will come straight to the Chamber. So we can go first to the Council and the Minister for the European Union, Adam Sz艂apka.

听听Adam Sz艂apka, President-in-Office of the Council. 鈥� Madam听President Metsola, Madam听President von der Leyen, honourable Members, allow me to focus on the preparation of the meeting of the European Council on 20听March, which will, as always, start with an exchange with the President of the European 合法博彩网站.

The spring European Council meeting is traditionally focused on economic issues. However, in view of the rapidly evolving international context, leaders will also follow up on the special meeting of 6听March. We are all aware of what is at stake, and the leaders will build on the important progress made at their meeting last week.

Allow me to add my voice here in stressing that only a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine can put an end to the Russian war of aggression. A peace that is negotiated by Ukraine and its legitimated authorities led by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. A peace that involves Europeans, whose security it will affect without a doubt. A peace based on strong security guarantees.

The European Council is also expected to revert to the situation in the Middle East, which has evolved substantially since the leaders last addressed the topic in December.

Let me now turn to competitiveness, which is a centrepiece of the agenda of the next European Council. 2024 was a year of assessment and reflection, with the Letta and Draghi reports the strategic agenda for the next five years. 2025 is the year for action and delivery.

Three priority areas have been identified for the leaders' debate on competitiveness: simplification, energy and the Saving and Investments Union. For the EU to remain competitive, we need to cut red tape and simplify EU rules for businesses, especially SMEs. Reducing administrative burdens and creating a simple and clear legislative framework remain a matter of urgency.

Europeans also require access to clean, secure and affordable energy, and we have to take steps to address the saving and investments mismatch in the EU in order to better meet Europe's investment needs, in particular those of young and innovative companies. This will also be important to ensure private financing to develop our defence industry for years ahead.

Leaders will also address the topics of the single market, industrial policy and skills, paying special attention to those sectors that are heavily impacted by the sustained rise in energy prices.

Finally, under this point, the European Council will also turn to its customary point on the European Semester. For a more long-term perspective, leaders will have a first exchange of views of views on the next multiannual financial framework and the new own resources, following the publication of the Commission Communication of 11听February and ahead of the proposal expected in summer 2025.

Migration also remains high on the European Council agenda. Leaders will take stock of progress made in the implementation of previous conclusions and ensure a steady pace of work on returns.

Finally, other foreign policy issues will be addressed, notably multilateralism and oceans, which are expected to be on the table during the working lunch leaders will have with UN Secretary-General Ant贸nio Guterres on Thursday. Depending on developments, Member States may also want to address issues in specific third countries or regions.

A Euro Summit is also scheduled to take place in the margins of the European Council, and will include the usual discussion on the economic situation with the President of the Eurogroup and the European Central Bank.

To conclude, we expect a substantial European Council meeting following up on the decision taken at last week's special European Council and advancing on essential work to ensure we are well prepared to meet the many challenges ahead. We are at a crucial juncture. We must rise to the occasion.

听听Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. 鈥� Madam President, dear Roberta, Minister, honourable Members, it's now 70 years ago that Alcide de Gasperi said: 'We do not just need peace among us, but to build a common defence. This is not to threaten or conquer, but to deter any attack from the outside, driven by hatred against a united Europe. This is the task of our generation.'

70 years have gone by, but our generation is faced with the very same task. Because peace in our Union can no longer be taken for granted. We are facing a crisis of European security, but we know that it is in crisis that Europe has always been built.

So this is the moment for peace through strength. This is the moment for a common defence effort. And at the European Council, I saw a level of consensus on European defence which is not just unprecedented but was completely unthinkable only a few weeks ago. There is a new understanding that we must think differently and act accordingly. We have started to mobilise Europe's massive resources. And in the coming weeks and months, more courage will be necessary and other difficult choices await us.

Honourable Members, the European security order is being shaken, and so many of our illusions are being shattered. After the end of the Cold War, some believed that Russia could be integrated in Europe's economic and security architecture. Others hoped that we could rely indefinitely on America's full protection. And so, we lowered our guard. We cut our defence spending from routinely averaging more than 3.5听% to less than half of that. We thought we were enjoying a peace dividend, but in reality we were just running a security deficit.

The time of illusions is over now. Europe is called to take greater charge of its own defence, not in some distant future but already today, not with incremental steps but with the courage that the situation requires. We need a surge in European defence, and we need it now.

We need it first and foremost because of the situation in Ukraine. There is the urgent need to fill the gaps in Ukraine's military supplies and to provide Ukraine with solid security guarantees. But this moment of reckoning is not only about Ukraine. It is about all of Europe and our entire continent's security.

Putin has proven time and again that he is a hostile neighbour. He cannot be trusted, he can only be deterred. And we know that Russia's military complex is outproducing ours. If we look at the military expenditure in real terms, the Kremlin is spending more than all of Europe combined. Europe's production is still on a lower order of magnitude. And beyond traditional capabilities, the range of threats that we face is getting broader by the day. I know that the European 合法博彩网站 argued for years that Europe needs to do more, and you were absolutely right. And this is more dangerous, today, the era we live in, so Europe really needs to step up.

This is the goal of the plan that I presented to leaders last week. Its logic is very simple: we want to pull every single financial lever we have, to strengthen and fast track our defence production. With the REARM Europe plan, we can mobilise up to EUR听800听billion. So, honourable Members, let me focus on some of the main features of this plan.

First, there is the so-called national escape clause. Let me start with why it is crucial to mobilise national budgets. If we look today, we spend just short of 2听% on average of our GDP on defence. Every analysis today agrees that we need to move north of 3听%. Now look at the entire European budget 鈥� it only reaches 1听% of the GDP. So it is obvious that the bulk of new investments can only come from Member States. This is why we are activating the national escape clause, foreseen by our new fiscal rules. This is a new tool that was created just last year, and we propose to trigger it in a controlled, time-bound and coordinated way for all Member States.

This can transform our defence budgets quickly and effectively. Member States could mobilise up to EUR听650听billion over the next four years, adding round about 1.5听% of GDP to their defence budgets over four years. This is massive. And yet the European Council has tasked us to explore further measures, to facilitate significant defence spending at national level while ensuring debt sustainability.

The second point the European Council has agreed on our proposal for a new financial instrument. We call it SAFE (Security Action for Europe). We offer Member States up to EUR听150听billion in loans, to invest following a few basic principles 鈥� they could focus on a few selected strategic capability domains, you are familiar with them, it's advanced air defence, drones, missiles and ammunition, strategic enablers, military mobility, cyber, artificial intelligence, to name just听a few 鈥� so that we maximise the impact of our investments.

These loans should finance purchases from European producers to help boost our own defence industry. The contract should be multiannual, to give the industry the predictability they need. And finally, there should be a focus on joint procurement, because we have seen how powerful this can be. Just think of the Czech initiative or the Danish initiative to provide weapons and ammunition for Ukraine. One nation took the lead. Others joined in, to place larger orders. Industry then scaled up, and prices went down. It was both very quick and very effective. And this is exactly what we need right now: scale and speed.

This is why we have chosen the emergency procedure under Article 122, which is designed precisely for times when 'severe difficulties arise in the supply of certain products'. In other words, Article 122 allows us to raise money, to lend it to Member States for them to invest in defence. This is the only possibility for emergency financial assistance, and that is what we need now. We will keep 合法博彩网站 constantly updated on progress.

This leads me to my third point: the cohesion funds. This is a possibility that we are offering to Member States. Member States will have the possibility to redirect some of their uncommitted funds to defence-related projects. This could be infrastructure, it could be research and development. This would be voluntary 鈥� voluntary for those who want to go the extra mile. It will be up to 合法博彩网站 and Council to decide on this additional option.听For the same reason, REARM Europe also includes measures to mobilise private investment, with the European Investment Bank and our upcoming Savings and Investment Union.

Honourable Members, all of this will also have positive spillovers for our economy and our competitiveness. It will include new factories and production lines that will be necessary, creating good jobs right here in Europe. The investment boost will be felt well beyond the defence sector. We know the spillover effects to both sides, be it from steel to space, large transport companies or the innovative AI start-ups.

Together, we have the size to deter any hostile country, we have the economic power and now, finally, we also have the political will.听We all wish we could live in more peaceful times, without any question. But I'm confident that if we unleash our industrial power, we can restore deterrence against those who seek to harm us. It is time to build a European Defence Union that ensures peace on our continent, through unity and through strength. This is Europe's moment. And Europe will rise to it. Thank you very much, and long live Europe.

听听Manfred Weber, on behalf of the PPE Group. 鈥� Madam听President of the European 合法博彩网站, European Commission, Council representatives, dear colleagues, we as the EPP know what we owe the Americans: as Supreme Commander Eisenhower and American soldiers brought freedom and democracy back to Europe; as听Reagan's call to the Soviet Union 鈥� 'Tear down this wall!' 鈥� in 1987 brought freedom and democracy also to Central and Eastern Europe.

On the other hand, what happened in the White House two weeks ago was simply a scandal. To say Ukraine is responsible for the war is simply a lie. And even with our long history, with our US friends in mind, we must call a lie a lie. No one can twist the truth. Putin doesn't want to end the war; he wants to end Ukraine. And as Europeans we will never allow this.

After the speech of Vice President Vance in Munich and what happened with Zelenskyy in the Oval Office, one reality is clear: dear friends, we are alone. The world is in turmoil. Europe has to wake up. We have to become responsible for ourselves. Our security is not in the hands of Washington or Moscow. It must be in our hands.

Since 1952, Madam听President 鈥� the Commission听President referred to this 鈥� more than 70 years ago, we had the first idea of building up a defence union. I have to say, we wasted a lot of time in the last 70 years for discussing it endlessly. Last Thursday, putting EUR听800听billion on the table to build up a European defence was an important step, showing that Europe finally takes its defence into its own hands. Money is in this regard a precondition, but is only the starting point of doing so. We need to go further.

The first point: we would save a lot of taxpayers' money if we act together. We have 17 tank听models in the European Union. The Americans only have one. We need standardisation. We need an obligatory common procurement. And we need to build up a true European market for defence goods, with all the further mergers in the industry side. This is not yet fully foreseen in the plan of Thursday.

Secondly, we need joint European projects, like a missile or drones defence system, especially in the east side of Europe; a cyber-defence brigade where everybody understands that cyber is not any more a national issue; a satellite surveillance system where we are not any more depending on US data. And every European citizen would immediately understand it's better to do these kinds of investments together.

I would love to see, then, parts of the troops with the European flags on their uniform. This is not yet foreseen in the plans of last Thursday.

Europe has to answer the offer of France to define the French nuclear shield as a kind of a European shield. This is not yet part of the plan of last Thursday.

Imagine for a second that Trump finally would invite Europe to go to the negotiation table to Saudi Arabia. Who would represent Europe then? Commission President? Council President? High Representative? Merz? Macron? Who would speak on behalf of Europe and on which basis could he or she then speak and act? Unanimity as a precondition for having a voice, then, in Saudi Arabia? Dear colleagues, that shows clearly we are ridiculous. We are not up to the task in this moment of time to give a proper answer. Kissinger said years ago, decades ago, 'Whom shall I call when I want to speak with Europe?' Let's be honest, he didn't give a proper answer on this until now.

Europe stands at a self-defining moment. Personally, I think we should once in the future elect the president of the European Union directly by the citizens of Europe. This is naive. This is a dream. Without dreamers, as Adenauer, De听Gasperi, Schuman, V谩clav Havel and Wa艂臋sa, no one of us would sit today in this Chamber of the European 合法博彩网站.

The truth is that the plan of 1952 was more ambitious on a European spirit than what is on the table today. We need dreams that create hope and the determination to implement them. This method brought 70听years of peace and then finally the reunification of the European Union 35听years ago.

Finally, dear colleagues, because the purpose of the European defence union is to defend our democracy, even more democratic legitimacy of the process is needed. The 合法博彩网站 must be fully involved. Bypassing the 合法博彩网站 with Article 122 is a mistake. Europe's democracy stands on two pillars: it's the citizens and it's the Member States. We need both for our security.

Last Thursday was a great starting point, and I truly congratulate Ursula von听der听Leyen and Ant贸nio Costa for the strong message 鈥� the will to invest into our defence and to our strength. But this can only be a starting point. The main task of our generation is to create a true European defence union. The European People's Party is ready to do so.

听听Iratxe Garc铆a P茅rez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, hoy, una vez m谩s, podemos mirar hacia atr谩s y reconocer que nuestros fundadores ten铆an raz贸n: Europa se forja en las crisis. Desde los escombros de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta la pandemia, pasando por la ca铆da del Muro de Berl铆n, cada desaf铆o nos ha hecho m谩s fuertes, m谩s unidos y m谩s conscientes de nuestro papel en el mundo.

La llegada al poder de Donald Trump y su vergonzoso acercamiento al criminal de guerra Vlad铆mir Putin han dejado claro que no podemos depender de terceros para garantizar nuestra seguridad. Esta crisis nos brinda una oportunidad sin precedentes: dar un salto adelante en la construcci贸n de una verdadera Uni贸n Europea de Defensa.

El plan de rearme para movilizar 800听000 millones de euros es un paso positivo; pero no nos enga帽emos, es solo el primer paso. La suspensi贸n de las reglas fiscales para liberar 650听000 millones no garantiza que se alcance esa cifra, ya que no todos los pa铆ses tienen el mismo m煤sculo fiscal; y los 150听000 millones en pr茅stamos respaldados por deuda comunitaria deben ser el embri贸n de un nuevo instrumento, el sucesor del Next听Generation听EU.

No podemos permitir que las soluciones nacionales fragmenten nuestra defensa y aumenten los costes. Necesitamos m谩s deuda com煤n, m谩s solidaridad y m谩s visi贸n estrat茅gica y, al mismo tiempo, garantizar que esta inversi贸n en defensa no se haga a costa del gasto social y del estado de bienestar, que son la esencia del proyecto europeo. Porque, si sacrificamos nuestro modelo social, estaremos alimentando el caldo de cultivo de la extrema derecha y socavando los cimientos de nuestra democracia.

Madam President, colleagues, the construction of a genuine common defence and our support for Ukraine are two sides of the same coin. For three years now, a democratic nation has been suffering the brutal aggression of Vladimir Putin, an aggression driven by imperialist paranoia, justified with lies, aimed at stopping Ukraine's integration into our democratic and prosperous Europe.

We cannot and will not allow Ukraine's sacrifice to be in vain. A sacrifice that has already cost thousands of lives, with hundreds of thousands injured and millions displaced. The European people have a long memory. Neither Trump nor Putin will make us forget the bombing of civilians, the massacres in Bucha, Mariupol and Zaporizhzhia, or the bravery of families who have sent their loved ones to the frontlines only to lose everything.

But let me be clear, we cannot resign ourselves to helping Ukraine only to resist. We must help Ukraine to win this war. To achieve this, we need bold and decisive action. Mrs van der Leyen, we are waiting for your legal proposal to confiscate the EUR 200 billion in frozen Russian assets to rebuild and arm Ukraine.听We cannot we cannot continue to tie Ukraine's hands while Russia bombs its people.

Colleagues, if we let Kiev fall to Putin, autocrats will have won a decisive battle against democracy, a battle that will define the 21st century.

As Churchill said to Chamberlain, "You were given the choice between war and dishonour. You chose dishonour and you will have war". Let us not repeat that mistake. Let us stand with Ukraine. Let us defend our values and let us ensure that democracy prevails.

听听Jordan Bardella, au nom du groupe PfE. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Madame la Pr茅sidente von听der听Leyen, vous voil脿 rattrap茅e par l鈥檋istoire et par la r茅alit茅 d鈥檜n monde dont vous avez toujours rejet茅 l鈥檈xistence 鈥撎齯n monde dans lequel vous avez cru bon et juste de d茅l茅guer notre s茅curit茅 aux 脡tats-Unis, nos industries 脿 la Chine et notre politique 茅nerg茅tique 脿 la Russie. La le莽on des dix derniers jours est celle de l鈥檋umanit茅 tout enti猫re: une nation qui ne ma卯trise ni ses armes, ni son 茅肠辞苍辞尘颈别, ni son destin est une nation condamn茅e 脿 subir l鈥檋istoire plut么t qu鈥櫭� l鈥櫭ヽrire. Nous voil脿 donc immerg茅s dans un monde d鈥檌nt茅r锚ts et d鈥檃mbitions, un monde dur, dangereux et mouvant, o霉 les app茅tits s鈥檃iguisent. Face 脿 l鈥檈nlisement du conflit en Ukraine et au risque de prolonger une guerre sans perspective de victoire claire, face 脿 l鈥檋orizon du d茅sengagement am茅ricain, nous devons avoir deux priorit茅s absolues: la paix et l鈥檌nd茅pendance.

La premi猫re, la plus urgente, se construira par la diplomatie. L鈥檕rganisation d鈥檜n sommet de la famille occidentale, id茅e formul茅e par la Premi猫re ministre italienne, Giorgia听Meloni, devrait nous permettre de d茅finir clairement nos objectifs pour la souverainet茅 de l鈥橴kraine, les exigences que nous devons mettre sur la table et les garanties de s茅curit茅 脿 offrir 脿 ce pays alli茅, afin qu鈥檌l ne subisse plus jamais les assauts de l鈥檃gresseur russe.

La deuxi猫me boussole, 脿 plus long terme, est de b芒tir l鈥檃utonomie des nations d鈥橢urope, pour faire en sorte que personne d鈥檃utre que nous ne d茅termine nos int茅r锚ts et les conditions de notre s茅curit茅. Si elle est capable de repenser une diplomatie libre et ind茅pendante, la France peut redevenir la force d鈥檈ntra卯nement du continent et l鈥檌nterlocutrice 茅vidente et naturelle de ce nouveau monde, parce que la France est dot茅e d鈥檜ne arm茅e de m茅tier reconnue, d鈥檜ne base industrielle d鈥檈xception, d鈥檜n si猫ge permanent au Conseil de s茅curit茅 de l鈥橭NU, de la dissuasion nucl茅aire et, bien s没r, parce qu鈥檈lle est l鈥檋茅riti猫re d鈥檜n pacte vingt fois s茅culaire entre la grandeur d鈥檜ne nation et la libert茅 du monde.

Madame von der Leyen, permettez-moi de vous dire que tous vos choix politiques se sont, h茅las, fracass茅s sur le mur du r茅el. Avec le pacte vert, vous avez opt茅 pour la d茅croissance, alors qu鈥檌l fallait produire sans entrave. Vous avez d茅savou茅 le nucl茅aire, opt茅 pour l鈥檌nflation de normes et de taxes, et encourag茅 les achats de mat茅riel am茅ricain plut么t que d鈥檃ppliquer la pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne en mati猫re de d茅fense. Ce n鈥檈st qu鈥檃u prix de changements d鈥檕rientation profonds que l鈥橢urope restera une actrice de l鈥檋istoire, dissuadera les menaces et imposera le respect aux empires.

听听President. 鈥� Now I give the floor to the President of the European Council.

Mr听Procaccini, can I give the floor to the President of the European Council first, because he has just arrived?

听听Ant贸nio Costa, President of the European Council. 鈥� Madam听President, Madam听President of the European Commission, Minister Sz艂apka, honourable Members, the European Union is living a defining moment. The sense of urgency is upon us. Geopolitical tensions have risen over the last weeks. Multilateralism is under enormous pressure, and so is the rules-based international order.

Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine entered its third year and the threat it represents has wider implications for Europe and international security. This is exactly why, last week, the European Council took fast and ambitious decisions on defence and Ukraine. We are putting our money where our mouth is. We are delivering on what we promised.

Three years ago precisely, in Versailles, we decided to boost Europe's defence to build the Europe of defence. Three years ago, we laid the foundation of what we decided last week. Over the last three years, Member States increased their defence spending by 30听%. Over the last three years, on average, among the 23 European Union Member States that are in NATO, we reached the NATO target for 2024 of 2听% of GDP.

Now we are going much further. In one month, working hand in hand with the European Commission, we have kick-started the Europe of Defence. On 3听February, in the informal leaders' meeting with the special participation of the British Prime Minister and the Secretary General of NATO, we opened the way for decisions.

Last week, the Commission anticipated some of its proposals on defence financing, which were the basis for European Council decisions. In this special European Council, we decided to invest in the priority areas already defined by the European Defence Agency, reflecting the lessons learned from the war in Ukraine and in full coherence with NATO: air and missile defence, artillery systems, missiles and ammunition, drones and anti-drone systems, strategic enablers, military mobility, artificial intelligence, cyber and electronic warfare.

We have also decided to mobilise more public and private funds for our defence. We welcome the Commission's initiative to dedicate EUR听150听billion of additional defence spending to funding the capabilities we urgently need. In addition to the loan instrument proposed by the Commission, leaders were clear that we need flexibility. With the Stability and Growth Pact and in the use of the European funds, it will also be important to provide more public money for the defence sector where Member States decide to do so.

The European Investment Bank initiative to broaden its mandate for more loans to the defence sector will improve access to private financing.

Finally, we decided to spend better and more efficiently together, with joint procurement ensuring standardisation and simplifying permitting and reporting requirements.

Our focus is clear: next week, the Commission and the High Representative will present the white paper on defence, and the European Council will continue to take work forward to build our deterrence, to strengthen the security of our continent.

Competitiveness and defence must go hand in hand to boost Europe's industrial and technological competitiveness, to create jobs, reinforcing economic convergence and the resilience of our value-chain networks. It is the right way to make the European Union stronger. It is the right way to protect our citizens and our social model.

Madame la Pr茅sidente, Mesdames et Messieurs, les efforts que nous d茅ployons pour d茅penser davantage en faveur de la d茅fense europ茅enne profiteront 茅galement 脿 l鈥橴kraine. La s茅curit茅 de l鈥橴kraine et celle de l鈥橢urope sont indissociables. Les meilleures garanties de s茅curit茅 que nous pouvons apporter sont le renforcement de la capacit茅 de l鈥橴kraine 脿 assurer sa d茅fense et la construction d'une Europe de la d茅fense cr茅dible et solide.

La semaine derni猫re, nous avons 茅galement charg茅 le Conseil de travailler rapidement 脿 de nouvelles initiatives visant 脿 r茅pondre aux besoins urgents de l鈥橴kraine en mati猫re militaire et de d茅fense. Dans le m锚me temps, nous nous pr茅parons 脿 soutenir l鈥橴kraine lorsqu鈥檈lle aura d茅cid茅 d鈥檈ntamer des n茅gociations, afin de l鈥檃ider 脿 parvenir 脿 une paix globale, juste et durable. Nous nous tenons, ainsi que de nombreux partenaires, aux c么t茅s de l鈥橴kraine.

Vendredi, j鈥檃i organis茅 une vid茅oconf茅rence avec la pr茅sidente de la Commission europ茅enne, la haute repr茅sentante et des partenaires de l鈥橭TAN tels que les 脡tats-Unis, le Canada, la Turquie, la Norv猫ge et l鈥橧slande. La r茅union extraordinaire du Conseil europ茅en venait de se terminer, et nos amis ont eu des r茅actions tr猫s positives en ce qui concerne nos d茅cisions, notre rapidit茅, ainsi que l鈥檈ngagement et l鈥檌nt茅r锚t qui sont les n么tres d猫s lors qu鈥檌l s鈥檃git de renforcer, toujours plus, notre coop茅ration.

Nous devons garder le rythme. Lors du Conseil europ茅en qui se tiendra la semaine prochaine, nous poursuivrons les discussions et prendrons des d茅cisions suppl茅mentaires sur la comp茅titivit茅, la prosp茅rit茅 partag茅e de l鈥橢urope et l鈥檃utonomie strat茅gique europ茅enne. Nous sommes tous conscients de l鈥檜rgence qu鈥檌l y a 脿 combler notre retard en mati猫re d鈥檌nnovation, de productivit茅 et d鈥檌nvestissement. Le r茅tablissement de la comp茅titivit茅 de l鈥橢urope doit donc rester au premier rang de nos priorit茅s. Il s鈥檃gira d鈥檜ne question essentielle lors de la prochaine r茅union du Conseil europ茅en, et je reviendrai devant ce Parlement pour rendre compte de nos discussions.

Senhora Presidente, Senhoras Deputadas e Senhores Deputados, hoje n茫o 茅 apenas o terceiro anivers谩rio da Declara莽茫o de Versalhes, 茅 tamb茅m o quinquag茅simo anivers谩rio da primeira reuni茫o do Conselho Europeu, em mar莽o de 1975 鈥� e 茅 tamb茅m o meu cent茅simo dia nestas fun莽玫es.

Cem dias em que se tornou claro que a Europa da Defesa e a Europa da Prosperidade Partilhada s茫o as prioridades deste mandato e s茫o prioridades interdependentes.

Cem dias em que se tornou claro que refor莽ar o papel da Europa no mundo 茅 uma prioridade estrat茅gica. Porque o atual contexto nos impele a alargar a nossa rede de parceiros, uma rede que j谩 茅 vasta, mas uma rede que tem tudo para poder crescer: nos acordos de com茅rcio, na coopera莽茫o para o desenvolvimento e na lideran莽a das grandes causas globais, como o Pacto para o Futuro ou o combate 脿s altera莽玫es clim谩ticas. Porque a Uni茫o Europeia 茅 um parceiro fi谩vel, previs铆vel e atrativo e muitos pa铆ses t锚m muita vontade de colaborar connosco a todos os n铆veis.

Por 煤ltimo, cem dias num esp铆rito de excelente coopera莽茫o interinstitucional.听Thank you, dear Roberta, danke sch枚n, liebe Ursula.

As institui莽玫es europeias e os Estados-Membros t锚m de estar mais unidos do que nunca para refor莽ar a Uni茫o Europeia. Para avan莽ar, precisamos de ter mais confian莽a em n贸s pr贸prios, mais confian莽a no nosso poder coletivo, mais unidade para enfrentar uma nova era geopol铆tica.

N茫o h谩 d煤vida de que estamos a obter resultados mais rapidamente, de que a Uni茫o est谩 mais forte pela seguran莽a e pela paz e pela prosperidade na Ucr芒nia, pela seguran莽a e pela paz e pela prosperidade na Europa.

听听Nicola Procaccini, on behalf of the ECR Group. 鈥� Madam President, now I deserve an extra minute because of the discomfort you cause me.

听听President. 鈥� I understand, I understand!

听听Nicola Procaccini (ECR). 鈥� So thank you, President. The European Council represents a step in the journey back to reality, which we welcome.

Yes, we would have liked greater clarity on the sources of financing for the plan, on long-term planning and on its integration within the overall framework of the Atlantic Alliance.

Considering rearmed EU retaliation against Trump and the USA is a tragic mistake, just as it would be to see it as a concession to the Trump administration. Investing in defence and security is an act of dignity for our nations, and the mark of respect for our international allies.

It was Obama and Biden before Trump who asked Europe not to rely solely on the sacrifices of the American working class. And what was Europe's response? The Green Deal, a massively expensive welfare system, tariffs on American cars, and some moral lessons towards those who ensured our security with their own money and even their own blood.

Macron is right when he says that imagining the European Union as the only herbivorous power in a world of carnivores is pure utopia. The problem is that we don't stop breeding the carnivores. Look at the European imports of liquefied natural gas from Russia. Do you know how much France alone has increased its LNG purchases in the past year? By 81听%! Money that Putin uses for the missiles, with which he bombs Ukraine daily.

When Trump says that the European Union has given more money to Putin than to Zelenskyy, he is telling the truth. I hope this hypocrisy ends once and for all.

The Italian Prime Minister is right. Let us not call it ReArmEU, but DefendEU because the peace and freedom we enjoy must be defended. And defence is not only about weapons but also about strategic infrastructure, raw materials, communication systems and technological innovations.

Meloni is right again, and not only her, when she states that the European defence detached from American allies and NATO is unthinkable.

Politicians and legislatures come and go, but the West remains and must remain for a long time. We are bound by a common path and a common destiny. As they say in Latin, "Simul stabunt, simul cadent".

听听Val茅rie Hayer, au nom du groupe Renew. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Pr茅sident, Madame la Pr茅sidente de la Commission, chers coll猫gues, Monsieur le Ministre, qui aurait pu penser, il y a quelques semaines, que les 脡tats-Unis soutiendraient 脿 l鈥橭NU, avec la Chine et la Cor茅e du Nord, une r茅solution russe contre l鈥橴kraine? Qui aurait pu penser que son pr茅sident dirait un jour qu鈥檌l r茅cup茅rerait le Groenland, territoire europ茅en, 芦d鈥檜ne mani猫re ou d鈥檜ne autre禄? Ce qui est en train de se passer outre-Atlantique, ce n鈥檈st pas un simple d茅sengagement; c鈥檈st un renversement complet d鈥檃lliances. Je ne pensais pas dire cela un jour, mais aujourd鈥檋ui les faits sont l脿: dans un monde o霉, depuis vingt听ans, la Russie et la Chine augmentent massivement leurs d茅penses de d茅fense, la Maison-Blanche, sous Donald听Trump, n鈥檈st plus notre alli茅e. Notre monde est de plus en plus hostile, et nous devons en tirer deux cons茅quences.

La premi猫re, c鈥檈st que nous devons savoir nous d茅fendre tout seuls. Alors, Madame la Pr茅sidente, achetons europ茅en, investissons europ茅en et produisons europ茅en. Oui, cent fois oui, 脿 ces 800听milliards d鈥檈uros, 脿 sortir la d茅fense de nos r猫gles budg茅taires et m锚me 脿 un emprunt commun. Oui 脿 une pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne, faute de quoi notre argent ira encore alimenter d鈥檃utres 茅肠辞苍辞尘颈别s que la n么tre. Sans pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne, pas d鈥檃utonomie strat茅gique et donc pas de souverainet茅.

Toutefois, il faut aussi dire les choses: on aura besoin de plus. Il faudra donc travailler tr猫s vite, Madame la Pr茅sidente, aux obligations europ茅ennes propos茅s par le Parlement et par un certain nombre de gouvernements en Europe. Il faudra aussi travailler aux modalit茅s de mobilisation de l鈥櫭﹑argne des Europ茅ens. L鈥檈njeu strat茅gique, 茅videmment, c鈥檈st l鈥檃rgent, mais pas uniquement. La coordination sera cl茅. Il faut que nos arm茅es et notre million de soldats europ茅ens soient capables de travailler ensemble. Il faut aussi que nous avancions sur le b茅n茅fice europ茅en de la dissuasion nucl茅aire, sans bien s没r remettre en cause la d茅cision souveraine nationale de l鈥檃ctiver. C鈥檈st 脿 ces seules conditions que nous pr茅serverons la paix pour nos concitoyens.

Il est 茅galement urgent, pour assurer notre s茅curit茅, de continuer 脿 soutenir l鈥橴kraine, parce que la s茅curit茅 des Ukrainiens, c鈥檈st aussi notre s茅curit茅. La d茅cision de Donald听Trump d鈥檃rr锚ter les livraisons d鈥檃rmements et le partage de renseignements ne nous rappelle qu鈥檜ne chose: nous devons reprendre notre destin en main, continuer 脿 essayer de convaincre l鈥檃dministration am茅ricaine qu鈥檈lle fait une erreur, 茅videmment, mais, pendant ce temps, acc茅l茅rer notre aide 脿 l鈥橴kraine et 锚tre force de proposition pour offrir des garanties de s茅curit茅 脿 l鈥橴kraine 鈥撎齟t 脿 nous-m锚mes. Cela passe notamment par l鈥檈nvoi de troupes europ茅ennes pour le maintien de la paix, une fois un accord obtenu. Nous devons dissuader une fois pour toutes la menace russe.

La deuxi猫me cons茅quence 脿 tirer, c鈥檈st que notre mod猫le d茅mocratique est attaqu茅: 脿 l鈥檈st par les ing茅rences russes et 脿 l鈥檕uest par le camp Trump et les alli茅s de cette internationale r茅actionnaire, ici m锚me dans cet h茅micycle. Monsieur听Procaccini, quand vous pr茅tendez que les 脡tats-Unis ont donn茅 davantage d鈥檃rgent et de soutien 脿 l鈥橴kraine que l鈥橢urope, c鈥檈st faux. Vous le savez parfaitement et vous reprenez en ce sens 脿 la fois la propagande de Trump et la propagande du Kremlin. Nous sommes aux c么t茅s de l鈥橴kraine, nous avons 茅t茅 aux c么t茅s de l鈥橴kraine depuis le d茅but et nous continuerons de l鈥櫭猼re jusqu鈥櫭� l鈥檕btention de la paix 鈥撎齦a paix n鈥櫭﹖ant en aucun cas la capitulation.

Madame la Pr茅sidente, le bouclier d茅mocratique doit 锚tre une cl茅 de vo没te de ce mandat, et nous attendons votre proposition avec impatience autant qu鈥檈xigence; mais commen莽ons d茅j脿 par appliquer les lois qui existent d茅j脿. O霉 en est l鈥檈nqu锚te sur le DSA? Le principe fondamental du droit, c鈥檈st que, quand on viole les r猫gles, il y a sanction, et c鈥檈st votre responsabilit茅 d鈥檈n assurer le respect.

Chers coll猫gues, l鈥橢urope est une puissance stabilisatrice. Notre objectif, c鈥檈st la paix, l鈥檕rdre international et la promotion de la d茅mocratie. Nous avons les atouts pour 锚tre une puissance politique et militaire. Il est temps de s鈥檃ssumer comme telle.

听听Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. 鈥� Madam President, first of all, Mr Costa, I would like to thank you for the Council conclusions, and certainly on Ukraine, where you opted for a conclusion by 26 Member States and not 27. And I think that was a very good decision to do, and not every time try to weaken our conclusions in order to get all 27 on board.

However, this also means that the Council should act on this asset of Putin within the Council. Doing conclusions with only 26 is a first step, triggering Article 7 is really, really time to act on it.

Secondly, Madam President, I want to thank you for your ReArm proposal. And the Greens are fully on board and supporting you for a truly European defence and security Union. However, in your plan, we do have some questions and concerns.

First of all, triggering an escape clause. To be very honest, if you are triggering an escape clause in your fiscal rules continuously, maybe at a certain moment you need to wonder whether maybe the fiscal rules are not fit for purpose and you need a proper review instead of every time triggering an escape rule.

Secondly, and here I have to agree with Mr Weber, the European approach is not strong enough in your approach. Of the 800 billion, only 150 billion are European, the rest is national. Without any clear indication it will be a European approach. And even with the 150, only by doing it through a joint procurement, I'm not sure this will really have a proper European approach. We don't need more tanks on the Greek-Turkish border.

That brings me to the third point. Defence and security is much broader than arms and ammunition. This is about infrastructure. European infrastructure needs to be improved also to transport all the materials throughout Europe. This is about real infrastructure as well. This is about cyber security but this is also about energy independence. And Mr Procaccini, you said it already, looking at how much money we as Europe are spending on fossil dependency, EUR 400 billion each year, and we moved it from Russia to the United States. It's not helping anything. So the green transition is in the same agenda as the security agenda and should not be treated separately.

And that is why we are concerned that investments in green and social transition are being at the cost of investments in security, and therefore we need to increase both and we need to increase spending on both.

That brings me to the last point. The situation in Ukraine is very dire and very sincere, and we cannot not act and we cannot lack on action and have complacency. The next Council needs to act faster. We need to stand by Ukraine. We need peace in Europe. We need peace in Ukraine. We need peace on our own terms.

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY
痴颈锄别辫谤盲蝉颈诲别苍迟颈苍

听听Martin Schirdewan, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Donald Trump ist bereit, die Ukraine Russland zum Fra脽 vorzuwerfen. Die Zerst枚rung des V枚lkerrechts und eine internationale Ordnung, in der nicht mehr die St盲rke des Rechts, sondern das Recht des St盲rkeren G眉ltigkeit hat, sind dabei eingepreist. Umso mehr r盲cht sich jetzt, Frau von der Leyen, dass Sie die Diplomatie in den letzten Jahren leider so sch盲ndlich ignoriert haben und einzig und allein auf eine milit盲rische L枚sung des Krieges in der Ukraine gesetzt haben.

Keine einzige diplomatische Initiative wurde durch die Kommission unterst眉tzt, weder die Bem眉hungen der T眉rkei, Brasiliens, Chinas, Israels, der afrikanischen Staaten, nicht einmal die des Papstes. Und ja, es handelt sich um ein massives politisches Versagen europ盲ischer Politik. Und auch jetzt in Ihrer Rede听鈥� aber auch in Ihrer Rede, Herr Costa听鈥� kein einziges Wort dazu, dass die Kommission oder der Rat sich der Diplomatie zuwenden wollen, die doch vor allem und zuallererst der Ukraine dienen w眉rde.

Die transatlantische Partnerschaft existiert nicht mehr. Trump 眉berzieht die Welt mit einem massiven Handelskrieg und macht seinen Frieden mit Diktatoren 脿 la Putin, w盲hrend europ盲ische Politiker am Nasenring durch die Manege des Wei脽en Hauses gezogen werden. Doch hier bei Ihnen dominiert weiterhin ausschlie脽lich milit盲risches Denken. Pl枚tzlich gibt es 800听Milliarden mehr f眉r Aufr眉stung, keine Schuldenbremse mehr听鈥� Geld, das garantiere ich, das vor allem in amerikanische Waffen flie脽en wird.

Aber strategische Unabh盲ngigkeit bedeutet doch, f眉r verantwortungsvolle Politik endlich Schluss mit der Schuldenbremse zu machen und massive Investitionen in Industrie und in digitale Infrastruktur vorzunehmen. Sie bedeutet Energiesicherheit, soziale Sicherheit und Forschung und Entwicklung. Jetzt ist die Gelegenheit, die kl眉gsten K枚pfe nach Europa zu locken. Der europ盲ische Digitalmarkt darf sich nicht l盲nger in den H盲nden von Elon Musk und anderen Tech-Faschos aus den USA befinden.

Die NATO ist doch jetzt schon Geschichte. Die EU braucht eine eigene Sicherheitsarchitektur, bei der Diplomatie immer Vorrang vor milit盲rischen L枚sungen haben muss. Das widerspricht nicht der Idee notwendiger Verteidigungsf盲higkeit, das widerspricht aber fundamental den Profitinteressen der R眉stungskonzerne und ihrer Gro脽aktion盲re: Damit niemand am Krieg verdient, muss die europ盲ische R眉stungsindustrie verstaatlicht werden.

Und Sie sollten sich gerade jetzt f眉r die St盲rkung internationaler Organisationen wie der UNO einsetzen und das V枚lkerrecht verteidigen. Doch auch dazu kein einziges Wort, weder in Ihrer Rede, Frau von der Leyen, noch in Ihrer Rede, Herr Costa.

Ja, Selbstbestimmung und Souver盲nit盲t stehen der Ukraine zu. Doch nicht nur bei Russland, sondern auch bei der T眉rkei und Israel m眉ssen V枚lkerrechtsbr眉che klar kritisiert werden. Internationales Recht gilt auch f眉r Freunde, nicht nur f眉r erkl盲rte Gegner. Wer Glaubw眉rdigkeit will, muss Doppelstandards 眉berwinden.

Und strategische Unabh盲ngigkeit bedeutet nicht zuletzt auch ein besseres Verh盲ltnis zu China. Frau von der Leyen, die EU-Kommission muss endlich aufh枚ren, Weltpolitik mit der strategischen Weitsicht eines Kindes zu betreiben.

听听Zsuzsanna Borvend茅g, a ESN k茅pvisel艖csoport nev茅ben. 鈥� Eln枚k Asszony! Tudj谩k, mit nevezett Arthur Koestler z谩rt rendszernek? Egy olyan gondolkod谩si s茅m谩t, amely kiz谩rja a realit谩st 茅s a logikai 枚sszef眉gg茅seket az 茅rvel茅sb艖l. 脡rzelmi alapon 谩ll, 茅s figyelmen k铆v眉l hagyja a j贸zan 茅szt 茅s a val贸s谩got. Amikor 脰n枚k a k枚r眉lm茅nyek v谩ltoz谩s谩t贸l f眉ggetlen眉l Ukrajna tov谩bbi t枚retlen t谩mogat谩s谩t er艖ltetik, ebben a z谩rt rendszerben gondolkodnak. A realit谩sok tagad谩s谩val el茅rt茅k azt, hogy 煤gy t疟nik, Eur贸pa kimarad a b茅kerendez茅sb艖l 茅s ez谩ltal az 茅rdekszf茅r谩k 煤jrafeloszt谩s谩b贸l is.

Ideje lenne szemben茅zni眉k a val贸s谩ggal. Magyarorsz谩got 茅vek 贸ta sz茅gyenpadra 眉ltetik jog谩llamis谩gi probl茅m谩k 茅s a transzparencia hi谩nya miatt. Ukrajna kapcs谩n ez mi茅rt nem zavarja 脰n枚ket? Demokr谩ci谩r贸l nem besz茅lhet眉nk, illegitim az eln枚ke, mindennaposak az emberi jogokat s茅rt艖, er艖szakos k茅nyszersoroz谩sok, a kisebbs茅gi jogok tipr谩sa lassan n茅pirt谩sba fordul, m茅gsem hallok jog谩llamis谩gi aggodalmakat.

Ahelyett, hogy 煤jabb csillag谩szati 枚sszegeket szavaznak meg a h谩bor煤ra, ki kellene vizsg谩lni a transzparencia jegy茅ben, hogy az eddig Ukrajn谩ba k眉ld枚tt eur贸milli谩rdokb贸l mennyi ker眉lt oligarch谩k kez茅be. Tiszt谩zni kell, hogy az oda 茅rkez艖 fegyverek egy r茅sze val贸ban olyan terrorszervezetekn茅l k枚t枚tt-e ki, mint a Hamasz vagy az ISIS, esetleg a mexik贸i drogkartell is profit谩lt-e bel艖le? L茅pjenek ki elm茅j眉k z谩rt rendszer茅b艖l, 茅s m茅rj茅k fel a realit谩sokat, miel艖tt Ukrajna EU-s 茅s NATO tags谩g谩r贸l fant谩zi谩lnak, mert Eur贸pa v茅gzetes elgyeng眉l茅s茅vel 茅s a harmadik vil谩gh谩bor煤val j谩tszanak!

听听Die Pr盲sidentin. 鈥� Damit endet die Runde der Fraktionssprecherinnen und 鈥憇precher. Ich werde jetzt mit der Redezeit relativ streng sein m眉ssen, weil wir im Anschluss einen fixen Termin haben. Ich schlie脽e auch das Catch鈥憈he鈥慐ye鈥慉nmeldeverfahren; wir haben schon jetzt mehr Anmeldungen, als wir nehmen k枚nnen.

听听Andrzej Halicki (PPE). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! To bardzo wa偶ne dni i bardzo wa偶ny moment. To moment, na kt贸ry czekaj膮 te偶 obywatele, 偶eby przesta膰 ju偶 rozmawia膰, tkwi膰 w nieustannych sporach politycznych. Trzeba dzia艂a膰. Bezpiecze艅stwo wymaga dzisiaj szybkiego dzia艂ania, bo na to czekaj膮 obywatele. I patriotyzm nie polega ju偶 dzisiaj na gadaniu. Dzi艣 patriot膮 jest ten, kto szybko uruchamia 艣rodki, projekty, kt贸re s艂u偶膮 budowaniu bezpiecze艅stwa. Nie ma prawa nazywa膰 si臋 patriot膮 ten, kto proces ten b臋dzie spowalnia艂, blokowa艂 albo g艂osowa艂 przeciw. I to nie jest te偶 moment, w kt贸rym mo偶emy prowadzi膰 proceduralne spory.

Apeluj臋 z tego miejsca do Parlamentu o podj臋cie bardzo szybkiej decyzji i uruchomienie 艣rodk贸w z silnym mandatem dla Komisji Europejskiej i z silnym mandatem dla rz膮d贸w i naszych lider贸w. Tak, dzisiaj te projekty musimy uruchamia膰 jak najszybciej i tempo podejmowania decyzji jest kluczowe. Obywatele czekaj膮 nie tylko na uruchomienie miliard贸w na przemys艂 zbrojeniowy, ale tak偶e na wzmocnienie infrastruktury granicznej. Lata stracili艣my, 偶eby przekaza膰 w tym kierunku pieni膮dze. Dzi艣 pierwsze euro pop艂yn臋艂y, ale to kropla w morzu potrzeb.

Potrzebny jest projekt Tarcza Wsch贸d. To nie jest projekt polskiego rz膮du. To jest projekt wzmacniania bezpiecze艅stwa ca艂ej Europy, od Finlandii po Rumuni臋. On musi mie膰 europejskie wsparcie. Potrzebne s膮 艣rodki na projekty tak zwanego podw贸jnego przeznaczenia, bo szko艂y, szpitale, parkingi mog膮 by膰 kluczowe tak偶e dla bezpiecze艅stwa, i te projekty musz膮 mie膰 wsparcie europejskich 艣rodk贸w, europejskich funduszy.

Obywatele czekaj膮 na nasz rozs膮dek i szybkie decyzje. Jeszcze raz apeluj臋: mniej spor贸w, mniej gadania, mniej biurokracji, mniej debat i rezolucji. Szybsze wsp贸lne decyzje, by mo偶na by艂o uruchomi膰 proponowane miliardy przez Komisj臋 Europejsk膮 dla bezpiecze艅stwa naszych obywateli.

听听螕喂维谓谓畏蟼 螠伪谓喂维蟿畏蟼 (S&D). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 伪纬伪蟺畏蟿慰委 蟽蠀谓维未蔚位蠁慰喂, 畏 伪谓伪胃蔚蠋蟻畏蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蔚尉蠅蟿蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎蟼 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 蠁苇蟻谓蔚喂 蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 蟺蟻慰 蟿蠅谓 蔚蠀胃蠀谓蠋谓 蟿畏蟼. 螤蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蟽蠀谓蔚蠂委蟽慰蠀渭蔚 谓伪 蟽蟿畏蟻委味慰蠀渭蔚 蟿畏谓 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪. 螘委谓伪喂 畏 魏伪位蠉蟿蔚蟻畏 蔚蟺苇谓未蠀蟽畏 蟺慰蠀 渭蟺慰蟻慰蠉渭蔚 谓伪 魏维谓慰蠀渭蔚 纬喂伪 蟿畏 未喂魏萎 渭伪蟼 维渭蠀谓伪. 螚 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿畏纬喂魏萎 伪蠀蟿慰谓慰渭委伪 蟿畏蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼, 喂未喂伪委蟿蔚蟻伪 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟿慰渭蔚委蟼 蟿畏蟼 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 魏伪喂 蟿畏蟼 维渭蠀谓伪蟼, 蔚委谓伪喂 蟺位苇慰谓 伪谓伪谓蟿委蟻蟻畏蟿畏 伪谓维纬魏畏. 韦慰 ReArm EU, 伪谓 魏伪喂 伪魏慰蠉纬蔚蟿伪喂 蠁喂位蠈未慰尉慰, 未蔚谓 魏维谓蔚喂 蟿畏 未喂伪蠁慰蟻维, 魏伪喂 蟿伪 800 未喂蟽蔚魏伪蟿慰渭渭蠉蟻喂伪 蔚委谓伪喂 未维谓蔚喂伪 蟺慰蠀 蟽蔚 魏伪渭委伪 蠈渭蠅蟼 蟺蔚蟻委蟺蟿蠅蟽畏 未蔚谓 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蔚尉蔚蠀蟻蔚胃慰蠉谓 蟽蔚 尾维蟻慰蟼 蟿慰蠀 魏慰喂谓蠅谓喂魏慰蠉 魏蟻维蟿慰蠀蟼, 蟿慰蠀 魏蟻维蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺蟻蠈谓慰喂伪蟼, 蟿蠅谓 蟿伪渭蔚委蠅谓 蟽蠀谓慰蠂萎蟼. 螘蟺喂蟺位苇慰谓, 伪谓 畏 蟻萎蟿蟻伪 未喂伪蠁蠀纬萎蟼 未蔚谓 蔚蠁伪蟻渭慰蟽蟿蔚委 渭蔚 伪蠀蟽蟿畏蟻慰蠉蟼 魏伪谓蠈谓蔚蟼, 蠋蟽蟿蔚 谓伪 伪谓蟿喂渭蔚蟿蠅蟺喂蟽蟿慰蠉谓 慰喂 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿畏纬喂魏苇蟼 伪谓维纬魏蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 苇蠂慰蠀渭蔚 蠅蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏, 畏 蔚蠁伪蟻渭慰纬萎 蟿畏蟼 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 未畏渭喂慰蠀蟻纬萎蟽蔚喂 蟺蔚蟻喂蟽蟽蠈蟿蔚蟻伪 蟺蟻慰尾位萎渭伪蟿伪 伪蟺蠈 伪蠀蟿维 蟺慰蠀 蔚蟺喂蠂蔚喂蟻蔚委 谓伪 位蠉蟽蔚喂. 螚 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 慰蠁蔚委位蔚喂 谓伪 蠀蟺蔚蟻伪蟽蟺喂蟽蟿蔚委 蟿伪 蟽蠉谓慰蟻伪 魏伪喂 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 伪蟺苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟽蔚 魏维胃蔚 伪蟺蔚喂位萎 伪蟺蠈 蟿蟻委蟿畏 蠂蠋蟻伪, 蔚委蟿蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈 伪蠁慰蟻维 蟿喂蟼 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螔伪位蟿喂魏萎蟼 魏伪喂 蟿畏蟼 螒谓伪蟿慰位喂魏萎蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼 蔚委蟿蔚 蟿喂蟼 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螒谓伪蟿慰位喂魏萎蟼 螠蔚蟽慰纬蔚委慰蠀, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蔚委谓伪喂 畏 螘位位维未伪 魏伪喂 畏 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蟼. 危伪蟼 蔚蠀蠂伪蟻喂蟽蟿蠋.

听听Tam谩s Deutsch (PfE). 鈥� Eln枚k Asszony! Eur贸p谩ban az emberek b茅k茅t akarnak, Amerik谩ban az emberek b茅k茅t akarnak. Az USA patri贸ta vezet茅se ez茅rt elk枚telezetten b茅kep谩rti. Az eur贸pai vezet艖k viszont tov谩bbra is a h谩bor煤t akarj谩k folytatni. Ez t枚bb, mint b疟n. Ez hiba. Br眉sszel eddigi Ukrajna strat茅gi谩ja megbukott. Az eur贸pai vezet艖k h谩bor煤s usz铆t谩sa, a hangzatos sz贸noklatok, a szankci贸s politika biztos siker茅r艖l, az orosz agresszor katonai t茅rdre k茅nyszer铆t茅s茅r艖l eddig m谩r 134 milli谩rd eur贸 elk枚lt茅s茅t jelentett茅k a h谩bor煤ra, 茅s mindez csak gazdas谩gi bajokat, puszt铆t谩st 茅s szenved茅st hozott.

A h谩bor煤p谩rtiak r谩ad谩sul m茅g ford铆tva is 眉lnek a d枚gl枚tt lovon. Donald Trump vil谩gosan megmondta, Amerika kisz谩ll a h谩bor煤b贸l, 茅s b茅k茅t fog teremteni, pont. Teh谩t, amikor m谩r az amerikaiaknak sem kell a proxy h谩bor煤juk, akkor ezt a levetett amerikai h谩bor煤s hacik谩t akarj谩k a h谩bor煤p谩rti vezet艖k Eur贸p谩ra k茅nyszer铆teni. Az eddig elk枚lt枚tt eur贸milli谩rdok ut谩n, imm谩r b谩rmennyi p茅nzzel finansz铆rozni akarj谩k az ukrajnai 枚ld枚kl茅st. Amerika helyett is, s艖t az amerikai b茅ket枚rekv茅seket megakad谩lyozand贸 is. Br眉sszel vezet艖i r谩ad谩sul n枚velik a bajt, megfejelik ezt azzal, hogy m谩r Ukrajna gyors铆tott uni贸s csatlakoz谩s谩t mantr谩zz谩k, ami egyenesen 枚sszed枚nten茅 az eur贸pai gazdas谩got. Ezt a h谩bor煤t le kell z谩rni, 茅s lez谩rni csak t谩rgyal谩sokkal lehet.

听听Patryk Jaki (ECR). 鈥� Madam听President, Ministers, there is no doubt who is the aggressor and who is the victim. The aggressor is Russia and the victim is Ukraine. There is no doubt that no reset with Russia has ever succeeded and never will. The only thing that can stop Russia is credible force, and the general direction of strengthening European arms capabilities is good.

However, you will not escape from the fundamental questions. You are talking about the security of Europe. Great. I would like to ask you how the security of Europe is served by cancelling elections in Romania and not allowing the candidate with 50听% of support to run? How does allowing Tusk to destroy the opposition, take away all public money from the opposition party, and imprison MEPs serve Europe's security? How do your immigration policy and the Migration Pact serve European security? And the key question is: do you want Europe to defend itself from external threats, or for Europeans to kill each other? Instead of integrating Europe in the face of threats, as usual you choose your particular interests.

If the strength of Ukraine grew from the number of your empty words, the Ukrainian army now would be preparing to parade in Moscow. Do you want to help? You have EUR听300听billion of frozen Russian assets. Give them to Ukraine. That will be enough for five years of war. But you won't do it. You keep it because you want them to use to negotiate further resets with Russia. That is why you keep attacking America, provoking it to leave Europe. And you yourselves do not have those military capabilities. Your behaviour will cause the EU countries that border Russia to be in great danger.听President Zelenskyy found about this after the summit in London. He will not provide the army weapons with your slogans, and that's why we need to change it.

听听Billy Kelleher (Renew). 鈥� Madam President, the EU is a beacon of hope for millions of people across the globe. It's why Ukrainians broke down in tears when they crossed into our Union after Putin's immoral invasion of their country. And it's why migrants do everything to get here, to live and raise their families. And that's why Putin and other tinpot dictators despise us. We give people hope, while they only give people fear.听It's why it must be defended.

'If something is worth building, it is worth defending' 鈥� these are the words is Se谩n Lemass, former Irish Taoiseach and leader who submitted Ireland's application to join the European Economic Community. My country is militarily neutral. We won't join a military alliance, but that doesn't mean we don't take sides. We are on the side of freedom, democracy, multilateralism, and a global order based on international law.

Ireland is lucky. We are an island in the Atlantic, surrounded by non-threatening nations. But I know my friends and colleagues along the eastern border of our Union live in fear of the return of Russian imperialism. I see the worry in their eyes. I hear the pain in my friends' voices when they speak about living under Russian occupation before independence. That is why I will not stand in the way in terms of defending your homelands and your homes.

And Europe must collectively defend itself. Our unity is our strength. This is a big change, and I know I will be castigated by the extremists at home, on the left and on the right, but it is morally the right thing to do. Ireland will not join NATO, but I firmly believe we must ensure our fellow Member States have the resources needed to defend their sovereignty and their values.

We must have defence bonds. We must make it easier for the states to strengthen their militaries by relaxing Stability and Growth Pact rules. We must all work together on sharing intelligence and ensuring interoperability and defence systems and energy security. Ireland must use every possibility under our constitution to support our European friends: humanitarian aid training, non-lethal weapons, support for demining initiatives, financial support and increasing our own military defence capabilities.

I will say it again, if it is worth building, it is worth defending. There has never been a greater force for peace, prosperity and progress than the European Union and we must defend this.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

听听Petras Gra啪ulis (ESN), pak臈lus m臈lyn膮j膮 kortel臋 pateiktas klausimas. 鈥� Gerbiamas prane拧臈jau, daug skambi懦 啪od啪i懦, bet labai ma啪ai darb懦 Ukrainos at啪vilgiu i拧 valdan膷iosios daugumos ir i拧 Europos. Kod臈l po 拧iai dienai Ukraina nepriimta 寞 Europos S膮jung膮? Kas, Amerika kalta? Ar Rusija kalta? Kod臈l j奴s nei拧girdot Zelenskio per tok寞 laikotarp寞? Gal i拧girsit ir priimsit?

听听Billy Kelleher (Renew), blue-card answer. 鈥� Well, we have been very supportive of Ukraine's application to join the European Union and it has happened over many, many years. In fact, in recent times we have supported them financially. They have been supported militarily. And of course, you are promoting the propaganda from Russia and elsewhere saying quite clearly that the European Union does not support. But if you look at it, and if you listen to President Zelenskyy himself, he says quite clearly and categorically that the European Union has been a friend to Ukraine and a support them both financially, militarily and in humanitarian assistance as well. So I reject your points out of hand, as they don't stack up with the evidence.

听听M膩rti艈拧 Sta姆is (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Madam听President, Europe is a giant in chains: wealthy, powerful, yet paralysed. Objective reality and data show that there is no need to despair. Quite the opposite. We have given Ukraine EUR听134听billion. That sounds like a lot, but it's just 0.2听% of our GDP. If the US steps back, we can raise that to 0.4听% without difficulty. The Baltics, Finland and Denmark already contributed nearly 1听% 鈥� a small price for lasting security 鈥� and our economies have only become stronger as a result.

We can make Russia pay. Let's seize 200听billion of frozen Russian assets and direct them to Ukraine. Madam听President, the European Commission must make a decision on this right now.

Dear colleagues, the numbers don't lie. We are 450听million Europeans. Russia has just 140听million people. Our economy is 12 times larger. We have everything we need to defend ourselves and others. The only step left: removing the chains we have placed on ourselves.

听听Marc Botenga (The Left). 鈥� Voorzitter, 800 miljard euro: niet om de salarissen of pensioenen te verhogen, niet om de wachtlijsten in de gezondheidszorg weg te werken, en ook niet om in elk dorp eindelijk stipte bussen en treinen te garanderen. Nee, voor wapens.

Laat me even wat cijfers voorleggen. We geven nu al 2 tot 3 keer meer uit aan oorlog dan Rusland. Deze week verklaarde de Duitse pers dat we over vier keer zo veel oorlogsschepen, drie keer zo veel gevechtstanks, drie keer zo veel artillerie en twee keer zo veel gevechtsvliegtuigen beschikken als Rusland. Ondertussen slaagt Rusland er gelukkig niet eens in om een kwart van Oekra茂ne te bezetten. De Russische tanks zullen dus niet meteen op de Grote Markt van Brussel staan.

Aan al wie vandaag zegt dat we meer wapens en meer soldaten nodig hebben, wil ik de vraag stellen 鈥� en aan mevrouw Van der Leyen 鈥� wie zal straks zijn zonen en kinderen naar het front sturen? Hou op met die oorlogskoorts en onzin. We hebben meer investeringen nodig in diplomatie. We moeten meer co枚rdineren, niet meer wapens financieren.

听听Ewa Zaj膮czkowska-Hernik (ESN). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! Szanowni Pa艅stwo! Nowy militarny eurod艂ug b臋dzie narz臋dziem nacisku na pa艅stwa i zagro偶eniem dla ich suwerenno艣ci. To b臋dzie dok艂adnie ten sam mechanizm jak w przypadku KPO. Je偶eli spe艂nimy kamienie milowe, a rz膮d b臋dzie podoba艂 si臋 Komisji Europejskiej, to dostaniemy jakie艣 pieni膮dze. To nic innego jak polityczny szanta偶. Co b臋dziemy musieli odda膰 w zamian za te pieni膮dze? Jakie b臋dzie oprocentowanie zaci膮gni臋tych po偶yczek? Jedyne co potraficie, to zaci膮ga膰 po偶yczki i prze偶era膰 je na unijn膮 machin臋. Planeta ju偶 nie p艂onie, 偶e chcecie stawia膰 fabryki i produkowa膰 bro艅? Zmarnowali艣cie lata na Zielony 艁ad i obudzili艣cie si臋 z r臋k膮 w nocniku. Chomika bym wam nie da艂a pod opiek臋, a co dopiero armi臋, widz膮c, jak obalacie demokracj臋 w Rumunii. Potrzebujemy pokoju, a nie wojny. Bezpiecze艅stwo kraju i jego suwerenno艣膰 zale偶y od jego potencja艂u militarnego, a nie wielkiej wsp贸lnej unijnej armii. Ani skrawka wi臋cej naszej suwerenno艣ci dla Was. Za nasze pieni膮dze chcemy budowa膰 nasz膮 pot臋g臋 militarn膮, a nie 鈥� Ukrainy.

听听螝蠋蟽蟿伪蟼 螤伪蟺伪未维魏畏蟼 (NI). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 慰蠉蟿蔚 维尾慰蠀位畏, 慰蠉蟿蔚 伪未蠉谓伪渭畏, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻委味慰谓蟿伪喂 慰喂 伪蟺慰位慰纬畏蟿苇蟼 蟿畏蟼, 伪蟺慰未蔚委蠂胃畏魏蔚 畏 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 螆谓蠅蟽畏, 纬喂伪 谓伪 魏位喂渭伪魏蠋蟽蔚喂 蟿畏谓 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏萎 蟺蟻慰蔚蟿慰喂渭伪蟽委伪 蟿畏蟼 蟽蟿慰谓 伪谓蟿伪纬蠅谓喂蟽渭蠈 蟿畏蟼 渭蔚 蟿畏 巍蠅蟽委伪 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 螝委谓伪, 魏伪喂 蔚谓 渭苇蟽蠅 蔚谓蟿蔚喂谓蠈渭蔚谓蠅谓 伪谓蟿喂胃苇蟽蔚蠅谓 渭蔚 蟿喂蟼 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蔚蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼. 螣 魏蠀谓喂蟽渭蠈蟼 on camera 纬喂伪 蟿畏 渭慰喂蟻伪蟽喂维 蟿畏蟼 位蔚委伪蟼 蟿蠅谓 蟽蟺维谓喂蠅谓 纬伪喂蠋谓 魏伪喂 蟿蠅谓 蔚谓蔚蟻纬蔚喂伪魏蠋谓 未蟻蠈渭蠅谓 渭蔚蟿伪蠁慰蟻维蟼 蟿畏蟼 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪蟼 魏慰谓喂慰蟻蟿慰蟺慰委畏蟽蔚 蟿伪 蟺蟻慰蟽蠂萎渭伪蟿伪 魏伪喂 蟿蠅谓 未蠉慰 蟺位蔚蠀蟻蠋谓. 螣魏蟿伪魏蠈蟽喂伪 未喂蟽. 伪蠉尉畏蟽畏 渭蔚 未维谓蔚喂伪 蔚魏伪蟿慰谓蟿维未蠅谓 未喂蟽. 魏伪喂 渭蔚 蔚尉伪纬纬蔚位委蔚蟼 纬喂伪 苇尉蟿蟻伪 蠄畏蠁喂伪魏慰蠉蟼 蠁蠈蟻慰蠀蟼 魏伪喂 维纬蟻喂蔚蟼 蟺蔚蟻喂魏慰蟺苇蟼 蟽蟿慰谓 位伪蠈 蟽蠀谓慰未蔚蠉慰谓蟿伪喂 渭蔚 蔚蟺喂未慰蟿萎蟽蔚喂蟼 魏伪喂 未喂蔚蠀魏慰位蠉谓蟽蔚喂蟼 蟽蟿喂蟼 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏苇蟼 尾喂慰渭畏蠂伪谓委蔚蟼. 螚 未蔚 蟻萎蟿蟻伪 未喂伪蠁蠀纬萎蟼 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 危蠉渭蠁蠅谓慰 危蟿伪胃蔚蟻蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼 未蔚谓 伪谓伪喂蟻蔚委 蠈蟿喂 慰喂 位伪慰委 蟽蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 螆谓蠅蟽畏 魏伪位慰蠉谓蟿伪喂 谓伪 伪蟺慰蟺位畏蟻蠋蟽慰蠀谓 蟿慰谓 尾伪蟻蠉 位慰纬伪蟻喂伪蟽渭蠈 蟽蔚 伪委渭伪, 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏慰蠉蟼 蟺蟻慰蠇蟺慰位慰纬喂蟽渭慰蠉蟼, 蟺蟻蠈蟽蠁蠀纬蔚蟼, 蔚蟺喂魏委谓未蠀谓畏 蔚渭蟺位慰魏萎. 螠蠈谓畏 蟻萎蟿蟻伪 未喂伪蠁蠀纬萎蟼 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 位伪蠈 蔚委谓伪喂 畏 蟺维位畏 纬喂伪 魏伪渭委伪 蔚渭蟺位慰魏萎, 谓伪 渭畏谓 蟺位畏蟻蠋蟽蔚喂 慰 委未喂慰蟼 蟿伪 蟽蠁伪纬蔚委伪 蟿蠅谓 喂渭蟺蔚蟻喂伪位喂蟽蟿蠋谓. 螒蠀蟿慰蟿苇位蔚喂伪 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 位伪蠈 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 伪蠀蟿萎 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰蠀蟼 伪谓蟿伪纬蠅谓喂蟽蟿苇蟼 蟿畏蟼. 螣尉蠀纬蠈谓慰 蔚委谓伪喂 畏 未喂魏萎 蟿慰蠀 伪蠀蟿慰蟿蔚位萎蟼 蟺维位畏 纬喂伪 蟿伪 蟽蠀渭蠁苇蟻慰谓蟿伪 魏伪喂 蟿喂蟼 伪谓维纬魏蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀 蔚谓维谓蟿喂伪 蟽蔚 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 螆谓蠅蟽畏, 魏蠀尾蔚蟻谓萎蟽蔚喂蟼 魏伪喂 魏蔚蠁维位伪喂慰.

听听Siegfried Mure艧an (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, President of the European Council, dear colleagues, unfortunately, our long standing partner the United States of America is disengaging from Europe. It is disengaging in terms of security and defence, it is disengaging in terms of trade and economy, and it is disengaging in terms of defending democracy, rule of law and human rights.

We do not want this to happen. We regret this. We will never turn our backs on the United States of America. But we need to recognise the new reality where the United States administration has other priorities.

When Russia is challenging us from the East, and the current Trump administration is questioning the defence of Europe from the West. The conclusion for us, Europe, is simple we have to defend ourselves. What matters most now is what we are going to do ourselves at European level. And I believe we have to do two things.

Firstly, continuing to support Ukraine. Stopping military support to Ukraine is not a way to peace, it is a way to help Russia. We should not do that. Keeping Ukraine safe means keeping Europe safe.

Secondly, we have to invest in defence. And I believe the EUR 150 billion common European project put forward by the European Commission is correct. But we have to do it right. When we spend European money, we have to support European projects. What projects we are going to finance matters a lot. We should use this European fund to do projects which none of the Member States can do alone, so that the citizens of Europe see the added value of Europe. We should do the Common European Air Defence Shield and other European projects, invest in European research, produce more oil in bigger quantities and at smaller unit prices. Same equipment for the militaries of all EU Member States. Europe can do a lot to make sure that our militaries are well equipped with this European project. And of course, if European money is spent, the European 合法博彩网站 has to be involved.

Let me say, in the end, that investing in investing in our defence means keeping Europe safe. If we are weak, we are a target. If we are strong, we are safe.

听听Sven Mikser (S&D). 鈥� Madam President, colleagues, a wise person once said that tactics is the art of using personnel and arms to win battles, whereas strategy is the art of using battles to win wars. Much has been said about how we need to rebuild European defence and security in the medium- to long-term, and I agree with most of it. Meanwhile, the decisive battle for Europe's future is playing out on the front lines in Ukraine and needless to say, following the very dramatic reversal, of course, by our American allies, the outlook has changed to worse.

So we need to step out, and we need to fill the gap left by Americans. And we need to do it now. It's not a matter of months or years, it's a matter of hours, days, maximum weeks. If we fail in Ukraine, if Ukraine falls, then we will not merely be back to square one, we will be in a much, much darker place, starting to rebuild Europe's security from shambles. We must not let this happen.

听听Anna Bry艂ka (NI). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca, Panie Przewodnicz膮cy! Unia Europejska pr贸buje zaklina膰 rzeczywisto艣膰 kolejnymi prawami, regulacjami, a tak naprawd臋 znajduje si臋 w gigantycznym kryzysie przyw贸dztwa, kryzysie gospodarczym i kryzysie bezpiecze艅stwa. Takie s膮 owoce Unii Europejskiej.

Komisja Europejska wykorzystuje wojn臋 na Ukrainie i kryzys w relacjach z administracj膮 ameryka艅sk膮 jako pretekst do przyspieszenia budowy europejskiego superpa艅stwa. Prawdziw膮 intencj膮 Komisji Europejskiej nie jest udzielenie pomocy ogarni臋tej wojn膮 Ukrainie czy rozwi膮zanie jakiegokolwiek europejskiego problemu. Kolejne problemy to tylko pretekst do zaw艂aszczania kolejnych kompetencji przez Uni臋. Mieli艣my ju偶 propozycje zmiany unijnych traktat贸w, reform臋 procesu decyzyjnego, w tym likwidacj臋 prawa weta, i po ostatnim posiedzeniu Rady Europejskiej dostajemy decyzj臋 o kolejnym eurod艂ugu, aby nast臋pnie w艂a艣nie tymi 艣rodkami szanta偶owa膰 finansowo pa艅stwa narodowe, jak w przypadku krajowych plan贸w odbudowy. Nie ma naszej zgody na przekazywanie nowych kompetencji Unii.

Teraz Unia rzekomo chce si臋 zajmowa膰 rozwojem przemys艂u zbrojeniowego w Europie. Najlepsza pomoc, jakiej mo偶e udzieli膰 Europie ta Komisja i ta Izba, to powstrzymanie si臋 od jakiegokolwiek dzia艂ania. Europy nie da si臋 obroni膰 ani rezolucjami, ani scentralizowan膮 w艂adz膮 biurokracji. Dzisiaj potrzeba nam jak nigdy dot膮d silnych pa艅stw narodowych. To one maj膮 dzia艂a膰, to one maj膮 rozwija膰 sw贸j przemys艂 militarny i budowa膰 narodow膮 armi臋, samodzielnie decydowa膰, czego im potrzeba i w jakich ilo艣ciach, a nie anonimowy urz臋dnik z Brukseli.

听听Alexandr Vondra (ECR). 鈥� Madam听President, European security is under immense strain. Panic and reactionary statements, especially on social media, only make matters worse. We must stay clear-eyed and strategically focused. European nations must recognise reality. The burden of defence now rests mostly on our own shoulders. We see clearly the signs of this shift. Governments are waking up. I am keeping my fingers crossed for Chancellor-elect Merz to find the financial resources for much-needed security enforcement.

We must act swiftly. Our defence industries need a framework that enables them to deliver, both through cooperation and national initiatives. That means cutting bureaucracy, simplifying the processes, providing real financial access and bringing energy prices down. We cannot have both an overambitious green transition and a fully capable military. Resources are finite. Europe must decide what it values most.

听听President. 鈥� Dear colleague Gra啪ulis, I will explain it again. If I keep giving you blue cards now, with every speaker that comes, I cannot give them to other people. And there will be a point where I have to say no blue cards at all anymore.

This is why I decided to give every Member the opportunity to raise a blue card, but only once, because otherwise we cannot finish in time. We are limited in the end. If you do not agree, then please file a complaint to the President.

听听Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (Renew). 鈥� Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, Yes, we can!, Nous pouvons!, Wir schaffen das! After every major geopolitical shock in our young history, we have responded with the courage to share our sovereignties.

After 1945, we stopped the cycle of European civil war by merging our resources and our political destinies. And after 1989, we healed a divided nation, created a single citizenship, and proceeded to reunite a continent with parts that were caught behind the Iron Curtain.

And now, in 2025, Europeans are asking us to respond to the shock unfolding before our eyes. The rupture of the transatlantic alliance in the face of war on our continent. I believe we know what to do and how to do it. We can support Ukraine and its defence against Russian aggression. To replace the US, the EU would thus have to spend only another 0.12听% of its GDP. We can build up a European defence industry worthy of the world's envy. We already have the technology. Now it's just a matter of investment and long-term contracts. We can jolt our economy into unprecedented growth and build up the euro as an alternative to the dollar as a global reserve currency.

It's a matter of breaking down jealously guarded national barriers, investing massively in our universities, issuing common European debt and opening up trade with all those countries looking for new leadership in the West.

And finally, we can build a European army in order to achieve lasting peace. We need a European Defence Force to secure and defend our continent, enabled by commonly procured European capabilities and led by a European commander. The only thing standing in our way is a giant Orb谩n shaped elephant in the room. But that too we can fix. We in the 合法博彩网站 can provide ideas and political pressure. After that, Mr Costa and Mrs von der Leyen, the fate of Europe is in your capable hands. And remember. Yes, we can!

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

听听Bogdan Rzo艅ca (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. 鈥� Chcia艂em Pana dopyta膰, poniewa偶 bardzo uwa偶nie s艂ucha艂em Pana wypowiedzi. Co Pan mia艂 na uwadze, m贸wi膮c, 偶e wi臋zi transatlantyckie zosta艂y zerwane? Kto zerwa艂 te wi臋zi? Kto zrywa? Ewentualnie kto jest winny zerwaniu tych wi臋zi transatlantyckich? I druga rzecz: gdy ju偶 uzbieramy te pieni膮dze, za艂贸偶my, 偶e one b臋d膮. Czy Pan dopuszcza tak膮 sytuacj臋, 偶e b臋dziemy z tych pieni臋dzy kupowa膰 najnowsze technologie zbrojeniowe w Stanach Zjednoczonych?

听听Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (Renew), blue-card answer. 鈥� Well, for me, it's absolutely clear that Europe not at all wants to tear down the transatlantic alliance. It seems to be a unilateral decision now from the US to at least make it much weaker than it is.

If Article 5 is under pressure and it's not a total guarantee, then NATO is not as strong as it should be. It's a deterrence. It's not an aggressive force.

And yes, we have to rebuild our European defence industry. That's absolutely clear. We have to be able to build up our own military and not buying it somewhere else.

听听Diana Riba i Giner (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, la Uni贸n Europea gasta un 1,9听% de su PIB en defensa, casi el famoso 2听%. 驴Y qu茅 significa esto? Voy a poner dos ejemplos para que se entienda mejor: en primer lugar, la Uni贸n Europea gasta tres veces m谩s en defensa que Rusia y, en segundo lugar, la Uni贸n Europea y el Reino Unido gastan en conjunto m谩s que potencias globales como China. De hecho, si Europa fuera un Estado, ser铆a la segunda potencia global en t茅rminos de gasto militar.

Se帽oras y se帽ores, el problema no es cu谩nto se gasta, sino c贸mo se gasta. El dilema es que tenemos veintisiete sistemas defensivos diferentes sin una coordinaci贸n efectiva. Somos ineficientes y esto no lo resolveremos con una lluvia de millones en los presupuestos nacionales; aunque esta lluvia de millones tal vez s铆 calme a Donald Trump y a la industria armament铆stica estadounidense.

Representantes de la Comisi贸n, analicen c贸mo podemos ser m谩s eficientes, coordinen desde la Uni贸n Europea la estrategia y la inversi贸n y hablemos sin tab煤s de c贸mo financiar este esfuerzo, por ejemplo con impuestos europeos propios, impuestos a los m谩s ricos y a los que m谩s contaminan, porque, de lo contrario, sabemos que ser谩 la ciudadan铆a quien pagar谩 esta factura. Y esta es una l铆nea roja.

No podemos permitir que los presupuestos estatales o de la Uni贸n Europea vean reducidas las partidas sociales y clim谩ticas, porque hace quince a帽os en la Uni贸n Europea se recortaron derechos sociales en nombre de la austeridad. Hoy no lo har谩n en nombre de la guerra.

听听Danilo Della Valle (The Left). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi tutto il Movimento cinque Stelle 猫 qui a Strasburgo con il suo leader e i suoi eletti nazionali ed europei: Le portiamo la voce del popolo, che 猫 stanco di questa guerra senza fine e vuole solo pace e prosperit脿.

Il vostro piano di riarmo 猫 una dichiarazione di guerra, non si sa a chi o a cosa, ma 猫 un attacco ai cittadini europei, perch茅 sposta miliardi di euro dal sociale alle armi, dalla sanit脿 alla militarizzazione.

Noi crediamo che sia indegno spendere 800 miliardi per il settore militare mentre le imprese fanno bancarotta, le famiglie non riescono a pagare le bollette e i giovani non fanno figli perch茅 non hanno i soldi per crescerli. Invece voi preferite compiacere le lobby delle armi.

Oggi, gli stessi leader che da tre anni a questa parte hanno sbagliato tutto, puntando sulla sconfitta militare della Russia e boicottando ogni iniziativa di pace, come quella in Turchia, ci dicono che dobbiamo continuare ad armarci inseguendo la follia bellicista.

Volete la Terza guerra mondiale per nascondere i vostri fallimenti: ma noi ve lo impediremo. Non un euro per le armi! Le armi non sono la soluzione ma l'ostacolo al raggiungimento della pace. L'Europa senza pace 猫 morta.

Per questo voglio lasciare la bandiera europea cucita con quella della pace: per non dimenticarlo mai. L'avrei lasciata alla presidente von der Leyen ma ancora una volta ha snobbato il dibattito parlamentare e questo luogo che, pi霉 della Commissione, rappresenta la democrazia.

听听President. 鈥� There is a blue card.

(Mr听Della Valle unfurled a flag)

Please, please come on. No blue card then.

I might remind you that this is probably against the rules. This is a parliament. It comes from parlare. Yes, I know it's the European flag and we love it.

听听Milan Uhr铆k (ESN). 鈥� V谩啪en谩 pani predsedaj煤ca, pani Leyenov谩, vy chcete nakupova钮 zbrane za 800 mili谩rd eur? Neskr媒vajte sa, pros铆m v谩s, tam v z谩kulis铆 a rad拧ej n谩m uk谩啪te, ako ste nakupovali vakc铆ny, preto啪e ja som presved膷en媒, 啪e pod va拧ou taktovkou bude n谩kup zbran铆 len 膹al拧铆m obrovsk媒m megapodvodom na Eur贸panov.

A takisto by ma zauj铆malo, 啪e kto by mal s t媒mi v拧etk媒mi nak煤pen媒mi zbra艌ami 铆s钮 bojova钮, preto啪e pre Eur贸panov to bude znamena钮 len 膹al拧iu militariz谩ciu, 膹al拧ie zadl啪ovanie, 膹al拧iu konsolid谩ciu a 膹al拧ie zdra啪ovanie. Mrz铆 ma, 啪e jedin媒, kto sa na samite postavil proti tomuto vojnov茅mu pl谩nu Leyenovej, bol op盲钮 iba ma膹arsk媒 premi茅r Viktor Orb谩n, 啪e v拧etci ostatn铆 鈥� Macron, Scholz, Fiala, Fico a 膹al拧铆 鈥� hlasovali za Leyenovej nav媒拧enie eur贸pskej vojenskej a finan膷nej pomoci pre Zelensk茅ho namiesto toho, aby sa pridali k tomu Trumpovmu pl谩nu a zatla膷ili na Zelensk茅ho a dotla膷ili ho k mierov媒m rokovaniam. Zradili a sklamali t媒mto mnoh媒ch voli膷ov.

Ja viem garantova钮, 啪e my v hlasovan铆 Leyenovej vojensk媒 pl谩n nepodpor铆me a na拧ich voli膷ov nezrad铆me.

听听螠伪蟻委伪 螙伪蠂伪蟻委伪 (NI). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 尾位苇蟺蠅 蠈蟿喂 畏 蟺蟻蠈蔚未蟻慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蟺喂蟿蟻慰蟺萎蟼 蟿慰 苇蟽魏伪蟽蔚. 螝蠀蟻委伪 von der Leyen, 伪蟺蠈 蟺慰蠉 谓慰渭喂渭慰蟺慰喂蔚委蟽蟿蔚 谓伪 蟺维蟻蔚蟿蔚 800 未喂蟽. 伪蟺蠈 蟿喂蟼 蟿蟽苇蟺蔚蟼 蟿蠅谓 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪委蠅谓 蟺慰位喂蟿蠋谓, 纬喂伪 谓伪 蟿伪 未蠋蟽蔚蟿蔚 蟽蟿喂蟼 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏苇蟼 尾喂慰渭畏蠂伪谓委蔚蟼; 螖喂伪尾维味蠅 蠈蟿喂 蔚蟽蔚委蟼 渭慰喂蟻维味伪蟿蔚 蟿伪 蟽蠀渭尾蠈位伪喂伪 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 位慰渭蟺委蟽蟿蔚蟼 蟿蠅谓 蠈蟺位蠅谓 蟽伪谓 蟿慰谓 蟺伪蟽伪蟿苇渭蟺慰 魏伪喂 伪蟺慰渭伪魏蟻蠀谓胃萎魏伪蟿蔚 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 纬蔚蟻渭伪谓喂魏蠈 违蟺慰蠀蟻纬蔚委慰 螁渭蠀谓伪蟼. 螜蟽蠂蠉蔚喂; 韦蠋蟻伪 胃苇位蔚蟿蔚 谓伪 胃蠀蟽喂维蟽蔚蟿蔚 慰位蠈魏位畏蟻畏 蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 纬喂伪 蟿伪 蟽蠀渭蠁苇蟻慰谓蟿伪 蟿蠅谓 委未喂蠅谓. 韦蠀蠂伪委慰; 螝伪喂 魏伪位蔚委蟿蔚 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 维渭蠀谓伪螄 蟿畏谓 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪, 蟺慰蠀 魏伪蟿苇蠂蔚喂 蟿畏 渭喂蟽萎 螝蠉蟺蟻慰, 蟺慰蠀 伪蟺蔚喂位蔚委 蟿畏谓 螘位位维未伪 渭蔚 casus belli. 螚 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪, 魏蠉蟻喂蔚 Costa, 蔚委谓伪喂 魏伪蟿维 未萎位蠅蟽萎 蟽伪蟼 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿畏纬喂魏蠈蟼 蔚蟿伪委蟻慰蟼. 危蟿畏谓 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蔚喂蟽尾慰位苇伪蟼 蟽蔚 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏蠈 苇未伪蠁慰蟼. 螒位位维 尉苇蠂伪蟽伪: 畏 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蟼 未蔚谓 苇蠂蔚喂 蟽蟺维谓喂蔚蟼 纬伪委蔚蟼.

螝蠀蟻委蔚蟼 魏伪喂 魏蠉蟻喂慰喂, 苇蠂蔚蟿蔚 蔚纬魏伪蟿伪位蔚委蠄蔚喂 蟿畏谓 蔚喂蟻萎谓畏 魏伪喂 蟿畏 未喂蟺位蠅渭伪蟿委伪, 纬喂伪 谓伪 纬蔚渭委蟽慰蠀谓 慰喂 蟺慰位蔚渭喂魏苇蟼 尾喂慰渭畏蠂伪谓委蔚蟼 蟿伪 蟿伪渭蔚委伪 蟿慰蠀蟼. 螣喂 蠁蠈蟻慰喂 渭伪蟼 胃伪 纬委谓慰蠀谓 蠈蟺位伪 伪谓蟿委 纬喂伪 蠀纬蔚委伪 魏伪喂 蟺伪喂未蔚委伪, 蔚谓蠋 谓慰蟽慰魏慰渭蔚委伪 胃伪 魏位蔚委谓慰蠀谓, 蟽蠂慰位蔚委伪 胃伪 蟻畏渭维味慰蠀谓, 蟽蠀谓蟿维尉蔚喂蟼 胃伪 蔚尉伪蠁伪谓委味慰谓蟿伪喂. 螝伪位蠋 蠈位慰蠀蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪委慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 谓伪 尾纬慰蠀谓 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 未蟻蠈渭慰蠀蟼 谓伪 蟽蟿伪渭伪蟿萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 蟿慰谓 蟺蠈位蔚渭慰. 螡伪喂 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚喂蟻萎谓畏.

听听沤eljana Zovko (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, dear colleagues, the proposal endorsed by the European Council on 6 March is an encouraging sign towards the strengthening of European defence. A good sign in times of stormy weather.

However, the EU's much-needed wake-up should not make us forget that the American umbrella is vital for us. We still need the rainy-day friend, now more than ever. The strengthening of our defence must go hand in hand with the strengthening of our relations with our allies, including with the US.

Besides the fact that the current EU measures will only produce effects in at least four years, we have to bear in mind that the United States and Russia together account for 85听% of the world's new nuclear arsenal. The European Union also also strongly needs American intelligence, with some Member States even relying entirely on NATO. And the relative autonomy from American intelligence would take years. However, time is running out now 鈥� we all know in Ukraine what is going on.

For all these reasons, the EU must intensify its diplomatic efforts to find common grounds with our US ally. The EU defence and strengthening of a pillar of NATO can become robust within some years, but we don't have time to lose in not engaging in dialogue.

听听Thijs Reuten (S&D). 鈥� Madam听President, colleagues, Council, Commission, Europe is at a critical juncture. You said it yourself, Minister. We are relevant now or never again to act or to be passive observers of the destruction of the rules-based order.

I commend the Member States for their clear understanding that Ukraine and Europe's future requires peace through strength 鈥� strength for Ukraine to stand up against Putin and against Trump. The US is forcing Ukraine into an unacceptable surrender it could also achieve without their help. If the circumstances are unfavourable for Ukraine, for Europe, we will not accept it. We have to change these circumstances towards a just peace, or accept the ugly consequences.

Now President von听der听Leyen said that the 合法博彩网站 was right, asking for more military support all along. Translate understanding then into real united action now, and for all the Member States, President Costa 鈥� some a bit more than others 鈥� that means sending Ukraine the weapons it needs now. It's irritating 鈥� it's appalling even 鈥� that there are still warehouses where there's critical air defence that Ukraine needs now. Do what is necessary now for Ukraine, for Europe.

听听Anders Vistisen (PfE). 鈥� Madam President, EUR 35 billion in loans for the Ukraine Recovery Mechanism. EUR 100 billion in Corona loans, EUR 750 billion for the recovery funds. And now the Commission proposes EUR 150 billion for rearmament.

But none of this would have been necessary if we had a Commission that was more preoccupied with creating growth instead of bureaucracy. If you had a Commission that was willing to prioritise within the EUR 1.2 trillion budget. Ursula von der Leyen, you are making the Europeans into welfare junkies and you're doing it from borrowed money.

So let me put this very simple. We want our money back!

N氓r vi ser p氓 det fra et dansk perspektiv, m氓 man sige, at EU har gjort meget lidt. Igen og igen har Danmark st酶ttet Ukraine milit忙rt og 酶konomisk, og igen og igen har vi set, hvordan de st酶rste EU medlemsstater; Tyskland, Frankrig, Italien og Spanien ikke har fulgt trop. S氓 det er let at give Trump skylden for den situation, Ukraine st氓r i. Men hvis man virkelig vil forst氓, hvorfor vi tre 氓r inde i krigen har et EU, der ikke er i stand til at forsvare sig selv, har et EU, der ikke er i stand til at forsvare Ukraine, s氓 skal vi se indad. Der har v忙ret alt for lidt handling og alt for meget snak, og det forts忙tter desv忙rre.

听听Assita Kanko (ECR). 鈥� Madam President, Commissioner, for energy we used to look at Russia; for trade we depend on China; for defence we rely on the United States. When we fail, we blame someone else. The truth is that we are weak because we neglected our potential power. Because by not investing enough, or soon enough, in defence and industry, we gave up the right to be respected. We abandoned our primary duty, which is to provide security and pride to our citizens.

They wonder when we will take responsibility. Right now, we are only excited because Trump woke us up. Basically, he just showed us that there is no such thing as a free lunch. And we are upset? The fact that we needed this wake-up call about defence is so disturbing for our citizens.

We need to remember that Europe was stronger, and can be strong again. We need to remember that still the end of the Cold War was not the end of history, that we cannot earn respect if we do not change our mindset.

We need to invest in our defence and values, and stand firm for our principles 鈥� not only when it's comfortable, but also when it is not. Because to the question of whether our citizens can count on us, the answer must be 'yes'!

听听Jo茫o Cotrim De Figueiredo (Renew). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Presidente do Conselho, Senhores Comiss谩rios, Senhores Deputados, o mundo mudou muito desde o 煤ltimo plen谩rio aqui, em Estrasburgo.

No dia 13 de fevereiro, 煤ltimo dia desse plen谩rio, o secret谩rio da Defesa americano, Pete Hegseth, disse a seguinte frase: 芦Os Estados Unidos j谩 n茫o est茫o dispon铆veis para garantir a seguran莽a da Europa禄. Clarinho como 谩gua. Como disse a presidente da Comiss茫o h谩 pouco, o tempo da ilus茫o acabou.

E, por isso, fez bem o Conselho Europeu, o Conselho da passada quinta-feira, em flexibilizar as regras do Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, em criar uma nova linha de financiamento e at茅 em alterar o mandato do Banco Europeu de Investimento para permitir cr茅ditos em projetos na 谩rea da defesa, o que, ali谩s, mostra bem a forma adormecida como esta institui莽茫o europeia estava a olhar para a ind煤stria da defesa.

Portanto, o Conselho fez bem. Fez bem, mas n茫o chega. Porque 茅 urgente definir uma arquitetura de defesa europeia, porque, sem isso, o plano industrial que 茅 longamente falado continuar谩 vago, as compras conjuntas continuar茫o descoordenadas e a defesa da Europa continuar谩 dependente de outros, inclusivamente na sua componente nuclear.

Portanto, o fim do tempo da ilus茫o exige estas respostas r谩pidas e decididas, mas j谩 sabemos que a velocidade tem riscos 鈥� e vale a pena, hoje, falar aqui destes riscos.听O risco de, sistematicamente, se ultrapassar e passar ao lado do Parlamento Europeu; o risco de a Comiss茫o e a sua presidente passarem a ser essencialmente uma figura decorativa face a iniciativas pol铆ticas de Macron, Starmer, Merz ou, quem sabe, outros; e o risco de destruir a NATO, para a qual ningu茅m tem hoje uma alternativa cred铆vel.

Portanto, 茅 esse,听Senhores Deputados, o nosso desafio: salvar a Europa 鈥� a come莽ar pela Ucr芒nia, que tanto merece a nossa ajuda 鈥�, sem destruir as suas institui莽玫es. E 茅 nossa responsabilidade estar 脿 altura deste desafio.

(O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta 芦cart茫o azul禄)

听听Jo茫o Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Deputado Cotrim de Figueiredo, o senhor deputado acha boa ideia aliviar o garrote or莽amental para gastos militares, o garrote do Pacto de Estabilidade para gastos militares, mas n茫o acha bem se for para gastos com a habita莽茫o, com a sa煤de, com as pens玫es.

O senhor deputado acha que os recursos p煤blicos n茫o podem servir para investir na habita莽茫o, para resolver os problemas do acesso 脿 habita莽茫o, porque s茫o recursos p煤blicos, mas desviar 800 mil milh玫es de euros para gastos militares, j谩, na perspetiva dos liberais, est谩 certo.听E o senhor acha que 茅 com a corrida global aos armamentos, aumentando os riscos de confronta莽茫o, de guerra e de destrui莽茫o, que se alcan莽a a paz e a seguran莽a coletiva.

Explique-nos l谩, senhor deputado, essa ilus茫o liberal, porque n贸s n茫o encontramos nisso nenhuma refer锚ncia que sirva a povo nenhum, incluindo ao povo portugu锚s.

听听Jo茫o Cotrim De Figueiredo (Renew), Resposta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Senhor Deputado Jo茫o Oliveira, eu acredito 茅 que, se n茫o pararmos Putin, n茫o h谩 habita莽茫o, n茫o h谩 educa莽茫o, n茫o h谩 sa煤de que valha a nenhum europeu.

E, portanto, quem tem de explicar 茅 o senhor deputado: porque 茅 que, h谩 tr锚s anos, desde a invas茫o da Ucr芒nia pela R煤ssia, defende sistematicamente uma pol铆tica de apaziguamento de tiranos como Vladimir Putin? Isso 茅 que o senhor deputado tem de explicar.

听听Villy S酶vndal (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Fru formand! Det smerter mig at konstatere, at vi ikke l忙ngere kan stole p氓 USA under Trumps ledelse. Jeg er netop kommet tilbage fra Ukraine. Her k忙mper landets befolkning for deres liv, deres frihed og deres fremtid. Vi ser den ukrainske befolkning blive svigtet af USA. USA har gjort det lettere for Rusland at bombe i Ukraine og dr忙be civile. Det ser vi hver dag nu p氓 tabstallene. Vores t忙tte allierede kan vi ikke l忙ngere kende. I Det Hvide Hus skal frihedsk忙mperen Zelenskyj, ydmyges og presses til at sige tak foran rullende kamera. Det er skammeligt! Jeg vil dog gerne sige tak. Tak til Zelenskyj og det ukrainske folk for at stille op mod autokraterne. Tak til de ukrainske soldater, der k忙mper p氓 slagmarken. Kolleger, lad mig g酶re det klart: Europa skal g酶re sig uafh忙ngigt af Trumps USA. Det betyder 酶get samarbejde med forsvarsmateriel, teknologi og efterretninger. Det betyder, at vi skal skabe de n酶dvendige alliancer med de lande, der stadig st酶tter en verden formet af den internationale retsorden. Det betyder, at vi skal tro p氓 os selv, p氓 Europa og p氓 Ukraine.

听听Li Andersson (The Left). 鈥� Madam听President, as a leftist, I think that Putin and Trump form one of the most dangerous ideological alliances that the world has seen in a long time.

Therefore, it is essential that the EU strengthens its support for Ukraine. In addition, the EU should set a strategic goal of reducing our dependencies on the US. This means: creating a European security architecture, redirecting all financing currently going to the US arms industry to Europe; reducing energy dependencies; and limiting the powers of the digital oligarchs.

Changes to the fiscal rules must enable all of these investments. I do understand that the goal might also require more investment in European defence. But it would be a historic mistake to finance this by cutting welfare, because that would only cement the rise to power of Putin's and Trump's allies in Europe: the extreme right. And for once, the EU needs to be smarter than this.

听听小褌邪薪懈褋谢邪胁 小褌芯褟薪芯胁 (ESN). 鈥� 袚-卸芯 袩褉械写褋械写邪褌械谢, 锌褉邪褏芯褋胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 800 屑谢褉写. 械胁褉芯, 芯褌 泻芯懈褌芯 150 屑懈谢懈邪褉写邪 薪芯胁懈 蟹邪械屑懈, 褖械 薪邪褌芯胁邪褉懈 写褗褉卸邪胁懈褌械 褔谢械薪泻懈 褋 薪械锌芯薪芯褋懈屑 写褗谢谐. 袪褗泻芯胁芯写褋褌胁芯褌芯 薪邪 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟 褋褗褞蟹, 泻芯械褌芯 胁械褔械 褋械 锌褉芯胁邪谢懈 蟹褉械谢懈褖薪芯 胁 褉械写懈褑邪 褋谢褍褔邪懈 泻邪褌芯 "蟹械谢械薪邪褌邪" 褋写械谢泻邪, 薪械谢械谐邪谢薪邪褌邪 屑懈谐褉邪褑懈褟, 胁芯泄薪邪褌邪 胁 袝胁褉芯锌邪 懈 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈褔械褋泻邪褌邪 褉械褑械褋懈褟, 褋械谐邪 芯褔邪泻胁邪 写邪 屑褍 写芯胁械褉懈屑 薪邪褕邪褌邪 褋懈谐褍褉薪芯褋褌. 袥懈写械褉懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 褋械谐邪 谐芯胁芯褉褟褌 蟹邪 薪械蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑芯褋褌 芯褌 小袗些, 写褗谢谐懈 谐芯写懈薪懈 斜褟褏邪 锌褗褉胁懈 械胁褉芯邪褌谢邪薪褌懈褔械褋泻懈 锌芯褋谢褍褕薪懈褑懈.

袛邪, 蟹邪褖懈褌邪褌邪 薪邪 袝胁褉芯锌邪 械 芯褌 褉械褕邪胁邪褖芯 蟹薪邪褔械薪懈械, 薪芯 芯褌谐芯胁芯褉薪芯褋褌褌邪 蟹邪 芯褌斜褉邪薪邪褌邪 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 芯褋褌邪薪械 胁 褉褗褑械褌械 薪邪 褋褍胁械褉械薪薪懈褌械 薪邪褑懈懈. 袧械 斜懈胁邪 写邪 褉邪蟹褏谢邪斜胁邪屑械 锌褉芯褑械写褍褉邪褌邪 蟹邪 锌褉械泻芯屑械褉械薪 写械褎懈褑懈褌, 薪懈褌芯 写邪 懈蟹锌芯谢蟹胁邪屑械 泻芯褏械蟹懈芯薪薪懈褌械 褎芯薪写芯胁械 蟹邪 蟹邪泻褍锌褍胁邪薪械 薪邪 芯褉褗卸懈褟. 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈泻邪 胁械褔械 械 胁 泻褉懈蟹邪 懈 斜械蟹 褌芯胁邪.

袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟褌 褋褗褞蟹 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 褌褗褉褋懈 褋褗褌褉褍写薪懈褔械褋褌胁芯 褋褗褋 褋胁芯懈褌械 褋褗褋械写懈 懈 褋 胁褋懈褔泻懈 谐谢芯斜邪谢薪懈 褋懈谢懈, 写邪 褋懈 芯褋懈谐褍褉懈 写芯褋褌褗锌 写芯 械胁褌懈薪懈 褉械褋褍褉褋懈 懈 写邪 懈蟹谐褉邪写懈 褋褌褉邪褌械谐懈褔械褋泻懈 锌邪褉褌薪褜芯褉褋褌胁邪. 袧邪泄-谢械褋薪懈褟褌 薪邪褔懈薪 写邪 褋械 褋锌械褋褌褟褌 褌械蟹懈 芯谐褉芯屑薪懈 锌邪褉懈, 邪 懈 写邪 褋械 谐邪褉邪薪褌懈褉邪 褋懈谐褍褉薪芯褋褌褌邪, 械 泻邪褌芯 褋械 懈蟹锌芯谢蟹胁邪 写懈锌谢芯屑邪褑懈褟褌邪 懈 褋械 胁褗蟹褋褌邪薪芯胁褟褌 薪芯褉屑邪谢薪懈褌械 芯褌薪芯褕械薪懈褟 褋 袪褍褋懈褟. 些芯屑 小袗些 屑芯卸械 写邪 谐芯 薪邪锌褉邪胁懈, 蟹邪褖芯 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟褌 褋褗褞蟹 写邪 薪械 屑芯卸械?

听听Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, when your neighbour's house is on fire, you don't haggle over the price of the garden hose. With those words, the US under President Roosevelt came to our aid during the Second World War. 80 years later, war is raging again on the European continent, but this time, the US does not only want to negotiate the price of the garden hose, they bully the neighbour into giving up his house altogether before considering any help.

This is the situation we are in today and it's a wake up call like never before for Europe, a wake up call that should not have been necessary. For years and years, we have been discussing the need for Europe to get serious about its own defence. Many European leaders have stood here in this room, passionately arguing the necessity of this.

So it's fair to ask exactly what we have achieved in all these years, and the clear answer is not enough. So in that sense, I really welcome the determination and the ambition shown by President von der Leyen and the European leaders last week. This ambition needs now to be translated into immediate and tangible European action.

Extraordinary circumstances ask for extraordinary measures, and we must be brave and bold not only to be able to help Ukraine, which is, of course, of crucial importance, but ultimately to help ourselves, because Ukraine's interests are Europe's interests, we are defending common European values. We are defending international law and the rules-based order. We are defending the very basic principle that the aggressor should not be rewarded at the expense of the victim.

Today, we must defend a future for our children in freedom and safety on our European continent.

听听Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). 鈥� Voorzitter, Europa was, is en zal altijd een vredesproject zijn. Maar kiezen voor vrede en vrijheid betekent dat we onze veiligheid in eigen handen moeten nemen. Daarom zijn de voorstellen van de Commissie en de Raad een eerste belangrijke stap. Een nieuwe Europese vredesarchitectuur omvat echter veel meer 27 lidstaten die extra investeren. Het vereist ook co枚rdinatie en strategie.

Veiligheid is ook zoveel meer dan kogels en tanks alleen. Het gaat ook om infrastructuur, technologie en het afbouwen van onze afhankelijkheid. Denk aan energie, grondstoffen aar bijvoorbeeld ook medicijnen. Veiligheid betekent ook niet bezuinigen maar juist verder investeren. Ja, in defensie, maar ook in duurzaamheid, infrastructuur en sociaal beleid. Ons sociaal model is immers uniek in de wereld en dat is wat Europa zo anders maakt dan waar Poetin en Trump voor staan. Dit is waar de Oekra茂ners voor vechten: vrede, vrijheid en veiligheid. Dat is wat we nu, meer dan ooit, moeten beschermen.

听听Roberto Vannacci (PfE). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora von der Leyen: ma dov'猫?

Monsieur Costa, elle ne se cache pas derri猫re vous, Mme von der Leyen?

Perch茅 la signora von der Leyen ha paura di questo Parlamento ed invoca l'articolo 122, lo stato di emergenza, per raggirare l'unica istituzione europea eletta dal popolo e per indebitare noi e i nostri figli per 850 miliardi di euro da spendere in armi.

Eppure i carri russi non sono a Varsavia, neanche a Budapest e neanche a Praga. E Parigi non brucia sotto gragnole di colpi. Quello che brucia in Francia sono le chiese cristiane. Queste sono le vere emergenze signora von der Leyen!

Sono le famiglie europee che non arrivano a fine mese e che non hanno i soldi per pagare le bollette del gas, che le politiche scellerate della sua Commissione hanno fatto lievitare esponenzialmente.

Le vere emergenze sono l'autarchia e la dittatura e la sospensione della democrazia, come 猫 avvenuto pochi giorni fa in Romania, che i tecnocrati di Bruxelles appoggiano e sostengono.

Le vere emergenze sono gli attentati e la criminalit脿 e gli atti di criminalit脿, che quasi giornalmente gli immigrati illegali portano a termine a spese e a danno dei cittadini europei nelle nazioni europee.

Queste sono le vere emergenze, signora von der Leyen, non la paura di vederci un soldato russo col colbacco in testa alle porte di casa. E ci venga in Parlamento, e non abbia paura, perch茅 qua non l'aspetta un plotone di cosacchi con le sciabole, ma i rappresentanti del popolo europeo che vogliono dire la loro sul loro futuro.

听听Charlie Weimers (ECR). 鈥� Madam President, Europe's security isn't built on words, it's guaranteed by firepower. Strong national defences are key. I believe we can cooperate, we can scale up production, without surrendering national control. REARM Europe is a start, but without real output, it's just words.

We need bullets, drones, missiles streaming quickly, unimpeded by delays. Last year we produced 500 artillery shells. Ukraine burns through that in two months. Scaling up 鈥� experts say years. We don't have years. Bureaucracy kills. Delays kill. Either we act or we fail. Ukraine needs firepower now. Tanks, jets, not just applause. Drop the taboos 鈥� landmines, cluster bombs 鈥� because Russia has no red lines. It's time to turn plants into production, factories into force. Support Ukraine now. Peace through strength now.

听听Dan Barna (Renew). 鈥� Doamn膬 pre葯edint膬, domnule comisar, domnule pre葯edinte Costa, apreciez 葯i v膬 mul葲umesc pentru prezen葲a dumneavoastr膬 la dezbatere. Contextul de securitate al Uniunii Europene nu mai este, din p膬cate, o certitudine lini葯tit膬, ci mai degrab膬 un c芒mp de lupt膬. Ne-am v膬zut vulnerabilit膬葲ile dup膬 instalarea unei administra葲ii americane cu priorit膬葲i 葯i afinit膬葲i pro-Putin. Ne-am amintit din nou 鈥� 葯i statele din estul Europei 葯tiu asta foarte bine 鈥� c膬 pariul pe garan葲ii externe este unul foarte periculos pe termen lung.

Nu. Nu ne mai putem permite refugii iluzorii 卯n dependen葲e strategice, nici militare 葯i nici energetice. Acum este momentul ca Uniunea European膬 s膬 devin膬 un adev膬rat constructor al propriei sale securit膬葲i. Propunerile actuale ale Comisiei sunt un pas vital, dar avem nevoie de mai mult dec芒t de aloc膬ri financiare. Avem nevoie de o industrie de ap膬rare robust膬 葯i unificat膬. Avem nevoie de for葲e interoperabile, capabile de desf膬葯urare rapid膬. Avem nevoie de o abordare strategic膬 comun膬, de o 卯n葲elegere unitar膬 a amenin葲膬rilor actuale. Trebuie s膬 devenim st膬p芒nii propriului nostru destin 葯i garantul propriei noastre securit膬葲i. Doar atunci ne vom putea proteja cu adev膬rat valorile, cet膬葲enii 葯i viitorul.

听听Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Madam听President, Mr听Vice-President, Mr听President,听our challenges are monumental; our instruments are outdated. But the idea that unites us all 鈥� our Europe 鈥撎齣t is not. I believe in the power of Europe because, frankly, what other choice do we have in the world divided between Trumps and Xis and Putins?

Ideas inspire, but actions define our future. We need real European capabilities, not grand promises; real European money, not 800听billion of hot air that was promised by the Commission.

We need a strategic decision-making centre and we need an opportunity to leave spoilers like Orb谩n behind. We need a decision-making centre, not 27 passionate speeches per meeting 鈥� a core Europe for defence that should emerge with the big and bold, with the committed and capable. France and Germany, yes, but also Estonia and Latvia and Lithuania. Let's not forget about those. And London and Oslo.听And yes, we make Europe act again. And yes, we will.

听听Kathleen Funchion (The Left). 鈥� A Uachtar谩in, as a Member from a country that cherishes our neutrality and recognises the benefits it has brought to the world, I want to express my opposition to any backsliding when it comes to the neutrality of Ireland.

Our country has a proud history of UN-mandated peacekeeping missions, a tradition that has gone on for decades. Our neutrality has enabled us to maintain an independent foreign policy, and this is a strength that is valued and supported by the Irish people.

It is therefore shameful that our Irish Government would try to use this real emergency to end the 'triple lock' policy, which is in place to protect our neutrality. The 'triple lock' is a core component of Ireland's independent foreign policy, and is enshrined in national declarations to the Irish people by governments in advance of a previous EU referendum. So if the Irish Government wants to remove this protection, it should put it to the people and have a referendum on it.

听听Dolors Montserrat (PPE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, el nuevo orden mundial ha puesto a Europa frente al espejo, oblig谩ndonos a elegir en qu茅 lado de la historia queremos estar. Tres a帽os despu茅s de la invasi贸n, Putin ya no busca solo una capitulaci贸n humillante para Zelenski y su pueblo, quiere borrar los valores europeos de libertad, democracia y paz y avanzar en su sue帽o imperialista.

Europa lo tiene claro: frente a la sumisi贸n, liderazgo, acci贸n y firmeza. Y esta es la peor noticia para Putin. No renunciaremos a la libertad, no descansaremos hasta una paz justa y duradera. Nuestro apoyo a Ucrania ha sido claro y firme desde el primer minuto, algo que no todos pueden decir aqu铆.

Mientras Estados miembros como Polonia y Alemania redoblan su inversi贸n en seguridad y defensa, Espa帽a tiene el Gobierno que menos invierte en defensa en Europa, solo un 1,2听%. Espa帽a es uno de los pa铆ses que m谩s gas compra a Putin desde que comenz贸 la guerra: 9听000 millones听de euros. S谩nchez es el equilibrista de una coalici贸n de Gobierno sin presupuestos ni respaldo parlamentario que le exige la salida de la OTAN y blanquea a dictadores. Todo con un mismo objetivo: debilitar a Espa帽a y a Europa desde dentro.

Europa debe asegurarse de que cada euro europeo para defensa se dedique a ello y no se repita lo que ha hecho S谩nchez con los fondos de Next Generation EU: usarlos como si fueran propiedad de 茅l y de su Partido Socialista. El Partido Popular Europeo lo dice bien claro y bien fuerte: s铆 a la Uni贸n Europea de Defensa y s铆 a una soberan铆a estrat茅gica real. La historia ya nos ha ense帽ado el precio de la inacci贸n y esta vez no podemos fallar.

听听Christel Schaldemose (S&D). 鈥� Fru formand! Verden er forandret. Det er en mindre sikker klode, vi har i dag end for bare f氓 uger siden. Derfor skal EU ogs氓 forandre sig. EU skal tage ansvar for egen sikkerhed. Det har vi v忙ret alt for langsom om at g酶re. Ukraine er vores lakmuspr酶ve p氓, om vi vil, og om vi kan. Tendensen er desv忙rre klar: Jo l忙ngere et EU land ligger fra Ukraine, jo mindre bliver der givet i st酶tte. Det duer ikke. Det er ikke m氓den, vi viser, at vi kan tage ansvar for Europas sikkerhed p氓. Vi siger, at alle i Europa skal st氓 sammen, men ikke alle handler derefter. Vi skal alts氓 have 酶get den st酶tte til Ukraine, og det skal v忙re nu. Og s氓 skal vi selvf酶lgelig ogs氓 opbygge vores egen europ忙iske forsvarskapacitet. Krigen i Ukraine, er simpelthen den pr酶ve, der viser, om vi i Europa kan st氓 sammen mod trusler udefra. Vi skal have alle lande til at forst氓, at det her, det handler faktisk ikke kun om Ukraine. Det handler ogs氓 om os selv. Lad os s忙tte i gang. Lad os vise, at vi godt kan forsvare Europa selv.

听听Jaroslava Pokorn谩 Jermanov谩 (PfE). 鈥� Pan铆 p艡edsedaj铆c铆, Evropa je vlastn铆 vinou ve slo啪it茅 situaci, kter谩 prov臎艡铆 na拧i schopnost spr谩vn臎 reagovat na osudov茅 v媒zvy. Mus铆me jednat pragmaticky, b媒t jednotn铆, ale z谩rove艌 respektovat suverenitu a z谩jmy jednotliv媒ch st谩t暖. Bezpe膷nostn铆 politika se nem暖啪e tvo艡it v Bruselu, ale mus铆 vych谩zet z pot艡eb 膷lensk媒ch zem铆. 艩ance Evropy je v transatlantick茅 spolupr谩ci. NATO disponuje obrann媒mi mechanismy, kter茅 se vyv铆jely cel谩 desetilet铆. Vytv谩艡et paraleln铆 evropskou strukturu je cesta 拧patn媒m sm臎rem.

Soust艡e膹me se na posilov谩n铆 aliance NATO. Investujme diplomatick茅 煤sil铆 i finan膷n铆 zdroje do tohoto projektu. Je pot艡eba se zastavit a o obrann茅 politice p艡em媒拧let s chladnou hlavou. Na拧e vz谩jemn茅 vztahy se Spojen媒mi st谩ty americk媒mi nyn铆 omezujeme pouze na ot谩zku Ukrajiny a nech谩v谩me je definovat t铆mto konfliktem. P艡itom je zde mnoho jin媒ch probl茅m暖, na kter媒ch pot艡ebujeme spolupracovat. M臎li bychom vyvinout maxim谩ln铆 煤sil铆 na zaji拧t臎n铆 m铆ru a vytvo艡en铆 funguj铆c铆ch bezpe膷nostn铆ch z谩ruk. Chytr茅 a zodpov臎dn茅 艡e拧en铆 je zaji拧t臎n铆 konkurenceschopnosti na拧eho hospod谩艡stv铆, udr啪ov谩n铆 pro Evropu v媒hodn媒ch transatlantick媒ch vztah暖 a veden铆 pragmatick茅 diplomatick茅 politiky.

听听Roberts Z墨le (ECR). 鈥� Cien墨t膩 priek拧s膿d膿t膩jas kundze, Padomes priek拧s膿d膿t膩ja, Komisijas vicepriek拧s膿d膿t膩ja!

Protams, Eiropadomes lemtais par 拧iem 800 miljardiem eiro ir solis pareiz膩 virzien膩. Ta膷u uzdosim jaut膩jumu, vai jau tr墨s gadus atpaka募 m膿s nevar膿j膩m pacelt 拧o klauzulu, kas liedza 650 miljardus dal墨bvalst墨m ieguld墨t milit膩raj膩 industrij膩 un aizsardz墨b膩. Un ar墨 拧ie 150 miljardi no SAFE programmas, 拧姆iet, tiks aplikti ar p膩rliekiem nosac墨jumiem 鈥� 拧odien dzird膿tiem no Eiropas Komisijas priek拧s膿d膿t膩jas puses, 鈥� kas var膿tu piemekl膿t l墨dz墨gu likteni, k膩 mums iet ar Atvese募o拧anas un notur墨bas meh膩nismu.

Kas b奴tu Eiropai j膩dara 拧aj膩 iz拧姆iro拧aj膩 br墨d墨? Manupr膩t, p膩rliecino拧i 膩tri so募i, piem膿ram, palielin膩t sankcijas krievu 膿nu flotei vismaz l墨dz ASV sankciju apm膿ram pret tiem, nepirkt Krievijas sa拧姆idrin膩to g膩zi, konfisc膿t iesald膿tos Krievijas resursus un nos奴t墨t Ukrainai pal墨dz墨bu, nu, vismaz apm膿ram 1% no IKP milit膩raj膩 pus膿.

J膩, nav pat墨kama ASV administr膩cijas poz墨cija, ta膷u Eiropas lab膩k膩 atbilde b奴tu r墨c墨ba 鈥� demonstr膩cija, un tas par膩d墨tu to, ka vien墨g膩 iz拧姆iro拧膩 iesp膿ja mums ir saglab膩t (NATO ietvaros) stingru Rietumu poz墨ciju dro拧墨bas jom膩.

听听Daniel Caspary (PPE). 鈥� Sehr geehrte Frau Pr盲sidentin, gesch盲tzte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es ist heute hinreichend oft gesagt worden: Wir haben die letzten drei Jahre nicht hinreichend auf Russlands Aggressionen reagiert. Und es ist auch deutlich geworden: Europa ist immer dann stark, wenn wir besonders unter Druck stehen.

Ich m枚chte auf eine Sache noch einmal hinweisen, die unser Fraktionsvorsitzender Manfred Weber vorhin vollkommen zu Recht dargestellt hat: Wir sind gut in den Krisenzeiten. Aber schaffen wir es in den Krisenzeiten nicht nur als Europ盲ische Union, die Mitgliedstaaten dabei zu unterst眉tzen, ihre Hausaufgaben zu erledigen, sondern schaffen wir es auch gemeinsam mit den Mitgliedstaaten, endlich in Europa den n盲chsten Schritt zu gehen?

Wir haben es doch gesehen bei der Corona-Krise: Der Corona-Wiederaufbaufonds war ein Riesenschritt der Europ盲ischen Union, um den Mitgliedstaaten zu helfen. Aber wir haben es nicht geschafft, die europaweiten Stromnetze z.听B. zu bauen, europaweite Eisenbahnnetze zu ert眉chtigen. Wir haben es nicht geschafft, Europa als Kontinent mit einem gemeinsamen gro脽en Projekt zusammenzubringen.

Und auch jetzt听鈥� ReArm Europe ist dringend n枚tig. Aber auch hier gilt doch wieder: Es fehlen genau die gemeinsamen europ盲ischen Projekte. Es geht doch nicht nur darum, die Mitgliedstaaten jetzt alleine dabei zu unterst眉tzen, die n枚tige Aufr眉stung zu machen, endlich verteidigungsf盲hig zu werden, sondern wir m眉ssen doch gemeinsame europ盲ische Projekte durchsetzen.

Ich kann den Rat nur aufrufen, Herr Costa, ich kann die Mitgliedstaaten nur aufrufen: Bitte machen Sie im Rat Druck, dass wir einige Projekte auch gemeinsam machen! Die Beispiele, die Manfred Weber heute genannt hat: mit dem gemeinsamen 脺berwachungssatellitensystem, mit einem gemeinsamen Luftabwehrschirm, mit einem vielleicht auch gemeinsamen Flugzeugtr盲ger, Hubschraubertr盲ger, Drohnentr盲ger oder was auch immer. Wir m眉ssen doch bitte auch als Europ盲er gemeinsam ein gro脽es Projekt voranbringen, um auch nach au脽en zu zeigen: Wir meinen die europ盲ische Einigung听鈥� gerade auch in Krisenzeiten听鈥� ernst.

听听Nicola Zingaretti (S&D). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io penso che l'Europa debba aumentare la sua sicurezza ma il modo per farlo 猫 aprire il cantiere per la difesa comune europea. E va detto con chiarezza: il semplice aumento della spesa militare per 27 eserciti nazionali non ci rende pi霉 sicuri.

La deterrenza o 猫 europea o non 猫 deterrenza e dobbiamo quindi finanziare progetti comuni, promuovere insieme acquisti a favore dell'industria europea, rafforzare il coordinamento dei sistemi e dei comandi, investire massicciamente nella ricerca dell'industria dell'aerospazio. Sicurezza 猫 rilanciare il ruolo politico e unitario dell'Europa, il听suo protagonismo come grande attore globale nel commercio, nell'industria e nella cultura, e rafforzare la sua politica estera.

Contro pi霉 nazionalismo occorre pi霉 federalismo e questa stagione si pu貌 e si deve aprire senza colpire la spesa e la coesione sociale ma con politiche di investimenti comuni. Perch茅 siamo tornati alla sostanza della straordinaria intuizione di Ventotene: l'Europa sar脿 libera se sar脿 pi霉 unita.

听听Harald Vilimsky (PfE). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! F眉r den Kurs der Europ盲ischen Union gilt in abgewandelter Form das Sprichwort: Immer, wenn du glaubst, es geht nicht mehr, kommt schon der n盲chste Wahnsinn daher. Und im Konkreten ist es jetzt der Plan, hier eine gewaltige Summe von 800听Milliarden daf眉r vorzusehen, diesen Kontinent aufzur眉sten. Und rechnen Sie diese Summe um auf die Zahl der Einwohner Europas, so kommen Sie per capita听鈥� wie es so sch枚n hei脽t, vom Baby bis zum Greis 鈥� auf eine Summe von um die 1听800听Euro. Rechnen Sie das auf die Aktivgeneration, kostet das jeden Europ盲er, der heute Steuern beitr盲gt, wahrscheinlich zus盲tzliche 4听000 bis 5听000听Euro听pro Jahr.

Ich sage: Das ist der falsche Weg. Europa braucht dieses Geld f眉r neue und gute Jobs. Europa braucht dieses Geld f眉r soziale Aktivit盲ten, f眉r Spit盲ler, f眉r den Bildungsbereich, f眉r Schulen, aber nicht, um aufzur眉sten. Und ins selbe Horn st枚脽t auch der Vorschlag, der jetzt aus Frankreich kommt, n盲mlich den ganzen Kontinent mit Atomwaffen quasi zu 眉bers盲en. Das ist der falsche Weg.

Wir haben zurzeit Verhandlungen in Saudi-Arabien mit der Trump-Administration听鈥� und jetzt kann man von Trump halten, was immer man m枚chte, aber es ist zumindest der Versuch, hier am Tisch Frieden herbeizuf眉hren. Ich h盲tte mir gew眉nscht, dass die Europ盲ische Union dort ankn眉pft, wo sie 2012, glaube ich, schon einmal war, n盲mlich eine Art Friedensnobelpreis erhalten zu haben, und sich jetzt hier in Kooperation und in einem Zusammenspiel mit dem Westen gemeinsam daf眉r ausspricht, das Sterben endlich zu beenden, endlich daf眉r Sorge zu tragen, dass es zu qualitativen Friedensverhandlungen kommt und dass wir in Zukunft wieder daran arbeiten k枚nnen, den Wohlstand auf diesem Kontinent voranzutreiben, und nicht zuzusehen, wie hier mehr und mehr Tote und Verletzte generiert werden.

听听Adam Bielan (ECR). 鈥� Madam President, for too long Europe has neglected its defence industry, leaving us dependent on external suppliers and slow to react to crises. While NATO allies uphold Article 5, they have failed to meet Article 3's obligation to develop their own defence capabilities.

EU Member States must urgently invest in their own security, as Poland did under Law and Justice leadership.

Recent events have shown that without the United States, Europe is unfortunately nearly defenceless. Regardless of political turbulence or disagreements, we must maintain strong and reliable transatlantic relations. Our security depends on it. And here, from this very place, I once again urge the Prime Minister of Poland to stop blocking President Duda's proposal to convene an EU鈥慤S summit in Warsaw under the Polish Presidency. Failing to hold it will only deepen the cracks in our relations with our most important ally. We cannot afford such missteps at a time when security challenges are multiplying across Europe and beyond.

听听Zolt谩n Tarr (PPE). 鈥� Madam President, dear colleagues, usually I speak Hungarian, but I'm compelled to speak English because I need to speak to the people of Europe on behalf of my fellow Hungarians.

In an increasingly uncertain global political situation we need a strong Europe, which requires the establishment of a new security system. Unfortunately, there is a risk that my country, Hungary, will not be part of this because the current Hungarian Prime Minister serves foreign interests. The country's economy is in despair, inflation is soaring and corruption is our present and our future.

The government is isolating Hungary. It claims to seek peace, but in reality it endangers the security of Hungarians and that of the whole of Europe. The vast majority of Hungarians believe that Hungary's place is in Europe. Everyone must clearly understand that. Hungary's home is Europe, and Europe's security is equal to Hungary's security.

We, the opposition, the Tisza party, are ready to lead Hungary back to the heart of Europe. Our future lies in a strong, secure and prosperous Europe, not in the shadows of the Kremlin.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

听听Alexander Jungbluth (ESN), Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Sehr geehrter Kollege, Sie haben ja kaum zum Tagesordnungspunkt gesprochen; Sie haben ja eigentlich Ihre Redezeit vor allem dazu genutzt, gegen Ihre eigene Regierung vorzugehen. Aber ich stelle mir mal folgende Frage: Sie wollen ja immer diese st盲rkere europ盲ische Integration. Sie stellen hier in Aussicht, dass Ihre Delegation daf眉r steht, Ungarn in das Herz Europas zur眉ckzuf眉hren. Was wollen Sie denn eigentlich erreichen? Wollen Sie tats盲chlich, dass eine ungarische Armee geopfert wird, damit es eben eine europ盲ische Armee gibt, die Ungarn dann mit Sicherheit nicht mehr verteidigen will?

Meinen Sie mit dem Herzen Europas das, was Ihre Fraktionskollegen von der CDU zu verantworten haben, dass es zu Massenvergewaltigungen in Deutschland kommt, dass es zu Terror in Deutschland kommt? Wollen Sie, dass das auch in Ungarn stattfindet? Glauben Sie, dass das der Punkt ist, wo Sie sagen, dass das Herz Europas Sie dahin zur眉ckf眉hrt?

听听Zolt谩n Tarr (PPE), k茅kk谩rty谩s v谩lasz. 鈥� Azt 茅rtem az Eur贸pa sz铆ve alatt, hogy egy olyan Eur贸p谩ban 茅l眉nk 茅s kell 茅lj眉nk, ahol az eur贸pai orsz谩gok 枚nsz谩ntukb贸l, saj谩t akaratukb贸l egy眉ttm疟k枚dnek annak 茅rdek茅ben, hogy egy biztons谩gos, biztons谩got ny煤jt贸, egym谩snak seg铆t艖 Eur贸p谩t hozzanak l茅tre. Ehhez arra van sz眉ks茅g, hogy az eur贸pai orsz谩gok egy眉ttm疟k枚djenek, seg铆ts茅k egym谩st 茅s tisztelj茅k egym谩st. Erre gondolok akkor, amikor az Eur贸pa sz铆v茅r艖l besz茅lek.

听听Javier Moreno S谩nchez (S&D). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, se帽or comisario, se帽or presidente del Consejo Europeo, comienzo enviando, en nombre de la delegaci贸n socialista espa帽ola, nuestro recuerdo, apoyo y cari帽o a las familias de las v铆ctimas del 11M.

Se帽or铆as, 驴guerra o paz? La Uni贸n est谩 en una disyuntiva impensable hace unos a帽os, especialmente para quienes no hemos vivido la guerra. Crece la inquietud en nuestras sociedades, especialmente entre los j贸venes. Tenemos que hacer part铆cipe a la ciudadan铆a, con transparencia y pedagog铆a, de los cambios que exige la nueva realidad geopol铆tica. No podemos dejar el relato en manos de la extrema derecha, que aprovechar谩 para seguir destruyendo la esencia de la Uni贸n Europea.

Tienen que decirnos claramente si est谩n con Ucrania y con Europa o si est谩n con Putin. Tenemos que explicar que la paz y la seguridad en nuestro continente pasan por seguir apoyando a Ucrania para lograr urgentemente una paz justa y duradera en la que participemos ucranianos y europeos. Y, a medio y largo plazo, tenemos que rearmar Europa y desarrollar una pol铆tica de defensa com煤n que nos permita ser aut贸nomos y garantizar nuestra propia seguridad.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la 芦tarjeta azul禄)

听听Jaak Madison (ECR), blue-card question. 鈥� I generally agree with you when we are talking about defence policies. We really have to support more Ukraine. I definitely agree.

But, as you are from the Socialist Party from Spain, just a very small, tiny question: what is your opinion on why Spain has provided so little help to Ukraine currently? Because when you look at the GDP, the real help 鈥� military aid 鈥� it has given to Ukraine, it's almost nothing compared to Poland, Estonia, Denmark, Finland and so on. So, why is there so much talk and no actions? What is the problem in Spain with the Socialists? Why are you not acting?

听听Javier Moreno S谩nchez (S&D), respuesta de 芦tarjeta azul禄. 鈥� Se帽or Jaak Madison, gracias por su pregunta. Desde el primer minuto de la invasi贸n de Putin a Ucrania, el Gobierno de Espa帽a ha estado con Ucrania. Haremos todo lo necesario para que consigamos esa paz duradera y justa. Estamos con Ucrania, seguiremos estando con Ucrania y pondremos los medios que hay que poner. No se preocupe que el Gobierno socialista espa帽ol est谩 en ello y seguiremos apoyando a Ucrania, porque no solo es la paz en Ucrania, es la paz en Europa, es la defensa de nuestras democracias y por eso tenemos que seguir unidos. Por eso pregunto a la extrema derecha europea si est谩n con Putin o est谩n con nosotros.

听听Marion Mar茅chal (ECR). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, malheur aux vaincus et aux vassaux! Telle est la grande le莽on inculqu茅e aux Europ茅ens depuis maintenant plusieurs semaines. Si nous ne voulons pas risquer que, un jour, l鈥檜n de nos chefs d鈥櫭塼at se retrouve dans la position de Volodymyr听Zelensky dans le Bureau ovale, alors oui, il faut augmenter nos stocks, nos munitions, notre mat茅riel op茅rationnel et le nombre de nos soldats, non pas pour jouer l鈥檈scalade guerri猫re, mais pour 锚tre craints par des adversaires convaincus de notre capacit茅 脿 riposter. Si vis pacem, para bellum.

Pour cela, nous devons d猫s maintenant 茅carter la dangereuse illusion d鈥檜ne force arm茅e au service d鈥檜ne Europe f茅d茅rale. L鈥橴nion europ茅enne peut et doit, bien s没r, faciliter le financement de ce r茅armement, mais elle ne peut en aucun cas en 锚tre la g茅n茅rale en chef; c鈥檈st aux arm茅es nationales de d茅fendre nos nations. L鈥檜rgence qui doit nous occuper est d鈥櫭﹖ablir une pr茅f茅rence europ茅enne en mati猫re d鈥檃chats militaires. Si cette priorit茅 ne devient pas la pierre angulaire de la nouvelle architecture de d茅fense de notre continent, alors toute vell茅it茅 d鈥檌nd茅pendance restera illusoire.

Allons au bout du chemin: le r茅armement militaire n鈥檃 de sens qu鈥檃ccompagn茅 d鈥檜n r茅armement d茅mographique et identitaire. Il est grand temps que cette institution cesse de regarder les menaces uniquement 脿 l鈥檃une de ses 艙ill猫res id茅ologiques.

听听Sebasti茫o Bugalho (PPE). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Presidente, h谩 tr锚s anos, ningu茅m antecipou que a Europa se unisse em torno da Ucr芒nia, negando a invas茫o da Federa莽茫o da R煤ssia.

Tr锚s anos depois, a instabilidade americana faz com que muitos digam que a Europa n茫o existe, que n茫o conta, que n茫o consegue.

Caros colegas, nos 煤ltimos cem dias, as tr锚s institui莽玫es aqui reunidas mostraram que a Europa est谩 aqui.听脌 amea莽a de tarifas respondemos no dia, defendendo a nossa economia. 脌 amea莽a de al铆vio de san莽玫es respondemos na semana, com o 16.潞 pacote de san莽玫es. 脌 suspens茫o de apoio 脿 Ucr芒nia respondemos na hora, n茫o abdicando da liberdade ucraniana, da sua constitui莽茫o, da sua soberania.

A Uni茫o tem provado que 茅 poss铆vel reagir sem provocar, agir sem desistir. Fazemo-lo n茫o para invadir ningu茅m, mas para impedirmos novas invas玫es. Fazemo-lo n茫o por oportunidade econ贸mica, mas por necessidade, porque n茫o h谩 pobreza mais devastadora do que a pobreza da guerra.

Friends, I am Portuguese. I was born in a most distant Member State from this war. So I say to my Polish friends: I know your security is our security. I say to my Romanian friends: I know your democracy is our democracy. I say to my Baltic friends: your defence cannot just be our defence.

To our Ukrainian friends, I say: your freedom is our freedom. Today it is increasingly clear that a common response is the only fair response, that to invest in defence is the most urgent response in solidarity. Let's not waste time. Let's do it.

听听Ren茅 Repasi (S&D). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Nach den bizarren Szenen im Wei脽en Haus vor elf Tagen wissen wir: Die europ盲isch鈥慳merikanische Freundschaft hat keine verl盲sslichen Freunde mehr auf der anderen Seite des Atlantiks. Wir m眉ssen uns der bitteren Realit盲t stellen: Wir sind alleine f眉r unsere Sicherheit verantwortlich. Das verlangt echte Anstrengungen und keine Luftbuchungen. 650听Milliarden Euro mehr an m枚glichen nationalen Schulden f眉hrt noch lange nicht zu 800听Milliarden Euro zus盲tzlichem Geld f眉r unsere Verteidigung.

Ich verlange einen ambitionierten Vorschlag, der Verteidigung als europ盲ische Aufgabe versteht, der echtes europ盲isches Geld in die Hand nimmt, ohne den sozialen Zusammenhalt zu schw盲chen. Das verlangt gemeinsame Verschuldung f眉r gemeinsame Verteidigungsaufgaben, ohne nationale Schulden zu erh枚hen.

Lasst uns mutig sein! Die 盲u脽eren Gefahren unseres Kontinents sind die Pandemie unserer Zeit.

听听Michael Gahler (PPE). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Aggressor im Kreml wei脽 gar nicht, wie ihm geschieht: Die bisherige F眉hrungsmacht des Westens wechselte in Sachen Ukraine die Seiten. Es muss uns als Weckruf reichen, dass es Zweifel gibt, ob die USA gegen眉ber ihren Verb眉ndeten im Ernstfall ihren Beistandsverpflichtungen nachkommen. Da m眉ssen wir vom worst case ausgehen und so schnell wie m枚glich alle Instrumente aktivieren, um uns zu verteidigen und um uns verteidigungsf盲hig zu machen auf nationaler und europ盲ischer Ebene听鈥� im Prinzip, wie es dem Vorschlag der Kommission entspricht.

Als EP haben wir Probleme mit der Rechtsgrundlage, und ich h盲tte mir auch gew眉nscht, dass wir auch die nationale听escape clause nur insoweit gelten lassen, als die zus盲tzlichen Ausgaben in gemeinsame R眉stungsprojekte investiert werden, um Skaleneffekte zu erzielen, um Interoperabilit盲t zu erh枚hen. Wir brauchen auch europ盲ische Projekte, um uns gemeinsam zu sch眉tzen. Ein European Sky Shield w盲re so ein Beispiel; andere Projekte sind genannt worden.

In der Zwischenzeit sehen wir, wie die russische R眉stungsmaschinerie auf Hochtouren l盲uft und schon jetzt mehr produziert, als sie in der Ukraine einsetzt. Wof眉r wohl? Machen wir uns endlich klar: Die russische Bedrohung richtet sich gegen uns alle, und die Ukraine ist unsere erste Verteidigungslinie, die wir st盲rken m眉ssen, w盲hrend wir das eigene Potenzial hochfahren.

Die Ukrainer sind die ersten, die Frieden wollen. Sie wollten auch den Krieg nicht. Aber sie wissen auch, wie ein russischer Frieden aussieht, ein stalinistischer Frieden im russischen Gulag. Das droht auch uns, wenn die Ukraine f盲llt und wir nicht verteidigungsf盲hig sind. Lassen wir es nicht so weit kommen! Slawa Ukrajini!

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥� zu antworten.)

听听Erik Kali艌谩k (NI), ot谩zka polo啪en谩 zdvihnut铆m modrej karty. 鈥� Po膷k谩m na p谩na. Je hrozn茅, 啪e v 膷ase, ke膹 cel媒 svet tla膷铆 na diplomaciu a mierov茅 rokovania, v Eur贸pskom parlamente re膷n铆me dve a pol hodiny o zbrojen铆 a potrebe akejsi vojenskej federaliz谩cie. Za m艌a 煤plne mimo, ale ot谩zka na v谩s.

Hovor铆me o stovk谩ch mili谩rd na zbrojenie ako sp么sob, ktor媒m pom么啪eme aj Ukrajine, ale tej za膷铆naj煤 z煤falo ch媒ba钮 nie peniaze, nie zbrane, ale 木udia. Ako chcete rie拧i钮 tento probl茅m? Deport谩ciou Ukrajincov z 煤zemia Eur贸pskej 煤nie alebo nasaden铆m na拧ich vojakov?

听听Michael Gahler (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Wir werden alles unterst眉tzen, was zu einem gerechten Frieden f眉hrt听鈥� und je fr眉her, desto besser. Und das hei脽t dann aber auch, dass wir dann, wenn wir einen Kriegszustand beendet haben, unseren Beitrag leisten, dass die Ukraine nicht noch einmal wieder 眉berfallen wird, und das hei脽t, diese Abschreckung muss glaubw眉rdig sein.

Die Ukraine braucht Sicherheitsgarantien, die den Namen auch verdienen, und der britische Premierminister hat gesagt 鈥�boots on the ground and planes in the air鈥�. Ich glaube, das w盲re nach Ende des Kriegszustandes eine gemeinsame Antwort auf die russische Bedrohung.

听听Rapha毛l Glucksmann (S&D). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Pr茅sident, chers coll猫gues, le grand 茅crivain et combattant de la France libre Romain听Gary se demandait pourquoi les 茅lites fran莽aises n鈥檃vaient pas suivi le g茅n茅ral de Gaulle 脿 Londres en听1940. 脡tait-ce parce qu鈥檈lles 茅taient violemment antis茅mites? Non, pas vraiment, nous dit Gary. Pro-allemandes ou pro-nazis, alors? Non plus. La raison 茅tait plus tristement banale, selon Gary: c鈥檈st qu鈥檈lles aimaient trop leurs meubles.

Les grandes temp锚tes exigent de rompre avec l鈥檋abitude, et le moment est venu pour nous aussi de nous d茅faire de nos meubles. La Russie nous menace directement, et les 脡tats-Unis nous abandonnent l芒chement. Eh bien, c鈥檈st le moment de v茅rit茅 de l鈥橢urope.

Il nous revient d茅sormais, 脿 nous et 脿 nous seuls, d鈥檃ider massivement notre premi猫re ligne de d茅fense qu鈥檈st la r茅sistance ukrainienne. Le Conseil europ茅en l鈥檃ffirme, mais cela suppose de prendre des d茅cisions fortes, devant lesquelles nos 脡tats reculent encore, comme la saisie des 209听milliards d鈥檃voirs publics russes gel茅s en Europe et leur affectation 脿 l鈥橴kraine.

Il nous revient aussi d茅sormais, 脿 nous et 脿 nous seuls, d鈥檃ssurer notre propre s茅curit茅 et de construire une d茅fense autonome. Nos dirigeants l鈥檃ffirment, mais cela suppose d鈥檃ller plus loin que ce qui fut annonc茅 jeudi. Lan莽ons un emprunt commun finan莽ant des programmes europ茅ens et assurons-nous que cet argent serve 脿 d茅velopper les industries europ茅ennes 鈥撎齟t pas 脿 empiler les F-35.

Nous avons besoin d鈥檃gir plus, et plus en Europ茅ens. 小谢邪胁邪 校泻褉邪褩薪褨 (芦Slava Oukra茂ni禄)! Vive l鈥橢urope libre!

听听Lud臎k Niedermayer (PPE). 鈥� Madam听President, the world has changed, not to better, in the last few years, but mostly in the last few weeks.

It's clear what we Europeans have to do: the exact opposite to what Moscow, Beijing, but also Donald Trump, is dreaming about. We must get united and we must get much, much, much stronger.

From that point of view, the summit was a good start. But not everything is about money. We need a strong and clear foreign policy to be able to represent the interest of Europeans. Common purchases are good, but it's not the same as the European defence that we desperately need, and this is what Manfred Weber was talking about.

So for me, the summit was a good start. But we must go much, much further and we must go much, much quicker, because there is very little time left.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

听听Ond艡ej Dost谩l (NI), blue-card question. 鈥� Good morning, Mr听Niedermayer. I hope you will respond to my question. Do you really think it would be a good idea to transfer deciding about war and peace from Prague 鈥� or other capitals of sovereign nations 鈥� to Brussels, and let Brussels institutions decide if our sons will go to war? Because this is a necessary aspect of the common European defence you propose.

听听Lud臎k Niedermayer (PPE), blue-card answer. 鈥� First, this is not exactly what I was talking about. But it's absolutely obvious: either we defend ourselves together, or we don't defend ourselves.

What I'm talking about are the projects that will substantially increase our ability to defend, and make it much more effective, and save money 鈥� for example, anti-missile defence, drone defence, electronic defence, and so on.

It would be 鈥� and I guess you understand 鈥� much more effective to make it together than try to develop 10 or 20 different systems at the same time. We don't each need to reinvent the wheel.

听听Dan Nica (S&D). 鈥� Doamn膬 pre葯edint膬, domnule pre葯edinte Costa, domnule comisar 艩ef膷ovi膷, discut膬m ast膬zi despre un program de asigurare, de fapt, a securit膬葲ii Uniunii Europene. Pentru mine ca rom芒n 葯i pentru 葲ara mea este extrem de important s膬 葯tim nu c膬 suntem doar 卯n marginea Europei 葯i c膬 trebuie s膬 ap膬r膬m Uniunea European膬 pe flancul estic, dar trebuie s膬 ne asigur膬m c膬 avem 葯i cu ce. Trebuie s膬-i asigur pe cet膬葲enii rom芒ni c膬 trebuie s膬-葯i vad膬 de via葲a lor de zi cu zi, la fel ca to葲i cet膬葲enii europeni, 葯i c膬 nu exist膬 vreo amenin葲are care s膬 pun膬 卯n pericol modul lor de a tr膬i, de a-葯i desf膬葯ura via葲a 卯n condi葲ii normale.

Totu葯i, 卯n actuala configura葲ie global膬, doar dac膬 e葯ti 卯narmat suficient e葯ti respectat. Aceasta este o lec葲ie pe care am 卯nv膬葲at-o, din p膬cate, 卯n ultimii ani de zile, iar perioada de naivitate a Uniunii Europene s-a terminat. Trebuie s膬 avem scut de ap膬rare antiaerian膬, s膬 avem drone, s膬 avem sisteme antidrone, s膬 avem sateli葲i, s膬 avem sisteme care s膬 ne protejeze, pentru c膬 doar 葯i numai atunci vom putea s膬 ne desf膬葯ur膬m via葲a 卯n mod normal. 脦n plus, trebuie s膬 avem grij膬 de industriile noastre strategice. Trebuie s膬 avem o葲el, trebuie s膬 avem aluminiu produs 卯n Uniunea European膬, pentru c膬 altfel nu vom putea realiza nimic din ceea ce 卯nseamn膬 asigurarea intereselor noastre strategice.

听听Rasa Juknevi膷ien臈 (PPE). 鈥� Gerbiama pirmininke, lygiai prie拧 35 metus pirmajame po okupacijos laisvai i拧rinktame parlamente balsavau u啪 Lietuvos Nepriklausomyb臋, o 拧iandien 拧i diskusija man 鈥� to paties kelio t臋sinys kartu su Europa.

Mano 啪inia viena 鈥� Europa bus stipri, jei pad臈sime Ukrainai laim臈ti. Ir mes galime, tik reikia patik臈ti, kad galime. 鈥濺eArm Europe鈥� turi b奴ti 寞gyvendinama solidariai tarp Europos S膮jungos nari懦 ir solidariai su Ukraina, kuri jau yra ES nar臈 de facto, nes savo krauju gina mus.

Ukrainos fronte sprend啪iamas Europos likimas. Ka啪kas paskai膷iavo, kad iki 拧iol kiekvienam Europos S膮jungos pilie膷iui Europos karin臈 parama Ukrainai nekainavo n臈 dviej懦 puodeli懦 kavos. Valstyb臈s nar臈s tikrai gali skirti Ukrainai daugiau. Sutarkim d臈l ne ma啪iau kaip 0,25听proc. nuo BVP i拧 kiekvienos 拧alies. I拧kelkim ambicij膮: Ukraina 鈥� Europos S膮jungos nar臈 iki 2030听m. Pasikartokim istorijos pamokas ir priimkim i拧拧奴kius. 鈥濳eep calm, carry on鈥� 鈥� Winston Churchill.

听听Marta Temido (S&D). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Caro Presidente do Conselho, quero come莽ar por saudar as conclus玫es do Conselho Europeu extraordin谩rio da semana passada.

Mais do que nunca, todos compreendemos que a seguran莽a europeia est谩 estreitamente ligada ao desfecho da guerra na Ucr芒nia. O rearmamento da Uni茫o Europeia, nomeadamente para responder 脿s amea莽as h铆bridas, n茫o 茅 uma escolha, 茅 uma emerg锚ncia de dissuas茫o.

A Ucr芒nia precisa de apoio imediato, incluindo da mobiliza莽茫o dos ativos russos congelados, e as conclus玫es do Conselho mostram a compreens茫o de que vivemos uma rutura hist贸rica.

Mas precisamos de ir mais longe. Da mesma forma que fomos capazes de o fazer na resposta 脿 pandemia, tamb茅m no investimento em seguran莽a e defesa precisamos de maior solidariedade e coordena莽茫o entre os Estados-Membros, nomeadamente atrav茅s de mutualiza莽茫o da d铆vida e de compras conjuntas.

E, ao mesmo tempo, precisamos de fazer tudo para manter a mesma ambi莽茫o de investimento nas 谩reas sociais e ambientais da Uni茫o Europeia, que s茫o a nossa raz茫o de ser.

Por 煤ltimo, precisamos de ser claros com os nossos cidad茫os: o momento que vivemos 茅 grave, e provavelmente n茫o o ultrapassaremos sem sacrif铆cios.听A paz justa que queremos para a Ucr芒nia 茅 a paz que nos proteger谩, enquanto sociedades democr谩ticas e livres, a todos.

听听Tonino Picula (S&D). 鈥� Madam President, dear colleagues, I welcome the proposal to strengthen European Union defence capabilities with ReArm Europe, and I call on Member States to proceed forward.

I also believe that this House will support an even more ambitious position. It goes without saying that the transatlantic disruption caused by the new US administration has brought us long-term geopolitical changes. We must not base European security on voter attitudes in US swing states. The EU needs to plan de-risking policy towards Trump's Washington. This is not America that wants its allies to respect it. This is an America that wants its allies to fear it.

Europe must make some historical and responsible steps ahead. Bold leadership and adequate funds are needed, including through seizing EUR 200 billion of Russian assets. I always repeat that our security does not stop at our borders. That's why we have to act fast and to act now. Time is of the essence.

Spontane Wortmeldungen

听听Dariusz Jo艅ski (PPE). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! 鈥濨ezpiecze艅stwo, Europo鈥� to nie jest tylko has艂o polskiej prezydencji. To r贸wnie偶 jest wyzwanie, przed kt贸rym stoi dzisiaj ca艂a Europa. I powiem absolutnie wprost: musimy si臋 dozbroi膰, bo Putin wcale si臋 nie chce zatrzyma膰 na Donbasie, nie chce poprzesta膰 na Ukrainie. I nie jest prawd膮, kiedy m贸wi teraz, 偶e ju偶 nie chce, 偶eby ludzie gin臋li, bo gdyby tak by艂o, to by trzy lata temu nie atakowa艂 Ukrainy.

Ot贸偶, cho膰 wiem, 偶e jeszcze na tej sali s膮 osoby, kt贸re by chcia艂y robi膰 interesy z Putinem 鈥� cho膰 ich jest coraz mniej na szcz臋艣cie 鈥� i szerz膮 tutaj rosyjsk膮 propagand臋, m.in. to, co m贸wi Russia Today, to jest najwy偶szy czas, 偶eby powiedzie膰 stop i do艣膰. Do艣膰 ju偶 tego. My dzisiaj musimy zbudowa膰 europejsk膮 polis臋 ubezpieczeniow膮 i 偶eby tak by艂o, musimy zainwestowa膰 ogromne pieni膮dze w uzbrojenie. I ten plan Komisji Europejskiej, 偶eby wyda膰 do o艣miuset miliard贸w euro w艂a艣nie na uzbrojenie jest bardzo dobrym pomys艂em, tylko musimy to zrobi膰 szybko, bez debat, bez konsultacji, bez rocznych dyskusji. Po prostu musimy to zrobi膰 zaraz, bo my nie mamy czasu.

I chc臋 powiedzie膰 jeszcze jedn膮 rzecz. Polska chce przenie艣膰 z KPO, z krajowego planu odbudowy prawie 30 mld z艂 na to, 偶eby w艂a艣nie zainwestowa膰 w uzbrojenie, bo bezpiecze艅stwo dla Europy jest dzisiaj najwa偶niejsze.

听听Maria Grapini (S&D). 鈥� Doamn膬 pre葯edint膬, domnule pre葯edinte al Consiliului European, domnule comisar, stima葲i colegi, ast膬zi trebuia s膬 dezbatem despre 葯edin葲a Consiliului din 20 martie. Din p膬cate, aproape toate discursurile au fost legate de re卯narmare, de ap膬rare; sunt foarte importante, dar vreau s膬 m膬 opresc la cele trei puncte spuse de pre葯edin葲ia polonez膬 葯i vreau s膬 le discuta葲i, domnule pre葯edinte, 卯n 20 martie. Este vorba de problema economic膬. Nu putem s膬 fim puternici 鈥� a葲i spus, domnule ministru, 葯i pe bun膬 dreptate, trei piloni foarte importan葲i: simplificare, energie 葯i investi葲ii. Dac膬 aceste trei lucruri nu le vom face, nu avem cum s膬 ne ap膬r膬m.

Trebuie s膬 spun cu regret c膬, 卯n ultimii 20 de ani, diploma葲ia Uniunii Europene a sc膬zut. Dac膬 vrei s膬 fii puternic 卯n lumea global膬, trebuie s膬 葯tii s膬 negociezi 葯i cu cei mai puternici ca tine 葯i cu cei mai slabi ca tine 葯i s膬 ai clar o economie solid膬, care 卯葲i permite dup膬 aceea s膬 po葲i s膬 stai la masa negocierilor. De aceea, domnule pre葯edinte Costa, special pentru dumneavoastr膬, v膬 rog s膬 discuta葲i 卯n 20 martie ce solu葲ii avem pentru energie. IMM-urile sunt la p膬m芒nt, popula葲ia nu-葯i poate pl膬ti energia, cel pu葲in 卯n 葲ara mea 葯i 卯n alte 葲膬ri din est.

听听President. 鈥� I apologise: apparently there was not interpretation in every language, but at least in German I had it.

听听螕蔚维未畏蟼 螕蔚维未畏 (ECR). 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 蟽蠅蟽蟿维 苇蠂蔚蟿蔚 伪谓伪蠁苇蟻蔚喂 蟽蟿畏谓 慰渭喂位委伪 蟽伪蟼 蠈蟿喂 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 慰喂魏慰未慰渭萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 魏慰喂谓萎 维渭蠀谓伪. 螕喂伪 蟺慰位位慰蟽蟿萎 蠁慰蟻维 伪魏慰蠉蟽伪渭蔚 蟺慰位位维 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪, 蠈渭蠅蟼 慰蠉蟿蔚 位苇尉畏 蟺维位喂 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 螝蠉蟺蟻慰. 韦慰 蟺蟻蠈尾位畏渭伪 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 渭蠈谓慰 畏 巍蠅蟽委伪 伪位位维 魏伪喂 畏 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪. 螝蠀蟻委蔚蟼 魏伪喂 魏蠉蟻喂慰喂, 魏维蟺慰喂伪 纬蠅谓喂维 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼, 畏 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蟼, 苇谓伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 27 魏蟻维蟿畏 渭苇位畏 蟿畏蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼, 纬喂伪 蠈蟽慰蠀蟼 苇蠂慰蠀谓 尉蔚蠂维蟽蔚喂, 蟿蔚位蔚委 蠀蟺蠈 蟺伪蟻维谓慰渭畏 魏伪蟿慰蠂萎. 螖蔚谓 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 蠀蟺维蟻蠂慰蠀谓 魏伪蟿慰蠂喂魏苇蟼 未蠀谓维渭蔚喂蟼 未蠉慰 蟺蟻慰蟽蔚纬纬委蟽蔚蠅谓. 螒蟺慰蟿蔚位蔚委 蟺蟻蠈魏位畏蟽畏 畏 蟺伪蟻慰蠀蟽委伪 蟿畏蟼 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪蟼 蟽蟿畏 蟽蠀谓维谓蟿畏蟽畏 蟿慰蠀 螞慰谓未委谓慰蠀 魏伪喂 畏 蟺蟻慰蟽蟺维胃蔚喂伪 谓伪 蟽蠀渭蟺蔚蟻喂位畏蠁胃蔚委 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 维渭蠀谓伪 蠅蟼 蔚纬纬蠀萎蟿蟻喂伪 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏蟼. 螠委伪 蠂蠋蟻伪 蟺慰蠀 魏伪蟿苇蠂蔚喂 蟺伪蟻维谓慰渭伪 蟿慰 尾蠈蟻蔚喂慰 蟿渭萎渭伪 蟿畏蟼 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蠀, 伪蟺蔚喂位蔚委 渭蔚 蟺蠈位蔚渭慰 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀 螡螒韦螣 魏伪喂 蟽蟿畏蟻委味蔚喂 蟿蟻慰渭慰魏蟻维蟿蔚蟼 蟽蟿畏 螠苇蟽畏 螒谓伪蟿慰位萎. 螚 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪 蠈蠂喂 渭蠈谓慰 未蔚谓 苇蠂蔚喂 胃苇蟽畏 蟽蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 伪位位维 慰蠉蟿蔚 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 维渭蠀谓伪 魏伪喂 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪. 螘位蔚蠀胃蔚蟻委伪 蟽蟿畏谓 螝蠉蟺蟻慰, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 位苇渭蔚 "蔚位蔚蠀胃蔚蟻委伪 蟽蟿畏谓 螣蠀魏蟻伪谓委伪"!

听听Hilde Vautmans (Renew). 鈥� Voorzitter, mevrouw Ursula von der Leyen heeft haar job gedaan. Ze heeft op korte termijn gezorgd voor 800听miljard euro aan extra budgetten en de lidstaten hebben het goedgekeurd en gingen naar huis. Maar ik richt mij nu tot u, want nu begint het echte werk. Ik wil u ertoe oproepen om niet gewoon meer van hetzelfde te doen. We zullen het anders moeten doen. Ik reken erop dat u een "coalition of the buying" aangaat. Koop samen aan. We weten wat er nodig is: een Europees luchtafweersysteem en een Europese nucleaire paraplu.

Ik heb de heren Merz en Macron gehoord. Frankrijk en Duitsland doen mee en als zij meedoen, dan zullen andere landen sowieso mee instappen. Doe dit gewoon. Neem ook de Noren en de Britten mee aan tafel. We weten allemaal waarom. Laat ons niet gewoon meer van hetzelfde doen, alleen maar een "coalition of the willing" vormen. Er is nog 茅茅n grote stap die u samen met de Commissie moet zetten 鈥� en ik heb dit vandaag maar een paar keer gehoord 鈥撎齨l. de stap naar een Europees leger. Dat is wat we nodig hebben.

听听Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, se帽ora Von der Leyen, ante la escalada militarista y belicista, le traslado como eurodiputada de una organizaci贸n pacifista nuestra m谩s rotunda oposici贸n a este rearmamento europeo.

A la se帽ora de la guerra no le importa que el gasto militar lo paguen los pueblos, no le importa que la factura de la guerra la pague la ciudadan铆a, prefiere apoyar el belicismo antes que la pol铆tica social, prefiere apoyar m谩s gasto militar y menos servicios p煤blicos como la vivienda, la salud o las pensiones.

Hay que volver a la defensa de la paz, a la resoluci贸n pac铆fica de conflictos, a la diplomacia, a la defensa de los derechos humanos. Hay que volver a la democracia, no a estar supeditado ni a la OTAN ni a los Estados Unidos. No al rearme, ni a la escalada militar y belicista de la Uni贸n Europea. (La oradora pronuncia una frase en gallego).

听听脰zlem Demirel (The Left). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Frau von der Leyen sagte: Die Zeit der Illusionen ist vorbei. Und sie streute dabei aber so viel Sand in die Augen der Bev枚lkerung, dass man kaum noch richtig schauen kann. Sie nutzt die Verunsicherung in der Bev枚lkerung f眉r ein gigantisches Aufr眉stungspaket. 800听Milliarden听Euro: nicht f眉r Bildung, f眉r Jobs oder soziale Gerechtigkeit, sondern f眉r Waffen. Das wird nicht zu mehr Sicherheit und Frieden hier in Europa beitragen. Nein, es dient nicht unserem Bed眉rfnis. Es dient der Gro脽machtkonkurrenz, 眉ber die Frau von der Leyen seit 2020 in diesem Parlament immer wieder gesprochen hat.

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, an diejenigen, die hier immer die alten R枚mer zitieren, dass diejenigen, die den Frieden wollen, jetzt f眉r den Krieg r眉sten sollten. Ich m枚chte euch sagen: Dann geht doch ab an die Front, aber schreit nicht nach der Bev枚lkerung! Unsere S枚hne, unsere Kinder kriegt ihr nicht.

Die Bev枚lkerung in Europa sehnt sich nicht nach Krieg, sie sehnt sich nach Frieden.听Und unsere Geschichte in Europa hat uns beigebracht, dass immer mehr Waffen nicht zu Frieden beitragen werden.

听听Lukas Sieper (NI). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, liebe Menschen Europas! Unsere Frau Kommissionspr盲sidentin von der Leyen wird es nicht wissen, aber sie war einmal meine Vorgesetzte. W盲hrend sie in Deutschland Verteidigungsministerin war, diente ich als Ladesch眉tze bei der Panzertruppe in Munster, in Leopard-2-Panzern, die heute in der Ukraine im Einsatz sind听鈥� und genau dort geh枚ren sie hin.

Die Europ盲ische Union ist ein Friedensprojekt, aber solange die UN ein zahnloser Tiger ist, muss man Frieden leider verteidigen. Und daf眉r brauchen wir langfristig eine europ盲ische Armee, denn wohl kaum werden die Spanier die Portugiesen angreifen, die Polen die Tschechen oder听鈥� Gott beh眉te听鈥� die Luxemburger uns Deutsche.

Mittelfristig muss die Beistandspflicht aus Artikel听42 Nummer听7听des Vertrags 眉ber die Europ盲ische Union dem Artikel听5 des NATO-Vertrags mindestens gleichkommen, aber kurzfristig wird der Kampf um unsere Freiheit in der Ukraine gef眉hrt. Und dementsprechend muss es unsere gr枚脽te Priorit盲t bei unserer eigenen Verteidigung sein, die weitere und nun mit dem Wegfall der USA noch st盲rkere Aufr眉stung der Ukraine voranzutreiben. Denn der Feind steht听鈥� leider genauso wie bei unseren 脺bungen damals auf dem Truppen眉bungsplatz听鈥� im Osten.

听听H茅lder Sousa Silva (PPE). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Presidente do Conselho, Senhora Comiss谩ria, as conclus玫es do Conselho extraordin谩rio representam o reconhecer de uma estrat茅gia europeia que, durante d茅cadas, desenvolveu um modelo de seguran莽a fraco e contradit贸rio, uma Europa geopoliticamente relevante, mas sem os instrumentos de poder necess谩rios para influenciar a sua pr贸pria vizinhan莽a.

Andamos agora a correr para recuperar o tempo perdido.听A seguran莽a n茫o 茅, t茫o鈥憇贸, mais uma pol铆tica p煤blica, mas a condi莽茫o existencial de todas as pol铆ticas p煤blicas.

O tempo da guerra 茅 tamb茅m distinto do tempo da burocracia em Bruxelas. Enquanto a Europa delibera, as linhas da frente movem-se, as capacidades industriais de defesa alteram-se, e as vulnerabilidades aprofundam-se.

Com o plano ReArm Europe, 茅 ineg谩vel que se abre uma nova janela de oportunidade para a Europa. 脡 mesmo tempo de mudar.

听听Thomas Bajada (S&D). 鈥� Sinjura President, a魔na rridu l-pa膵i jew li tkompli l-gwerra? B魔ala so膵jalist u b魔ala rappre偶entant minn pajji偶, Stat Membru newtrali, g魔andi inkwiet trawmatizzanti, li na魔dmu biss li nikkreaw ekonomija ta' gwerra. Minn suq uniku Ewropew ta' popli, prodotti, servizzi u kapital, ninbidlu g魔al wie魔ed ta' munizzjon u armamenti li jeqirdu u mhux jg魔aqqdu.

Iva, huwa 膵arissimu li hemm b偶onn u hemm bi偶a' serju ta' inva偶joni fit-territorju tal-Unjoni. Spe膵jalment issa bl-in膵ertezza li 摹ejjin min-na魔a l-o魔ra tal-Atlantiku. U b'hekk nifhem li l-gvernijiet Ewropej iridu jing魔aqdu fi sforzi kon摹unti fejn jid魔ol l-investiment personali tag魔hom g魔ad-difi偶a. Argument li jag魔mel sens, per貌 ma nistg魔ux nag魔mlu dan askapitu tal-ambizzjonijiet u tat-tama ta膵-膵ittadini Ewropej. 摩bieb, fl-istess waqt u bl-istess sa魔魔a, ejja ninvestu fin-nies, fil-魔ajja tan-nies u mhux inaqqsuhom. Ejja 魔a nibba偶aw l-ekonomija Ewropea fuq il-benesseri u mhux fuq il-gwerra, fuq il-pa膵i u mhux fuq il-qerda.

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)

听听Maro拧 艩ef膷ovi膷, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Madam听President, Mr听President of the European Council, honourable minister, my dear colleague Commissioner Kos, honourable Members of the European 合法博彩网站, first and foremost, I really would like to thank you for all the interventions and debate, which for sure will enter into history as a debate, as a plenary, where we made a decisive step towards building common European defence.

The spirit of the consensus from the European Council 鈥� unprecedented and unthinkable just a few weeks ago 鈥� was felt, I would say, in most of the debate very strongly here as well, in this House of European democracy.

As many of you said, we have to think differently. Only in that way can we mobilise Europe's massive resources and start the deterrence build-up we need.

Many of you honourable Members were absolutely right to underscore that we cannot benefit from a peace dividend anymore. To the contrary, we must address the running security deficit. It's a huge task, and I would say that we must work on all levels 鈥� European, national. We have to bring together our industry, our economic stakeholders.

As you heard from President von der Leyen, the first-ever Commissioner for Defence, Mr听Kubilius, who also joined our debate this morning, together with the whole College of Commissioners, will be working day and night to achieve these goals.

We all realise that a powerful Europe means just and lasting peace in Ukraine, and a free and sovereign Ukraine means stronger Europe.

My colleague, Commissioner Kos, here with us today, has moved cooperation with Ukraine to a new level. She works tirelessly to support Ukraine in the path towards European membership. And I agree with her that we have to underline that we are living in historic times and therefore extraordinary challenges require extraordinary answers.

As we discussed the last time in this plenary, new geopolitics and transactional fragmentation of the world means that size matters again. Therefore, enlargement of the European family, enlargement of democracy and enlargement of respect for our values are the best answers for today's unstable world. The Commission will work hard to achieve these goals.

Let me conclude by the words of Mr听Glucksmann, who said:

芦C鈥檈st l鈥檋eure de la v茅rit茅 pour l鈥橢urope禄 鈥撎齟t je suis tout 脿 fait d鈥檃ccord avec lui.

听听Adam Sz艂apka, President-in-Office of the Council. 鈥� Madam President, President Costa, honourable Commissioners,听honourable Members, thank you very much for your remarks and comments. It's clear for everyone that we are at a crucial juncture. The special European Council last week marked important progress, but we are aware that we have crucial work ahead of us, and an important part of that work must be carried out by the Council.

The Council is ready to do its job and follow up on the special European Council conclusions with the urgency that the moment requires, namely in the setting-up of the necessary instruments to bolster security in the European Union, and the ramping-up of the European defence, technological and industrial base.

Let me address the call of some MEPs on frozen assets. There will be a debate on it tomorrow. Last year, G7 leaders agreed to use the revenues from the immobilisation of Russian assets in the EU for repaying loans to Ukraine granted by the EU and G7 in the amount of USD听50听billion. The Council will consider all possible solutions in coordination with our international partners.

Thank you very much for this debate and thank you very much for your attention.

听听Ant贸nio Costa, President of the European Council. 鈥� Madam听President, honourable Members of the European Commission, Minister Sz艂apka, Members of the European 合法博彩网站, thank you for this opportunity for this democratic dialogue. Allow me to give five short remarks.

First, peace without defence is an illusion. We need to invest more, better and faster in our own defence. It is what we are doing and we need to do more, to invest more, to invest together, to develop common projects for sure. Last week we made a decisive step, but not the last one. We need to continue and we will continue.

Second, defence is broader than ReArm. We need to invest in our strategic autonomy to reduce our dependencies on energy, to secure supply chains, to fight disinformation and protect the integrity of our democratic process and to keep our borders under control.

Third, the European Union and the Member States do not need to choose to invest in peace or to invest in health systems, education or housing. ReArm and the escape clause provide additional funds for defence. Strengthening our societies, protecting our citizens and boosting our economies is essential to strengthening our defence.

Fourth, this war is not only about Ukraine. In fact, this war is about international law: a rules-based international order. Protecting the universal values enshrined in the United Nations Charter 鈥� sovereignty, territorial integrity, self-determination, respect of international recognised borders 鈥� is essential in Ukraine, as it is essential in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in the Kingdom of Denmark or in Cyprus. So we need to stand for the international law, because international law must be a must win this war.

A last remark: we need to invest more in diplomacy. We need to engage with partners around the world and widen a global network with, of course, our transatlantic partners and beyond 鈥� by enlargement, by trade 鈥� and stand for a multilateral system, and champion global causes like climate change, fighting poverty or engaging to develop the pact for the future.

These five remarks synthesise what we need to continue to do to ensure our security and to contribute to support for Ukraine for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace.

听听President. 鈥� The debate is closed.

Thank you very much for this interesting debate and for the time discipline. It's really remarkable. We are perfectly on time, so I will suspend for a very short moment until all colleagues have arrived, and then we will continue.

Schriftliche Erkl盲rungen (Artikel 178)

听听Kinga G谩l (PfE), 铆谤谩蝉产补苍. 鈥� H谩rom 茅ve d煤l a puszt铆t贸 h谩bor煤 Ukrajn谩ban 茅s Eur贸pa hatalmas 谩rat fizet 茅rte. Miel艖bbi fegyversz眉netre 茅s b茅ket谩rgyal谩sokra, tart贸s b茅k茅re van sz眉ks茅g, nem pedig t枚bb fegyversz谩ll铆t谩sra, t枚bb h谩bor煤ra. Itt az ideje, hogy az Eur贸pai Uni贸 vizsg谩lja fel眉l hib谩s Ukrajna-strat茅gi谩j谩t. Eur贸p谩nak a b茅keteremt茅sre kellene 枚sszpontos铆tania ahelyett, hogy m茅g t枚bb p茅nzt k眉ldene Ukrajna katonai meger艖s铆t茅s茅re 茅s a h谩bor煤 folytat谩s谩ra.

Most, hogy az Egyes眉lt 脕llamok is visszavett a h谩bor煤 t谩mogat谩s谩b贸l, Eur贸p谩ban is vissza kellene t茅rni a j贸zan 茅sz talaj谩ra, v谩ltoz谩sra van sz眉ks茅g az EU h谩bor煤val kapcsolatos strat茅gi谩j谩ban.

A megv谩ltozott vil谩gpolitikai helyzetben ugyanakkor kulcsfontoss谩g煤, hogy Eur贸pa meg tudja v茅deni mag谩t 茅s t枚bbet tegyen saj谩t b茅k茅j茅nek 茅s biztons谩g谩nak garant谩l谩s谩茅rt. De az Uni贸 v茅delmi k茅pess茅gei meger艖s铆t茅s茅nek k茅rd茅se nem k枚thet艖 az Ukrajn谩nak ny煤jtott tov谩bbi katonai seg铆ts茅ghez. Ezeknek k眉l枚n谩ll贸 k茅rd茅seknek kell maradniuk.

A v茅delem ter眉let茅n t谩mogatjuk azt az elk茅pzel茅st, hogy Eur贸p谩nak k茅pesnek kell lennie arra, hogy megv茅dje mag谩t. De a d枚nt茅shozatalnak tag谩llami hat谩sk枚rben kell maradnia. Mik枚zben t谩mogatjuk a tag谩llamok k枚z枚tti ipari egy眉ttm疟k枚d茅st 茅s a k枚z枚s programokat, ellenz眉nk minden olyan f枚deralista t煤lkap谩st, t煤lterjeszked茅st a Bizotts谩g r茅sz茅r艖l, amely al谩谩ssa a nemzeti szuverenit谩st.

(Die Sitzung wird anl盲sslich der Feierlichkeiten zum Internationalen Frauentag unterbrochen.)

IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
President

听听President. 鈥� Dear colleagues, honourable guests, dear Sviatlana, Palina, Leniie and Tata, thank you for joining us as we mark International Women's Day. I am proud that this House has, and will always be, a force for democracy, equality and solidarity.

Today we pay tribute to the courageous women across Europe who are standing up for the values so many of us far too often take for granted. Women who embody the spirit of courage, defiance and the audacity to believe in a better world, who are on the front lines of the struggle for a future of freedom, who are putting everything on the line as they refuse to give up on what they believe in: Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, leader of the democratic forces of Belarus; Palina Sharenda-Panasiuk, a former political prisoner in Belarus; Leniie Umerova, a former political prisoner from Crimea, and Tata Kepler, a Ukrainian medical volunteer and activist.

Dear friends, dear ladies, your brave actions are an inspiration to this House and to all who cherish liberty everywhere. Thank you for being an example for girls and boys across Europe and the world. Thank you.

(Applause)

In Ukraine today, hundreds of women and men are fighting every day for that dream of peace and freedom. We know their sacrifice and we honour what they stand for.

In Belarus, too many women and men are arbitrarily imprisoned and denied their rights under the boot of dictatorship. We know what they have given up and their plight is not forgotten.

So Sviatlana, Palina, Leniie, Tata, thank you. This House thanks you. Europe thanks you. I now pass the floor to my friend and a force that the world needs to hear more of, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya.

听听Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, leader of the democratic forces of Belarus. 鈥� Dear Members of the European 合法博彩网站, dear President Metsola, dear Roberta, thank you for your powerful words, for our friendship and for your incredible leadership.

I always say that unconventional times need unconventional solutions, and last year, Roberta, we took such a step together. We signed a memorandum of cooperation between Belarusian democratic forces and the European 合法博彩网站. It was a clear message to my people: Belarus is Europe. And one day we will take our rightful place in this Chamber.

(Applause)

I want to give thanks to the members of the Delegation for Relations with Belarus, led by Ma艂gorzata Gosiewska, and to rapporteur Helmut Brandst盲tter. Thank you for working with democratic Belarus and not with the illegitimate regime in Minsk.

Just last week, in Rome, we held a historic summit of the Inter-合法博彩网站ary Alliance for Democratic Belarus, hosted by the Italian 合法博彩网站. Deputies from 17 European countries signed the Rome Memorandum, showing that Belarus's fight for freedom is Europe's fight too.

I want to commend the European External Action Service, the European Commission and the European Endowment for Democracy for your support for Belarusian media and civil society. Every euro spent on truth and resistance builds a shield against the spread of tyranny.

Finally, I want to thank all your nations for welcoming Belarusians fleeing repression, especially Poland and Lithuania, which have sheltered hundreds of thousands.

(Applause)

And I want to congratulate Lithuanian friends who celebrate the Day of Restoration of Independence today. From your own history, you know the true value of solidarity when your homeland is under occupation. A膷iu, draugai!

(Applause)

Esteemed Members of the European 合法博彩网站. I want to thank each of you not only for standing with Belarus and Ukraine, but also Georgia, Moldova and Armenia. We all stand in this in the same 'zone of uncertainty', asking ourselves: Who will stand with us for our freedom? Will our countries ever be safe and free, or will we remain in the shadow of a giant 鈥� a force that does not respect us, does not recognise our sovereignty, and denies our place as free nations of Europe? Are we to be sacrificed, offered to the giant in the hope that giving him just us will make them stop? That he will take what he wants and go no further?

But we know history. The hunger of the empire is never satisfied. Yes, we live in uncertain times, but uncertainty must not lead to hesitation. Who will defend Europe if not Europeans themselves? Must we always look across the Atlantic for protection? Or is it time to say we will stand up for each other? 'For our freedom and yours,' as the famous motto says.

Dear friends, in such times, International Women's Day is not about celebration, it's about struggle. Today, many Belarusian women don't receive flowers, they receive prison sentences. They don't march in parades, they march into courtrooms. They don't enjoy the luxury of peace and democracy, they have to fight for it.

And we fight. We fight not to be in the shadow of the revanchist Russian Empire, seeking to subjugate our nations and to erase everything that connects us to Europe 鈥� our language, our culture, our identity.

We fight for our political prisoners. More than 1听200 behind bars, including 155 women 鈥� isolated, tortured, denied medical care. Yet they refuse to give up.

We fight for justice so that every perpetrator 鈥� of oppression, of torture and war crimes 鈥� is held accountable. Because justice delayed is justice denied.

We fight for the very values that define Europe 鈥� freedom, security and prosperity. And Belarus is proof: without freedom, there is no security, and without security there is no prosperity.

And, of course, we fight for Ukraine because our fates are intertwined. Without a free Ukraine, there will be no free Belarus, and without a free Belarus, there will be no lasting peace in Europe.

And we fight against illusions. Putin and Lukashenka don't want peace. They want submission. Any lasting peace must be built on respect, yet Putin has shown none. Like a drunken neighbour, he acts aggressively whenever he doesn't get his way. Without a real shift in his ambitions, any peace will be just a pause 鈥� a brief reprieve for Belarus and Ukraine.

It may not stop there. Ask Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia. They all wonder: 'If Ukraine falls, if Belarus disappears, are we next?' There should be no next.

That is why we also fight for Europe 鈥� Europe that doesn't give in to dictators and keeps them isolated, but not appeased. Because we know dictators will not stop until we stop them. We can do it only together.

Dear friends, a free Belarus is only possible when Europe is strong and united. As you discuss rearming Europe, I urge you to see support for Belarus as an investment into your own security. Belarus is key to stopping Russia's advance in Europe. Without a free and independent Belarus, the threat of war will not end 鈥� not for Ukraine, not for Europe.

As some allies pull back, I call on the European Union to step up. On one hand, increase assistance for Belarusian independent media. Strengthen our resistance. Show Belarusians a clear European perspective, so they know what they're fighting for.

On the other hand, intensify pressure on Lukashenka's regime. I urge you to see Belarus not only as a problem, but as an opportunity to make Europe safer. While isolating dictators, don't isolate our people. Provide visas, close borders for goods, not for passengers. We must not allow the dictators to build a new iron curtain and cement Russia's grip on Belarus for years to come.

Of course, change in Belarus is our task and duty. But to win, we need allies. I came here to say: we need you, Europe. And we need each other.

(Applause)

Let me assure you: we will not stop. Belarusians will not stop until every political prisoner is free. Until every Russian soldier leaves our country. Until we hold trials for crimes against humanity. Until we take our country back.

Yes, this fight is not easy. But thanks to you, to your passion, to your continued support, I know that Belarus and Ukraine will be free. And when that day comes, we will stand together in a safe and peaceful Europe 鈥� free of war, free of tyranny and free of fear. A Europe where borders are not redrawn by force, where nations choose their own future, where democracy always prevails and where Belarus, Ukraine and other nations are not in the shadow of the empire, but take our rightful place in the heart of Europe.

Zhyve Belarus! Slava Ukraini! Long live Europe!

(The House rose and accorded the speaker a standing ovation)

听听President. 鈥� Thank you, dear Sviatlana.

I now pass the floor to Belarusian opposition activist and former political prisoner Palina Sharenda-Panasiuk.

听听Palina Sharenda-Panasiuk, former political prisoner in Belarus. 鈥� Madam President, dear Members of the European 合法博彩网站. My name is Palina Sharenda-Panasiuk and I represent here the European Belarus civil campaign. We support the integration of a free Belarus into Europe and this flag is the symbol of our struggle, of our fight and of our movement. Because of these flags, my friends and I have been beaten, imprisoned and subjected to terrible torture. Our campaign was also involved in the preparation of the revolution of 2020 and that is why I was arrested in January 2021, along with other members of our European Belarus campaign.

I spent four years as a political hostage of the Lukashenka regime. I endured all the hell of the dictator's prisons, where the methods of physical and psychological torture from Stalin's times remain unchanged. Four years of complete isolation from the outside world, from my children and my family. Four years spent in solitary confinement, in prison transport vehicles and a total of 2070 days in so-called punishment cells, places of total isolation and torture. But I endured and I was freed. I was freed in part thanks to your principled position, dear Members of the European 合法博彩网站. I am especially grateful to President Roberta Metsola for her tireless efforts in securing my release. I also extend my heartfelt thanks to all the Members of this House who fought for my freedom.

But thousands of other political prisoners remain hostages of the terrorist regime in Belarus. Among them my friends from the European Belarus campaign Yauhen Afnahel, Maksim Vinyarskii, Andrei Voynich and Paval Yukhnevich. For more than two years, there has been no information at all about many political prisoners, including Mikola Statkevich. We don't even know whether he's still alive. The situation with women political prisoners as with Viktoryia Kulsha, Alena Hnauk and Volha Mayorava is also catastrophic. I'm deeply worried for their lives.

Ladies and gentlemen, for 30 years there have been concentration camps in the very heart of Europe, on the very border of the European Union. Places where people are tortured and killed simply because they want freedom. It is unacceptable for the civilised world to allow Belarus to remain under the rule of a mentally deranged terrorist. I was freed only because of the pressure on this regime. Do not believe the regime's false claims. Do not believe the lies of its cronies, that political prisoners are released on humanitarian grounds. They are not. Because people are tortured into signing pardon letters to Lukashenka. They are forced to give confession statements and to sign cooperation agreements with the KGB. They are beaten, mutilated, blackmailed, and they are threatened. Hundreds of thousands of Belarusians were forced to flee the country, threatened with new repressions.

I call for increased pressure on Lukashenka's regime, not only through new sanctions but also with strict monitoring of their enforcement. A full blockade and trade embargo under Article 33 of the International Labour Organisation charter must be imposed and there should be no transit of goods from China and other eastern countries to Europe through the concentration camp named Belarus. The regime must be completely ostracised politically, economically and also during all sports events. These are real actions that will force the regime to release political prisoners. It will be the first step towards the liberation of all the people of Belarus.

Without a free Belarus, the existence of freedom and democracy in Europe will always be under threat, including under threat from Russian aggression. Furthermore, a victory in Ukraine will not be possible without a free Belarus. Belarusian opposition is fighting against dictatorship for the free, independent and democratic Belarus. We are fighting for the values on which the European Union is founded. In this struggle, we need your help. We need your help to protect and defend our own values. You can help us to free our friends and leaders who are currently in prison. You can help Europe get rid of the criminals who unleashed the bloody war on Ukraine, Lukashenka and Putin, for our freedom and yours. Long live Belarus!

听听President. 鈥� Thank you very much, dear Palina.

I now pass the floor to Crimean Tatar and former political prisoner Leniie Umerova.

听听Leniie Umerova, Tatar former political prisoner from Crimea. 鈥� Madam听President, my name is Leniie Umerova. I am a Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar activist. I spent nearly two years in Russian prison.

In December 2022, I was abducted by Russian security forces right at the border, as I was trying to reach Crimea to visit my critically ill father. My only crime was that I'm Crimean Tatar. I'm Ukrainian, born in Crimea, and I refused to take Russian passport. For Russia, that's enough to label me an enemy and throw me behind bars. During these years, I endured immense injustice and cruelty: abduction, psychological and physical abuse, interrogation, solitary confinement. Most of the time I was held in complete isolation.听But you know what? I'm Crimean Tatar, and these are not the first repression in my family history.

In 1944, my grandmother was just 10 years old when she became a victim of Soviet deportation. Her entire family 鈥� like hundreds of thousands of Crimean Tatars, mostly women and children, as the men were at war 鈥� was declared a traitor of the motherland. They were given 20 minutes to pack. They were forced into cattle wagons and deported to Uzbekistan. Two of my grandmother's younger brothers, three-year-old Kadir-Ilyas and six-year-old Nazim, died of starvation. This is not only my family tragedy. This is the pain of every Crimean Tatar family.

Many countries have already recognised the 1944 deportation as the act of genocide against Crimean Tatar people, because history must be called by its true name. But history is repeating itself. Once again, Russia is trying to destroy us. Once again, it erases identities, rewrites borders, and crushes lives. In the occupied territories, Russia deports even ordinary civilians. They are abused, forcibly deported, subjected to forced labour. Any act of defiance, even silent, is treated as a crime. The punishment is prison.

Let me share the stories of several women I personally know. Oksana from Kherson region: before she was sent to a detention centre, she was held for six months with a bag over the head. One day she was brought to a pit and they told her, 'We will bury you alive here. No one will know where you are.' Yana from Zaporizhzhia region: she was tortured, her jaw was broken, several teeth knocked out, and then she was denied all medical care. Halyna Dovhopola from Crimea: a 70-year-old pensioner. Russian forces beat her, tortured here and tried to break her fingers. Iryna Danylovych, a Crimean journalist: she survived torture. Today she is denied medical help in prison. She has lost hearing in the ear, suffered a mini stroke, half her body is numb. She lives in constant pain with severe headaches and heart problems.

These are just a few stories. There are thousands more. Around 14听000 Ukrainian civilians are currently being held in Russian prison. In prison, I constantly heard the same phrase: your Ukraine has very little time left. But I'm here, and Ukraine continues to fight, even in the face of devastating news. We are fighting for freedom, for dignity, for every human life. And we are not facing Russia alone. Russia is supported by Belarus, Iran, China and North Korea. Authoritarian regimes have united 鈥� against democracy. This is more than a war for territory. This is the battle between light and darkness, between freedom and slavery, between democracy and tyranny. And Ukraine is still fighting and we are fighting for the win. But just imagine 鈥� what if Ukraine falls? Who will be next?

听听President. 鈥� Thank you very much, dear Leniie. Thank you very, very much.

I now pass the floor to Ukrainian frontline medical volunteer and humanitarian activist Tata Kepler.

听听Tata Kepler, Ukrainian medical volunteer and activist. 鈥� Madam听President, I'd like to start, please, with a moment of silence in the memory of all Ukrainian women and men that were killed by Russia during this war.

(The House rose and observed a minute鈥檚 silence)

Thank you.

My name is Tata Kepler, I'm a volunteer and I deal with military medicine, with the tactical medicine supplies. When the full scale invasion started, I joined the unit that was organised by the Patrol Police of Ukraine. Due to that, I visited with my team more than 700 occupied territories and grey zones all over the frontlines. We were helping the civilian people with the medicine and a lot of different stuff.

I had one project that I talk little about in order to be respectful to survivors. But today I'll tell you something about it. It's called the 'silent' project and it's targeted directly to support raped families. We helped everyone with everything being asked for, from restoring houses to buying clothes and other necessary things. My oldest 'case' in this project was a 75-year-old woman that was raped by Russian soldiers and my youngest 'case' was four. She was a four-year-old girl.

I met her in her deoccupied village and she was, you know, really nice and beautiful and so cute and so sweet. She was raped by Russian soldiers 鈥� not one 鈥� when they came to her village and she did not understand what happened to her and why, as she said, those people were so bad to her.

The family was poor and I was asked to insulate her home and to buy some warm clothes. My friend and I went to the store, we walked between the rows with all those bright children's things and I saw grey warm overalls on pink rubber bands. I said, 'Oh, how nice, how beautiful. She will definitely love this. Let's buy this.' My friend took this one from the hanger and silently turned to me. On the reverse side, on its knees, there was written: 'Stay safe. Always.'

Then I did not cry, no, I howled. I was screaming. I was standing in the middle of that huge store holding this tiny jumpsuit and I howled because I realised that I won't be able to keep her safe anymore. Never.

You know, I understood that I'm still standing there in the middle of the store with the small grey overalls in my hands. I'll still remain forever in Bucha, standing over the people shot point blank because I saw them. I'll be forever holding the hands of a girl from Bucha. Her name was Julia and she was grasping at me and shouting, 'Help me, please help me! My husband and my brother were killed in the basement, their bodies are mined and people don't let me in. So please help me, Tata, help me!'听But I couldn't.

I stand again and again in a small village in Kurakhovo in the Donetsk district and persuaded the grandmother Zoia to go with us. We said that we can help to save her life, but she refused because her only home was there. I'm also there, waiting for my friends to return from captivity, listening to the stories of survivors, and I'm still there, hugging my pharmacist, Ania, who has been waiting for the body of her husband for more than a year to be transported home and to be buried.听I'm here in the stabilisation point, looking at doctors who are bringing back young, wounded soldiers from the dead. I'm still there, carrying flowers with black ribbons to the graves of my friends who are now and forever 20, 25, 30, 40. They freeze in time, as in my memory. Forever.

I'm telling you that because I want you to know that my country and I, like every other citizen, we will never return from this war, unfortunately. We can come home, we can come back, but we will never return. This will stay with us forever. With me, with my friends, with all the citizens of Ukraine and with this four-year-old girl.

We have to talk about the woman that fighting for democracy, it's really a very important topic, but today all women and men in my country are forced to fight for survival. Today, more than 130听000 women in Ukraine serve in various institutions of the security and defence sector. It's a huge number. I believe that it's the biggest in Europe. Today, tens of thousands of women, mothers, sisters and daughters are waiting for their relatives to return from Russian captivity. Tens of thousands of women will never see their beloved again because they were killed by Russia.

These numbers are terrible and they should scare you, because this is reality that happens not somewhere far away, but here in Europe. Here and now, the genocide of Ukrainian people are spreading before your eyes, it's true, and I ask you to stop tolerating it by silence.

Today, more than 1听300听000 Ukrainian children 鈥� again, 1听300听000 Ukrainian children 鈥� are in the occupied territories. One more terrible number: according to Russia itself, 744听000 Ukrainian children were exported from Ukraine and that means kidnapped. 744听000. It's a terrible number. 2听387 children were injured and killed, and this is the number that we know because there are a lot of numbers that we don't know.

What I see? I see the large鈥憇cale international violence unfolding in front of you and we cannot stop it just by being concerned. I'm really asking you to name names because it's really important. The things that are going on in Ukraine right now, this war, it's a really terrible war. I understand that you, here in Europe, you see the news and you think that you understand us. But I'm telling you all these stories because I want you to try to imagine, just for a moment, this personal hell of every Ukrainian citizen.

Grammatically, Ukraine is a feminine word. We are bombed, they tried to annex us and to destroy us with all this hell, you know. Anyway, I'm so proud to be Ukrainian. I'm so proud that I was born there and that I live in Ukraine. Ukraine is a country of courage. Slava Ukraini!

(The House rose and observed a minute鈥檚 silence)

听听President. 鈥� Thank you all for your decisive and powerful words. They will resonate in this Chamber long after this event is over. Thank you to our honoured guests for joining us and sharing your experiences with us today. This House stands with you because Europe is on the side of democracy everywhere, every time. Thank you all.

(Applause)

(The sitting resumed at 12:54)

听听President. 鈥� Yes, Mr听Glucksmann, is this a point of order?

听听Rapha毛l Glucksmann (S&D). 鈥� Madam President, it is actually a point of order. It's a point that will show that we have solidarity among ourselves as Members of this 合法博彩网站.

Yesterday evening, on Russian TV, Vladimir Solovyov, the main propagandist of Putin's regime, attacked, insulted, threatened one of us: Pina Picierno, Vice-President of this House, has been assaulted with terrific violence on Russian TV.

And then you had campaigns of trolls and bots inside our own territory. So today it's time for us to show solidarity in front of fascist propagandists ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

听听President. 鈥� Okay, Mr听Glucksmann, thank you. The point is made. But can I please once again repeat that points of order are the only things that will be accepted just before the vote. It has to be done. Otherwise, we will never have rules that are followed. But thank you very much for the point you made.

听听President. 鈥� The next item is the vote.

听听President. 鈥� The first vote is on the report by Dainius 沤alimas on the request for the waiver of the immunity of Adam Bielan (see minutes, item 6.1).

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the report by Siegfried Mure艧an and Sven Mikser on establishing the Reform and Growth Facility for the Republic of Moldova (see minutes, item 6.2).

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the report by Aurore Lalucq on the appointment of a member of the Single Resolution Board (see minutes, item 6.3).

We vote on the appointment of Radek Urban.

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the report by Aurore Lalucq on the appointment of a member of the Single Resolution Board (see minutes, item 6.4).

We vote on the appointment of Slavka Eley.

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the report by Aurore Lalucq on the appointment of a member of the Single Resolution Board (see minutes, item 6.5).

We vote on the appointment of Miguel Carca帽o Saenz Cenzano.

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the report by Ilhan Kyuchyuk on the verification of credentials (see minutes, item 6.6).

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the report by Marit Maij on the European Social Fund Plus post-2027听(see minutes, item 6.7).

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the report by Christian Ehler on the assessment of the implementation of Horizon Europe in view of its interim evaluation and recommendations for the 10th Research Framework Programme (see minutes, item 6.8).

I give the floor to the rapporteur for two minutes.

鈥� Before the vote:

听听Christian Ehler, rapporteur. 鈥� Madam听President, this is not the usual comment of a rapporteur highlighting his sunny personality.

This is a decisive vote of this 合法博彩网站. This is about whether we are going to have a framework programme, an independent research framework programme, in the future or not. Whether it's squeezed into an absurd idea of an all-in-all competitiveness programme, which is squeezing together 35 years of independent research policies.

The committee had been clearly committing to that, and that's the second shot for the Commission today, because the Warsaw Declaration 鈥� the unanimous declaration of all research ministers in Warsaw 鈥� had been saying no to that endeavour.

We need an independent program. It has a mid-term, a long-term perspective. It must be open, it must be blue sky. It's not an instrument to have a seamless possibility to shift money from A to B. So vote for that and we will have a vivid discussion with the Commission on that.

(The vote closed)

(The sitting was suspended at 13:03)

IN THE CHAIR: JAVI L脫PEZ
Vice-President

(The sitting resumed at 13.08)

听听President. 鈥� The minutes of yesterday's sitting and the texts adopted are available. Are there any comments?

The minutes are approved.

听听President. 鈥� The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on the Roadmap for Women's Rights ().

The first speaker, speaking on behalf of the Council, will be Mr Sz艂apka, Poland's Minister for European Union Affairs.

听听Adam Sz艂apka, President-in-Office of the Council. 鈥� Mr President, Commissioner, honourable Members, it is a great honour for me to address this assembly shortly after the celebration of the International Women's Day here in the hemicycle.

This year is an important year for gender equality. The world marks the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action, and the Commission sets out its vision for the next five years and its roadmap. But before looking forward, we should also look back with satisfaction at the legislation that was recently put in place, most of which resulted from the agreement between Council and 合法博彩网站.

We have improved pay transparency, helping to reduce the pay gap between women and men. We have introduced rules for improving the gender balance in company boards, bringing equality and diversity into corporate boardrooms. We have created minimum standards for equality bodies, giving victims of discrimination an ally in claiming their rights. And we have provided women in Europe the protection of the first ever directive on combating violence against women and domestic violence.

Through these and other achievements, we can surely say that the College administrators have delivered for Europe's women. Therefore, let me take this opportunity to thank the 合法博彩网站 for tirelessly campaigning for women's rights and for its constructive partnership with the Council in this endeavour.

But the work is never over. There is still a gender pay gap that stands at almost 13听%. There is still an employment gap of more than 10听%, with women and girls still performing a disproportionate share of informal care tasks. And we must, in particular, address the disproportionate impact that armed conflict and economic crisis have on women and girls.

At times when some voices may try to reverse the progress we have made in the EU to promote and protect women's rights, we should concentrate our efforts on stepping up action and working with all partners to promote a model in our Union which is more inclusive and provides a more just society.

We will continue to do so through policy and legislative measures, as well as by tackling the root causes of inequality.

听听Roxana M卯nzatu, Executive Vice-President of the Commission. 鈥� Mr听President, minister, honourable Members, every year on International Women's Day, we celebrate women's achievements and contributions across the world. But despite progress, full gender equality is decades 鈥� if not centuries 鈥� away.

At the current rate, it will take until 2158, another 134 years, to reach full gender parity at global level, according to data provided by the World Economic Forum. Within the European Union, it will take us more than 60 years. That is why the theme for this year's International Women's Day is 'accelerate action'. We need to take swift and decisive steps to achieve gender equality. We need to address the barriers and biases women face in every aspect of their lives.

Equality between women and men is one of the foundational values of our Union and a strategic interest in all our policies. In the European Union, we have made historic progress with rules on pay transparency, work-life balance, gender balance on company boards and combating violence against women. But we know there is still lots and lots more to do.

This is a special year. We are celebrating the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action. Commissioner听Lahbib is now in New York leading the EU's delegation to the 69th session of the Commission on the Status of Women. She will pass on a clear message: enabling women's full and equal participation in all parts of society is key to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals.

On this International Women's Day, we show that we are serious about accelerating action with a new roadmap for women's rights. The roadmap sets out a long-term political vision to advance women's rights.

Our priorities are strategic. We have to think that 1 in 3 women has suffered violence in their lifetime and that is why we aim to eradicate all forms of violence against women and girls, including femicide, domestic violence, including coercive control, cyber violence, sexual harassment or exploitation. Every girl, every woman in Europe has the right and should feel safe.

Women's health. It has been under researched and under prioritised. That is why we propose a dedicated focus on women's health in full respect of Member States' competences in this field. That includes promoting gender-sensitive medical research, clinical trials, diagnostics and treatments, and it includes ensuring women's access to sexual and reproductive health and rights.

Employment and pay gaps. There is still much work to do there as well. We need to eliminate gender pay and pension gaps to promote equal employment and financial opportunities for women. Women in Europe should be economically independent and enjoy the same opportunities men do.

Our education should be free from discrimination, from sexism, from stereotypes and violence to encourage both girls and boys to seek the future that they want, because women should be at every table where decisions are made.

This is another objective of the roadmap: equal political participation and representation at all levels of political power. Gender balance at all levels of management, so that women's voices can be heard across the public and private sectors and shape the policies of tomorrow.

And we aim at better safety of women in public life, as they are more likely to be victims of hate speech than their male counterparts.

We also need strong institutional mechanisms that deliver on women's rights. This, among others, includes an effective gender mainstreaming approach. The gender mainstreaming principle that was adopted 30 years ago in the Beijing Platform for Action means that all policy areas should apply a gender perspective.

Striving for gender equality is not only the right thing to do, but it is also the smart thing to do. Gender equality is essential for building strong competitive economies, but also for building sustainable, democratic and inclusive societies.

I invite the European 合法博彩网站, the Council and other institutions and stakeholders to unite around this roadmap to put forward actions under their remit and make it so that we turn these principles into an enduring reality for every girl and every woman across our European Union.

听听螘位蔚慰谓蠋蟻伪 螠蔚位苇蟿畏, 蔚尉 慰谓蠈渭伪蟿慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 慰渭维未伪蟼 PPE. 鈥� 螝蠀蟻委伪 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 蟺伪蟻慰蠀蟽喂维蟽蟿畏魏蔚, 位慰喂蟺蠈谓, 伪蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 螘蟺喂蟿蟻慰蟺萎 慰 蠂维蟻蟿畏蟼 蟿蠅谓 纬蠀谓伪喂魏蔚委蠅谓 未喂魏伪喂蠅渭维蟿蠅谓 魏伪喂 萎蟻胃蔚 谓伪 胃蠀渭委蟽蔚喂, 蔚喂未喂魏维 蟽蔚 蔚魏蔚委谓慰蠀蟼 慰喂 慰蟺慰委慰喂 尉蔚蠂谓维谓蔚 蔚蠉魏慰位伪, 蟺慰喂蔚蟼 蔚委谓伪喂 慰喂 伪尉委蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼: 喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿伪, 蔚位蔚蠀胃蔚蟻委伪, 未喂魏伪喂慰蟽蠉谓畏 魏伪喂 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪 蟽蔚 蠈位慰蠀蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟿慰渭蔚委蟼 魏伪喂 未蟻维蟽蔚喂蟼 蟿畏蟼 味蠅萎蟼 纬喂伪 纬蠀谓伪委魏蔚蟼 魏伪喂 纬喂伪 维谓未蟻蔚蟼. 螚 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 纬喂伪 伪魏蠈渭伪 渭喂伪 蠁慰蟻维 魏维谓蔚喂 尉蔚魏维胃伪蟻畏 蟿畏 胃苇蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蟺蠅蟼 胃苇位蔚喂 谓伪 蟽蠀谓蔚蠂委蟽蔚喂 谓伪 渭维蠂蔚蟿伪喂 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟿蠅谓 蠁蠉位蠅谓. 韦喂 魏喂 伪谓 畏 喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟿蠅谓 蠁蠉位蠅谓 蔚委谓伪喂 苇谓伪 胃蔚渭蔚位喂蠋未蔚蟼 未喂魏伪委蠅渭伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 1957; 韦喂 魏喂 伪谓 蟿畏 蟽蠀谓伪谓蟿维渭蔚 蔚未蠋 魏伪喂 蠂蟻蠈谓喂伪 蟽蟿畏 危蠀谓胃萎魏畏 纬喂伪 蟿畏 位蔚喂蟿慰蠀蟻纬委伪 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼; 韦喂 魏喂 伪谓 渭苇蠂蟻喂 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪, 渭苇蟽伪 蔚未蠋, 蟽蟿慰 蟽蟺委蟿喂 渭伪蟼, 尾位苇蟺慰蠀渭蔚 蟺喂蟽蠅纬蠀蟻委蟽渭伪蟿伪 蟽蔚 蔚蟺慰蠂苇蟼 魏伪喂 伪谓蟿喂位萎蠄蔚喂蟼 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 慰蟺慰委伪 未委谓慰蠀渭蔚 渭维蠂畏 纬喂伪 谓伪 纬位喂蟿蠋蟽慰蠀渭蔚. 螘渭蔚委蟼 蠈渭蠅蟼 胃伪 蟽蠀谓蔚蠂委蟽慰蠀渭蔚 伪蠀蟿萎 蟿畏 渭维蠂畏.

危蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈 尾苇尾伪喂伪 胃伪 渭伪蟼 尾慰畏胃萎蟽蔚喂 伪魏蠈渭伪 蟺蔚蟻喂蟽蟽蠈蟿蔚蟻慰 畏 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿畏纬喂魏萎 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟿蠅谓 蠁蠉位蠅谓 魏伪喂 蠈蠂喂 慰 蠂维蟻蟿畏蟼. 螠苇蠂蟻喂 蠈渭蠅蟼 谓伪 苇蟻胃蔚喂 伪蠀蟿蠈听蟽蟿伪 蠂苇蟻喂伪 渭伪蟼, 蔚纬蠋 胃伪 胃苇蟽蠅 苇谓伪 蟻畏蟿慰蟻喂魏蠈 蔚蟻蠋蟿畏渭伪: 螁蟻伪纬蔚 畏 谓慰渭慰胃蔚蟽委伪 伪蟻魏蔚委 纬喂伪 谓伪 蟻蠀胃渭委蟽慰蠀渭蔚 蠈位蔚蟼 伪蠀蟿苇蟼 蟿喂蟼 魏慰喂谓蠅谓喂魏苇蟼 伪谓喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿蔚蟼 魏伪喂 伪未喂魏委蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 蟽蠀味畏蟿维渭蔚 蠈位伪 伪蠀蟿维 蟿伪 蠂蟻蠈谓喂伪; 螤慰喂慰蟼 谓蠈渭慰蟼 胃伪 伪蟺伪纬慰蟻蔚蠉蟽蔚喂 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蔚尉喂蟽蟿苇蟼 维谓未蟻蔚蟼 魏伪喂 纬蠀谓伪委魏蔚蟼 谓伪 渭伪蟼 魏蟻委谓慰蠀谓 纬喂伪 蟿慰 谓蟿蠉蟽喂渭蠈 渭伪蟼, 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 畏位喂魏委伪 渭伪蟼, 纬喂伪 蟿慰 伪谓 魏维谓慰蠀渭蔚 萎 伪谓 未蔚谓 魏维谓慰蠀渭蔚 蟺伪喂未喂维; 螤慰喂慰蟼 谓蠈渭慰蟼 胃伪 蟽蟿伪渭伪蟿萎蟽蔚喂 蟿喂蟼 蟺伪蟿蟻喂伪蟻蠂喂魏苇蟼 伪谓蟿喂位萎蠄蔚喂蟼 魏伪喂 蟿喂蟼 蟺蔚蟺慰喂胃萎蟽蔚喂蟼 蔚蟽蠅蟿蔚蟻喂魏蔚蠀渭苇谓慰蠀 渭喂蟽慰纬蠀谓喂蟽渭慰蠉 谓伪 尾蟻委蟽魏慰蠀谓 蠂蠋蟻慰 蟽蟿慰谓 位蠈纬慰 魏伪喂 蟽蟿喂蟼 蟺蟻维尉蔚喂蟼 伪谓未蟻蠋谓 魏伪喂 纬蠀谓伪喂魏蠋谓 魏维胃蔚 畏位喂魏委伪蟼 蟽蔚 慰位蠈魏位畏蟻慰 蟿慰谓 魏蠈蟽渭慰; 螤慰喂慰蟼 谓蠈渭慰蟼 胃伪 伪蟺伪纬慰蟻蔚蠉蟽蔚喂 蟽蔚 蠈位慰蠀蟼 蔚魏蔚委谓慰蠀蟼 蟺慰蠀 伪渭蠁喂蟽尾畏蟿慰蠉谓, 渭蔚喂蠋谓慰蠀谓 魏伪喂 伪蟺慰未慰渭慰蠉谓 蟿畏 纬蠀谓伪委魏伪 蟿蠅谓 蟿蠈蟽蠅谓 蟻蠈位蠅谓 魏伪喂 蟿蠅谓 蟿蠈蟽蠅谓 蔚蟺喂蟿蔚蠀纬渭维蟿蠅谓 渭蠈谓慰 魏伪喂 渭蠈谓慰 蔚蟺蔚喂未萎 蔚委谓伪喂 纬蠀谓伪委魏伪;

螒纬伪蟺畏蟿慰委 蟽蠀谓维未蔚位蠁慰喂, 蟺苇蟻伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰蠀蟼 谓蠈渭慰蠀蟼, 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 未慰蠀位苇蠄慰蠀渭蔚, 纬喂伪 谓伪 伪位位维尉慰蠀渭蔚 魏伪喂 蟿慰 伪蠁萎纬畏渭伪. 螡伪 未喂伪渭慰蟻蠁蠋蟽慰蠀渭蔚 苇谓伪 谓苇慰 蟽蠀位位慰纬喂魏蠈 伪蟽蠀谓蔚委未畏蟿慰. 螒位位喂蠋蟼, 蠈,蟿喂 魏伪喂 谓伪 魏维谓慰蠀渭蔚, 胃伪 蠀蟺维蟻蠂慰蠀谓 蟺维谓蟿伪 蔚蟺伪纬纬苇位渭伪蟿伪 蟺慰蠀 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 纬喂伪 魏慰蟻委蟿蟽喂伪. 螛伪 蠀蟺维蟻蠂慰蠀谓 蟺维谓蟿伪 纬蠀谓伪委魏蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 胃伪 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蠁蟿喂维尉慰蠀谓 蟿畏 味蠅萎 蟿慰蠀蟼 渭苇蟽伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰谓 纬维渭慰 萎 蟿畏 渭畏蟿蟻蠈蟿畏蟿伪. 螛伪 蠀蟺维蟻蠂慰蠀谓 蟺维谓蟿伪 蔚纬魏位萎渭伪蟿伪 蟺维胃慰蠀蟼, 纬喂伪蟿委 魏维蟺慰喂慰蟼 伪纬伪蟺慰蠉蟽蔚 蟿畏 纬蠀谓伪委魏伪 蟿慰蠀 魏伪喂 蟿畏 蟽魏蠈蟿蠅蟽蔚 纬喂伪蟿委 未蔚谓 渭蟺慰蟻慰蠉蟽蔚 渭伪魏蟻喂维 蟿畏蟼. 螒魏慰蠉蟿蔚 蟿喂 位苇渭蔚; 螒魏慰蠉蟿蔚 蟿喂 位苇渭蔚 蠈位伪 伪蠀蟿维 蟿伪 蔚魏伪蟿慰谓蟿维未蔚蟼 蠂蟻蠈谓喂伪; 螒蠀蟿蠈 蟿慰 伪蠁萎纬畏渭伪 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 伪位位维尉蔚喂. 螝伪喂 蟿慰 伪蠁萎纬畏渭伪 未蔚谓 伪位位维味蔚喂 渭蠈谓慰 渭蔚 谓蠈渭慰蠀蟼. 韦慰 伪蠁萎纬畏渭伪 伪位位维味蔚喂 渭蔚 伪尉委蔚蟼, 伪位位维味蔚喂 渭蔚 萎胃慰蟼 魏伪喂 渭蔚 蟺伪喂未蔚委伪. 危蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈 蟺慰蠀 蟽蠀味畏蟿维渭蔚 蟿慰 蟺蟻蠈尾位畏渭伪 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 渭蠈谓慰 慰喂 谓蠈渭慰喂. 危蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈 蟺慰蠀 蟽蠀味畏蟿维渭蔚 蟿慰 蟺蟻蠈尾位畏渭伪 蔚委谓伪喂 魏伪喂 畏 蟺伪喂未蔚委伪, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蔚蟺委蟽畏蟼 蔚委谓伪喂 魏伪喂 畏 位蠉蟽畏.

听听Lina G谩lvez, on behalf of the S&D Group. 鈥� Mr President, Vice-President, we really welcome this roadmap on women's rights and gender equality. So thank you very much, Vice-President. Thank you also to Commissioner Lahbib to show a clear commitment to gender equality.

In a moment, we are facing a backlash on gender equality and women's rights. So especially also for including sexual and reproductive health rights. It is very important and we really appreciate that this is finally in.

However, this is not the end of this journey. True equality means more than what we have achieved so far. It is about creating a world where every woman in every corner has the freedom and the material preconditions to choose her own path and the power to shape her future, and to participate in an equal path in our common future.听Because we have to design also this common future.

So let's do that. This roadmap will be really the origin of the new strategy and work together on this.

听听Margarita de la Pisa Carri贸n, en nombre del Grupo PfE. 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se帽ora comisaria, se帽or铆as, aunque la presidenta sea una mujer, parece que la Comisi贸n no termina de entender nuestras aspiraciones. No odiamos a los hombres. Valoramos la familia, la maternidad, la vida y poder cuidar de los nuestros, as铆 como poder desarrollar una vocaci贸n profesional. Queremos ser respetadas y amadas, no cosificadas. Nos gustar铆a estar tranquilas tanto en casa como en la calle, y ser libres. Sin embargo, se responde con m谩s normas de g茅nero que acaban con nuestra prosperidad y no nos protegen.

No se protege a la mujer gastando nuestro dinero en fomentar una ideolog铆a que nos denigra, confunde, victimiza y enfrenta, una ideolog铆a que nos est谩 destruyendo como sociedad. No se protege a la mujer callando ante los fundamentalismos que no respetan ni la vida ni la dignidad de las mujeres. No se protege a las mujeres cuando se trata de cambiar los valores fundacionales de la Uni贸n Europea por la ideolog铆a woke o el islamismo.

听听Laurence Trochu, au nom du groupe ECR. 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, Madame le Commissaire, mes chers coll猫gues, la feuille de route pour les droits des femmes pr茅sent茅e vendredi dernier oscille entre autosatisfaction et d茅claration de principe, plus utile dans les h茅micycles feutr茅s que contre les r茅elles difficult茅s auxquelles font face les femmes dans la vraie vie, au听XXIe听si猫cle.

Vous souhaitez prot茅ger r茅ellement les femmes? Alors, commencez par fermer les fronti猫res et cessez d鈥檌mporter sur notre sol des millions de personnes qui consid猫rent la femme comme une possession, qui la voilent et qui lui interdisent tout libre arbitre. Vous voulez prot茅ger r茅ellement les femmes? Eh bien, cessez d鈥檌mporter des pr茅dateurs sexuels qui sont surrepr茅sent茅s dans les agressions et 脿 cause desquels nous pleurons Lola et Philippine en France.

Vous souhaitez prot茅ger r茅ellement les femmes? Poursuivez en condamnant ceux qui marchandisent leur corps, en interdisant la GPA et en contr么lant la pornographie. Vous souhaitez prot茅ger r茅ellement les femmes? Eh bien, donnez-leur la possibilit茅 d鈥櫭猼re m猫res, en restaurant la figure familiale, dont la destruction engendre pour elles toujours plus de pr茅carit茅 et de responsabilit茅s lourdes 脿 porter. Alors, et alors seulement, l鈥檃ction de l鈥橴nion europ茅enne sera plus qu鈥檜n v艙u pieu.

听听Abir Al-Sahlani, on behalf of the Renew Group. 鈥� Mr听President, on behalf of the Renew Group, we would like to welcome the Commission's Roadmap for Women's Rights. The backlash on gender equality is here, ongoing every day, and now it's cheered on by President Trump.

Every victory we have made for women's rights, it has been a hard fight to win it and it has brought prosperity and development to the entire humanity. This movement is so eager on attacking fundamental rights and human rights.听The EU is no exception.听Ladies and gentlemen, the anti-gender movement is growing in our continent and in this House.

The trend of mainstreaming misogyny must end now. We have to mainstream gender equality. This is a call for action to us all feminists to mobilise, unite and to rebuild a better world based on feminism free from patriarchy. We must increase funding for gender equality in the next MFF; enshrine the right to abortion in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights; criminalise rape with a consent-based definition of rape; and finally, the EU needs a feminist foreign policy.

It will take us 130 years to eradicate extreme poverty for women and girls, and 60 years to reach gender equality in Europe. It is time to put in a higher gear.

听听M茅lissa Camara, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, Madame la Commissaire, chers coll猫gues, connaissez-vous ce visage? Il s鈥檃git de Justyna. Je l鈥檃i rencontr茅e il y a deux semaines en Pologne. Pourquoi montrer son visage aujourd鈥檋ui? Parce que, comme de nombreuses femmes dans le monde, Justyna fait preuve d鈥檜n courage extraordinaire pour prot茅ger les droits fondamentaux des femmes. C鈥檈st une militante exceptionnelle du droit 脿 l鈥檃vortement, condamn茅e en听2023 pour avoir aid茅 une femme 脿 avorter dans son pays. En Pologne, il est quasiment impossible de b茅n茅ficier d鈥檜n avortement l茅gal et s没r. Partout, les droits sexuels et reproductifs sont en danger. Partout, nos vies, nos corps, nos familles, nos choix sont remis en cause. On ne le r茅p茅tera jamais assez, mais l脿 o霉 elle passe, l鈥檈xtr锚me droite fait des d茅g芒ts, pour des ann茅es.

Le droit 脿 l鈥檃vortement est un droit fondamental. Des femmes comme Justyna se mettent en danger tous les jours pour l鈥檃cqu茅rir, le pr茅server et le r茅tablir. Pourtant, la Commission n鈥檃 pas jug茅 bon d鈥檈n faire mention dans sa feuille de route sur les droits des femmes. Nous ne le r茅p茅terons jamais assez: nos corps, nos choix. Je compte, Madame la Commissaire, sur vous pour d茅fendre avec courage ce droit durant ce mandat, avec autant de courage que Justyna. Pour Justyna et toutes celles qui se battent chaque jour, merci!

听听Hanna Gedin, f枚r The Left gruppen. 鈥� Herr talman! Det 盲r 30 氓r sedan Pekingdeklarationen, och vi har inte kommit l盲ngre. Det h盲r 盲r ett alldeles f枚r svagt och urvattnat 氓tagande fr氓n kommissionen. Det 盲r mycket fokus p氓 f枚retagande, konkurrens och tillv盲xt. Men kvinnors grundl盲ggande r盲tt till v氓ra kroppar struntar kommissionen i. Var 盲r r盲tten till abort? Vi har en r盲ttighetsstadga som v盲rnar m盲nniskors r盲tt att starta f枚retag men inte kvinnors r盲tt till v氓ra kroppar. Var 盲r f枚rslagen om samtyckeslagstiftning? Har inte kommissionen f枚ljt det fruktansv盲rda fallet Gis猫le Pelicot i Frankrike? Och var 盲r de internationella 氓tagandena? Att USA stryper bist氓ndet riskerar 枚ver 11 miljoner kvinnors liv n盲r det kommer till deras r盲tt till sexuell och reproduktiv h盲lsa. 11 miljoner! Var 盲r Europas solidaritet? Vi skriver 2025. Den h盲r f盲rdplanen 盲r en besvikelse. Vi borde ha kommit l盲ngre.

听听Irmhild Bo脽dorf, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. 鈥� Herr Pr盲sident! Reem Alsalem darf heute nicht mitmachen. Die Sonderbotschafterin der UN f眉r Gewalt gegen Frauen und M盲dchen wurde von unserem FEMM-Ausschuss f眉r die gro脽e heute stattfindende Konferenz in New York ausgeladen. Was ist ihr Vergehen? Sie war schon vor Jahren so frech zu fragen, wie es denn aussieht mit einer geschlechtergerechten Auslegung der Scharia. Doch es kam noch schlimmer. Nach der Einf眉hrung des Selbstbestimmungsgesetzes in Deutschland wandte sie sich in einem Brief an Au脽enministerin Annalena Baerbock. Sie markierte den potenziellen Missbrauch und die Aush枚hlung des rechtlich m枚glichen Geschlechtswechsels in Deutschland als frauenfeindlich听鈥� die Quittung folgte nun.

Die ach so toleranten Mitstreiter im FEMM-Ausschuss beantragten ihre Ausladung, die dann auch prompt erfolgte. So ernst meinen es also unsere selbsternannten weiblichen Vork盲mpfer mit der politischen Teilnahme und der gleichen Repr盲sentation von Frauen. Nicht einmal in den eigenen weiblichen Reihen werden andere Meinungen toleriert. Reem Alsalem听鈥� merkt euch den Namen der echten K盲mpferin f眉r Frauenrechte!

听听El偶bieta Katarzyna 艁ukacijewska (PPE). 鈥� Panie Przewodnicz膮cy! Pani Komisarz! Lata walki o nasze prawa i r贸wno艣膰, a wydaje si臋, 偶e przed nami jeszcze d艂uga droga, a wr臋cz, 偶e klimat do walki o nasze prawa, o r贸wno艣膰 nie jest dzisiaj na 艣wiecie przyjazny i odnosz臋 wra偶enie, 偶e jest coraz wi臋cej polityk贸w konserwatywnych, kt贸rzy chcieliby nam zamkn膮膰 usta i chcieliby zamkn膮膰 kobiety w domach.

Prosz臋 Pa艅stwa, ale te偶 musimy sobie zada膰 pytanie, czy Europa, kt贸r膮 budujemy, jest Europ膮 dla wszystkich kobiet? Czy nasze strategie uwzgl臋dniaj膮 potrzeby tych, kt贸re mieszkaj膮 na terenach oddalonych, w ma艂ych miasteczkach i na wsiach? R贸wno艣膰 nie mo偶e by膰 bowiem przywilejem tylko metropolii. Musimy zadba膰, aby ka偶da kobieta, niezale偶nie od miejsca zamieszkania, mia艂a dost臋p do tych samych praw i mo偶liwo艣ci. Dlatego wzywam Pani膮 Komisarz i Komisj臋: inwestujmy w infrastruktur臋 na obszarach wiejskich, wspierajmy przedsi臋biorczo艣膰 kobiet na wsi, oferuj膮c programy szkoleniowe i finansowe. Prze艂amujmy stereotypy, promuj膮c r贸wno艣膰 p艂ci w ka偶dej spo艂eczno艣ci. Niech nasza mapa drogowa dla kobiet b臋dzie 艣cie偶k膮, kt贸r膮 pod膮偶aj膮 wszystkie kobiety, niezale偶nie od miejsca, gdzie mieszkaj膮, czy w sercu miasta, czy w ma艂ej wiosce. Bo tylko wtedy Europa naprawd臋 b臋dzie zjednoczona w r贸wno艣ci i sprawiedliwo艣ci. I my艣l臋, 偶e o tym marz膮 wszystkie kobiety, zw艂aszcza te ze wsi i z ma艂ych miasteczek.

(M贸wczyni zgodzi艂a si臋 na pytanie zasygnalizowane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki)

听听Raquel Garc铆a Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew), blue-card question. 鈥� Thank you, Ms听艁ukacijewska, I really appreciate you mentioning rural women because I also live in a rural area, and I acknowledge how important it is to have the same access as other women.

My question to you is: would you agree with me that access to contraception and sexual and reproductive rights 鈥� including abortion and abortion pills 鈥� for women in rural areas is something that we should all work on?

听听El偶bieta Katarzyna 艁ukacijewska (PPE), blue-card answer. 鈥� Of course, I agree with you. Also sexual education is very important.

听听Joanna Scheuring-Wielgus (S&D). 鈥� Panie Przewodnicz膮cy! Pani Komisarz!听Trudno odnosi膰 si臋 dzisiaj do roadmapy, kt贸ra zosta艂a przedstawiona, po wyst膮pieniach 艣wiadectw kobiet z Ukrainy i z Bia艂orusi. 艢wiat si臋 rzeczywi艣cie zmienia na naszych oczach. Tu偶 obok nas Putin bombarduje Ukrain臋. Dzieci s膮 porywane, kobiety s膮 gwa艂cone, cywile s膮 mordowani.

Gwa艂ty towarzysz膮 wszystkim wojnom. W Rwandzie m贸wiono 偶o艂nierzom, 偶e kobiety Tutsi inaczej smakuj膮. W czasie wojny na Ba艂kanach m贸wiono 偶o艂nierzom gwa艂cicielom, 偶e gwa艂c膮c muzu艂manki z Bo艣ni, 艂amie si臋 ich warto艣ci. W Ukrainie gwa艂t stanowi cz臋艣膰 rosyjskiej strategii militarnej. I m贸wi臋 o tym dlatego i dzisiaj, poniewa偶 naszym podstawowym zadaniem teraz, kiedy trwaj膮 rozmowy pokojowe 鈥� oczywi艣cie musimy m贸wi膰 o zwi臋kszeniu pieni臋dzy na wsparcie militarne, musimy m贸wi膰 ca艂y czas o bezpiecze艅stwie 鈥� ale naszym zadaniem tutaj jest m贸wienie r贸wnie偶 o sprawiedliwo艣ci dla ofiar potwornych zbrodni, tej strasznej wojny, kt贸ra jest. I mam pro艣b臋 do Pani Komisarz, aby przy rozmowach pokojowych nie tylko by艂o wi臋cej kobiet, ale r贸wnie偶 kwestia sprawiedliwo艣ci, przemocy wobec kobiet by艂a ju偶 teraz poruszana.

听听Mathilde Androu毛t (PfE). 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, alors que nous c茅l茅brons les droits des femmes en Europe et partout dans le monde, ce chiffre est tomb茅 hier en France: le nombre de victimes de violences sexuelles dans les transports a augment茅 de 86听% en dix ans en 脦le-de-France. Pour ne parler que des populations qui int茅ressent la gauche, 90听% des femmes migrantes traversant la M茅diterran茅e sont victimes de viol, selon un rapport de l鈥橭NU de novembre dernier.

Dans un monde o霉 1听femme sur 8 dans le monde a d茅j脿 subi un viol ou une agression sexuelle enfant, le fait que les hommes ne suivent pas de stage en d茅construction, financ茅 par l鈥檃rgent public, ce m锚me argent qui manque pour installer des maternit茅s ou des services gyn茅cologiques sur tous nos territoires, rel猫ve plus de l鈥櫭﹍ucubration de gauche que du f茅minisme sens茅. D茅fendre les droits des femmes, ce n鈥檈st pas imposer des dogmes; c鈥檈st assurer leur s茅curit茅 et leur dignit茅 face aux vraies menaces, et avoir 茅galement la lucidit茅 de reconna卯tre que certaines cultures sont ouvertement misogynes. Quand je dis cela, je ne parle pas 茅videmment d鈥檜n patriarcat europ茅en fantasm茅.

Alors, ma question, largement partag茅e par des millions de femmes qui attendent qu鈥檕n change leur quotidien, est la suivante: qu鈥檈st-ce que nous en avons 脿 faire de vos propositions fumeuses sur la th茅orie du genre, l鈥檃ide 脿 la transition de genre ou l鈥櫭ヽriture inclusive, quand des millions de femmes craignent de sortir ne serait-ce que dans leur propre rue?

(L'oratrice accepte une question carton bleu)

听听Abir Al-Sahlani (Renew), blue-card question. 鈥� Dear colleague, you said that the patriarchy that we are talking about that has been oppressing women in Europe, and even in this House to some extent, at points when you see the number of chairs that are women or the positions that are, you know, given to women in politics, but also in finance and all of that and boards.

Is that a made up concept or is it a reality that we actually are living day to day?

And then you also say that there is an ideology that is called gender equality. So you do not adhere to the fact that women are also humans and they have also human rights?

听听Mathilde Androu毛t (PfE), r茅ponse carton bleu. 鈥� Votre question est tellement outranci猫re qu鈥檈lle pr锚te plus 脿 rire qu鈥櫭� autre chose. En l鈥檕ccurrence, je n鈥檃i pas de souci; je pense qu鈥檈n effet, nous sommes tr猫s privil茅gi茅es dans ce Parlement europ茅en.

Ce proc猫s est tr猫s malvenu, compte tenu du fait que cela fait des ann茅es que je suis une femme qui s鈥檃ppelle Marine听Le听Pen, qui va peut-锚tre devenir la premi猫re femme pr茅sidente de la R茅publique en France. C鈥檈st donc assez malvenu de votre part.

Je pense que nous sommes des femmes 脿 l鈥櫭ゞal des hommes, donc je suis contre l鈥檌d茅ologie du genre, qui consiste 脿 faire de nous des sortes de sous-hommes ou des hommes d茅riv茅s. Les femmes sont 脿 part et singuli猫res, et je milite pour leur singularit茅.

听听President. 鈥� We have another blue card, but we are going to accept only one blue card per intervention.

听听Chiara Gemma (ECR). 鈥� Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, questa tabella include davvero tutte le donne? O forse, troppo spesso, c'猫 una categoria che continua ad essere dimenticata? Credo di s矛.

Eppure, pi霉 di una donna su quattro nell'Unione europea vive con una disabilit脿. Queste donne devono affrontare doppie e triple discriminazioni: come donne, come persone con disabilit脿 e, in molti casi, anche in base alla loro et脿 o condizioni socio economiche. Diciamo basta a queste donne invisibili. Diamo loro voce.

Ci aspettiamo, allora, che questa tabella di marcia riconosca esplicitamente anche i diritti delle persone delle donne con disabilit脿, promuovendo misure concrete per garantire loro accesso al lavoro, all'indipendenza economica, protezione dalla violenza e dagli abusi, diritto alla salute e alla maternit脿, parit脿 nell'educazione, nella formazione, nella partecipazione politica.

La credibilit脿 di questa tabella si giocher脿 sull'inclusione di queste donne: diamo aiuto a queste donne, e ci aiuti, Commissaria.

听听Raquel Garc铆a Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew). 鈥� Voorzitter, condooms, de pil, spiraaltjes en de morning-afterpil: ik heb ze allemaal gebruikt. Ik ben altijd vrij geweest om te bepalen wanneer en met wie ik kinderen zou krijgen. In Europa zou dit de norm moeten zijn. Helaas staat deze vrijheid stevig onder druk. Ultraconservatieve bewegingen investeren honderden miljoenen euro's om deze rechten in heel Europa in te perken. Ze maken voorbehoedsmiddelen moeilijk verkrijgbaar en onbetaalbaar. Ze promoten kansloze, natuurlijke contraceptie en criminaliseren abortus. Vrouwen met een gewenste zwangerschap die een late miskraam krijgen, worden naar huis gestuurd om te wachten totdat hun foetus vanzelf sterft, omdat artsen anders een gevangenisstraf riskeren. De Europese Unie heeft de plicht om vrouwen te steunen wanneer hun overheden ze in de steek laten, zodat zij, net als ik en mijn drie dochters, baas in eigen buik kunnen blijven.

听听Alice Kuhnke (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Herr talman! Vi lever i en tid av maktfullkomliga m盲n. M盲n som er枚vrar, m盲n som anv盲nder v氓ld f枚r att f氓 sin vilja igenom, m盲n som vill kontrollera s氓v盲l landomr氓den som v氓ra livm枚drar. Jag t盲nker p氓 flickorna och kvinnorna i Demokratiska republiken Kongo, som betalar med sina kroppar och sina liv i skuggan av m盲nnens krig om naturresurser. Jag t盲nker p氓 kvinnorna i Iran som forts盲tter kampen mot ayatollornas f枚rtryck. Jag t盲nker p氓 kvinnorna i Ukraina som mitt under brinnande krig organiserar sig i kampen mot m盲ns v氓ld mot kvinnor. Jag t盲nker p氓 alla de miljontals kvinnor genom historien som g氓ng p氓 g氓ng rest sig, organiserat sig och k盲mpat och drivit igenom f枚r盲ndring. Kunde de s氓 kan vi.

听听Carolina Morace (The Left). 鈥� Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghe e colleghi, la road map per i diritti delle donne ignora i diritti sessuali e riproduttivi, incluso l'aborto, e questo 猫 inaccettabile. L'estrema destra sta imponendo la sua agenda nelle nostre istituzioni, mettendo a rischio conquiste fondamentali.

L'aborto 猫 una scelta difficile, e spesso dolorosa: ma negarlo significa condannare le donne a sofferenze e pericoli.

La road map affronta temi cruciali, come la violenza di genere, le disuguaglianze economiche. Ma senza impegni concreti resta solo carta e la carta da sola non protegge nessuna donna, non garantisce i diritti e non cambia la realt脿.

L'Europa non pu貌 permettersi passi indietro. Mentre negli Stati Uniti i diritti delle donne sono erosi, noi dobbiamo essere un baluardo. Servono azioni e non simboli, perch茅 la libert脿, la dignit脿 e i diritti non si negoziano mai.

听听Christine Anderson (ESN). 鈥� Herr Pr盲sident! Die linke Von der Leyen鈥慘ommission will uns die L眉ge auftischen, ein Gr眉ndungswert der EU sei es, die Gleichheit zwischen Frauen und M盲nnern herzustellen. Tats盲chlich steht in Artikel听119 des Vertrags nichts davon; dort ist nur der Grundsatz der Chancengleichheit und der Gleichberechtigung zwischen Mann und Frau genannt. Chancengleichheit und Gleichberechtigung sind aber etwas v枚llig anderes als Gleichheit.

Wenn die EU鈥慘ommissare von Gleichheit zwischen M盲nnern und Frauen sprechen, dann verdrehen sie die EU鈥慥ertr盲ge in ihr Gegenteil. Zu dieser Rechtsverdrehung gesellt sich dann auch noch eine Tatsachenverdrehung, denn M盲nner und Frauen sind nun mal nicht gleich. Frauen k枚nnen Kinder geb盲ren und M盲nner eben nicht. Jedes Kindergartenkind kann den Unterschied zwischen einem Mann und einer Frau mit blo脽em Auge erkennen. Das ist eine Anerkennung, die Sie hier aber beharrlich verweigern.

Wenn man von falschen Ideen und falschen Tatsachen ausgeht, dann kann nat眉rlich auch eine Roadmap f眉r Frauenrechte nur falsch sein. Diese geh枚rt als Desinformation in die Tonne gekloppt, samt der uns盲glichen Gender鈥慖deologie. Halten Sie sich doch einfach aus dem Leben von uns Frauen heraus! Damit w盲re uns am meisten geholfen.

听听Judita La拧拧谩kov谩 (NI). 鈥� V谩啪en媒 p谩n predsedaj煤ci, v谩啪en铆 kolegovia, v谩啪en谩 pani komis谩rka, bl铆啪i sa 75. v媒ro膷ie popravy doktorky Milady Hor谩kovej. Mo啪no m谩lokto z v谩s sa s jej menom stretol. Jej 啪ivot v拧ak charakterizuje odpor vo膷i vojne. Vo veku 17 rokov ju vyl煤膷ili zo strednej 拧koly kv么li 煤膷asti na protivojnovej demon拧tr谩cii. To bolo v roku 1918. Po膷as druhej svetovej vojny bola v盲znen谩 nemeck媒mi nacistami. Nemeck媒 nacistick媒 prokur谩tor v roku 1944 啪iadal pre 艌u trest smrti. Popraven谩 v拧ak bola a啪 v roku 1950 vo svojej vlastnej domovine. Napriek po啪iadavk谩m svetov媒ch osobnost铆 o jej omilostenie, medzi ktor媒mi bola aj Eleanor Roosevelt, bola doktorka Milada Hor谩kov谩 popraven谩 27. j煤na 1948 obesen铆m.

Vykon拧truovan茅 s煤dne procesy proti nieko木k媒m stovk谩m odporcov komunistick茅ho re啪imu naprie膷 Eur贸pou sprev谩dzala mas铆vna medi谩lna kampa艌. Pou膷en谩 z na拧ej vlastnej hist贸rie mi dovo木te by钮 tro拧i膷ku kritickej拧ou k tomu, 膷o novin谩ri dok谩啪u vyprodukova钮. Vykon拧truovan茅 s煤dne procesy komunistickej strany v 膶eskoslovensku zapo膷ali aj pri膷inen铆m doktora Rudolfa Sl谩nsk茅ho. Pr铆kladom n谩m v拧ak nech je 啪ivot Milady Hor谩kovej a jej podobn媒m vz谩cnym du拧iam.

听听螘位喂蟽蟽维尾蔚蟿 螔蠈味蔚渭蟺蔚蟻纬魏-螔蟻蠀蠅谓委未畏 (PPE). 鈥� 螝蠉蟻喂蔚 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 魏蠉蟻喂蔚 螘蟺委蟿蟻慰蟺蔚. 伪纬伪蟺畏蟿慰委 蟽蠀谓维未蔚位蠁慰喂, 蠁苇蟿慰蟼 畏 螤伪纬魏蠈蟽渭喂伪 螚渭苇蟻伪 蟿畏蟼 螕蠀谓伪委魏伪蟼 蟺蟻慰尾维位位蔚喂 蟿慰 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻蠈 渭萎谓蠀渭伪 纬喂伪 蠈位蔚蟼 蟿喂蟼 纬蠀谓伪委魏蔚蟼 魏伪喂 蟿伪 魏慰蟻委蟿蟽喂伪: "未喂魏伪喂蠋渭伪蟿伪, 喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿伪, 蔚谓未蠀谓维渭蠅蟽畏", 蟿慰 慰蟺慰委慰 渭维蟼 蠁苇蟻蔚喂 蟺蟻慰 蟿蠅谓 蔚蠀胃蠀谓蠋谓 渭伪蟼. 螒谓 魏伪喂 慰 未蔚委魏蟿畏蟼 喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼 蟿蠅谓 蠁蠉位蠅谓 纬喂伪 蟿慰 2024 魏伪蟿伪纬蟻维蠁蔚喂 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏萎 蟺蟻蠈慰未慰 蟽蟿畏谓 螆谓蠅蟽畏, 慰喂 纬蠀谓伪委魏蔚蟼 蟽蠀谓蔚蠂委味慰蠀谓 谓伪 伪谓蟿喂渭蔚蟿蠅蟺委味慰蠀谓 蟽慰尾伪蟻苇蟼 伪谓喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿蔚蟼, 魏蠀蟻委蠅蟼 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蠂蠋蟻慰蠀蟼 蔚蟻纬伪蟽委伪蟼. 韦伪 苇渭蠁蠀位伪 蟽蟿蔚蟻蔚蠈蟿蠀蟺伪 蟿蠅谓 蟽蠉纬蠂蟻慰谓蠅谓 魏慰喂谓蠅谓喂蠋谓 蔚尉伪魏慰位慰蠀胃慰蠉谓 谓伪 蔚蟺畏蟻蔚维味慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 魏伪胃畏渭蔚蟻喂谓蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟿蠅谓 纬蠀谓伪喂魏蠋谓 蟽蔚 蠈位慰蠀蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟿慰渭蔚委蟼. 危蠉渭蠁蠅谓伪 渭蔚 蟿慰谓 慰未喂魏蠈 蠂维蟻蟿畏 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 喂蟽蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟿蠅谓 蠁蠉位蠅谓, 畏 蟺位蔚喂慰谓蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟿蠅谓 纬蠀谓伪喂魏蠋谓 蔚尉伪魏慰位慰蠀胃蔚委 谓伪 魏伪位蠉蟺蟿蔚喂 魏伪魏慰蟺位畏蟻蠅渭苇谓蔚蟼 魏伪喂 蠀蟺慰尾伪胃渭喂蟽渭苇谓蔚蟼 伪位位维 慰蠀蟽喂伪蟽蟿喂魏苇蟼 胃苇蟽蔚喂蟼 蔚蟻纬伪蟽委伪蟼. 螒魏蠈渭畏 魏伪喂 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪, 蟽蟿慰谓 21慰 伪喂蠋谓伪, 慰喂 纬蠀谓伪委魏蔚蟼 伪魏蠈渭畏 伪纬蠅谓委味慰谓蟿伪喂 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 伪谓伪纬谓蠋蟻喂蟽畏 蟿蠅谓 未喂魏伪喂蠅渭维蟿蠅谓 蟿慰蠀蟼.

危蠀谓维未蔚位蠁慰喂,听伪蟺苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪委慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 渭伪蟼 蔚渭蟺喂蟽蟿蔚蠉蟿畏魏伪谓 蟿畏 未喂伪蠂蔚委蟻喂蟽畏 魏蟻委蟽蔚蠅谓, 慰蠁蔚委位慰蠀渭蔚 纬蔚谓谓伪委伪 伪蠀蟿慰魏蟻喂蟿喂魏萎. 螆蠂慰蠀渭蔚 魏维谓蔚喂 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏维 尾萎渭伪蟿伪, 伪位位维 畏 渭维蠂畏 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚尉维位蔚喂蠄畏 蟿蠅谓 未喂伪魏蟻委蟽蔚蠅谓 未蔚谓 苇蠂蔚喂 伪魏蠈渭畏 魏蔚蟻未畏胃蔚委. 螆蠂慰蠀渭蔚 蠀蟺慰蠂蟻苇蠅蟽畏 谓伪 蔚蠀伪喂蟽胃畏蟿慰蟺慰喂萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 蟿畏谓 魏慰喂谓蠅谓委伪 蟿蠅谓 蟺慰位喂蟿蠋谓 渭蔚 蔚魏蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蔚谓畏渭苇蟻蠅蟽畏蟼 纬喂伪 蟿喂蟼 蟻委味蔚蟼 蟿蠅谓 蟺蟻慰魏伪蟿伪位萎蠄蔚蠅谓 魏伪喂 渭蔚 蟺蟻慰尾慰位萎 蠀纬喂蠋谓 蟺蟻慰蟿蠉蟺蠅谓 纬喂伪 蟺伪蟻伪未蔚喂纬渭伪蟿喂蟽渭蠈. 螡伪 蟺伪蟻苇蠂慰蠀渭蔚 胃蔚蟽渭喂魏维 魏委谓畏蟿蟻伪 蟽蔚 纬蠀谓伪委魏蔚蟼 魏伪蟻喂苇蟻伪蟼 魏伪喂 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭喂魏维 蔚蟻纬伪位蔚委伪 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蠀位慰蟺慰委畏蟽畏 魏伪喂谓慰蟿蠈渭蠅谓 蟺蟻蠅蟿慰尾慰蠀位喂蠋谓, 魏伪喂 谓伪 蟺蟻慰蠅胃萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 魏慰喂谓苇蟼 蟺蟻伪魏蟿喂魏苇蟼 渭蔚 伪谓蟿伪位位伪纬萎 蟺蟻慰纬蟻伪渭渭维蟿蠅谓 渭蔚蟿伪尉蠉 蟿蠅谓 魏蟻伪蟿蠋谓 渭蔚位蠋谓 蟺蟻慰蟼 蔚尉喂蟽慰蟻蟻蠈蟺畏蟽畏 蔚蟺伪纬纬蔚位渭伪蟿喂魏萎蟼 魏伪喂 蟺蟻慰蟽蠅蟺喂魏萎蟼 味蠅萎蟼. 螠蔚 蟿慰 尾位苇渭渭伪 蟽蟿喂蟼 蔚蟺蠈渭蔚谓蔚蟼 纬蔚谓喂苇蟼, 渭蔚 伪委蟽胃畏蟽畏 魏伪胃萎魏慰谓蟿慰蟼 魏伪喂 蟺慰喂慰蟿喂魏萎 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎 尾慰蠉位畏蟽畏, 慰 蟽蟿蠈蠂慰蟼 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 渭伪魏蟻喂维.

听听Katarina Barley (S&D). 鈥� Herr Pr盲sident! Schauen wir uns um in der Welt: Wer steht in der ersten Reihe, wenn es darum geht, die demokratischen Werte zu verteidigen? Sehr oft sind es die Frauen. Ob in Polen, in der Ukraine, in Belarus, im Iran, in Afghanistan, auch in den USA: Es sind oft Frauen mit ihrem Mut und ihrer Zivilcourage, die den Autokraten und Despoten dieser Welt furchtlos die Stirn bieten.

Sind Frauen die besseren Menschen? Nein, nicht unbedingt听鈥� das sehen und h枚ren wir ja auch manchmal hier in diesem Plenum 鈥�, aber die Chance, dass sie sich nicht nur um ihre eigenen Interessen k眉mmern, sondern um die der Gesellschaft, ist etwas h枚her, und vor allen Dingen, sie wissen auch, wenn es der Demokratie an den Kragen geht, dann sind davon vor allen Dingen auch ihre eigenen Rechte immer betroffen.

Frauen haben so viel erreicht f眉r die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter, und darauf sind wir alle stolz. Gleichzeitig sind wir noch lange nicht am Ziel, und schlimmer noch, wir wissen, dass auch das Erreichte nicht sicher ist. Hier in Europa und weltweit听鈥� Frauenrechte sind in Gefahr: gleicher Lohn, gleiche Chancen, Schutz vor Gewalt und vor allem auch das Recht, 眉ber ihren eigenen K枚rper zu bestimmen.

Doch wir sind stark, und wir k盲mpfen weiter; das ist auch unsere Aufgabe in der EU. Die Roadmap ist ein guter Beginn, aber am Ende brauchen wir gute Resultate.

听听Sebastian Kruis (PfE). 鈥� Voorzitter, we hebben het vandaag over de "Roadmap for Women's Rights", maar als ik de linkse vrouwen in deze zaal beluister, voelt het meer als een "highway to hell": genderwaanzin, abortus, klimaatverandering en subsidies is wat de klok slaat. Dit zijn allemaal "first world problems", terwijl de grootste bedreiging voor vrouwen in Europa de import van een derdewereldwoestijnideologie is. Vrouwenbesnijdenis, geweld, sluiers, eerwraak en gedwongen huwelijken zijn inmiddels een bittere realiteit geworden voor veel vrouwen in Europese steden.

Met de komst van de islam hebben we massaal vrouwenhaat ge茂mporteerd. Onze vrouwen worden bespuugd, uitgescholden en verkracht. Ze zijn soms bang om 眉berhaupt nog over straat te gaan. E茅n op de drie vrouwen in Europa heeft inmiddels te maken gehad met seksueel of fysiek geweld. Waar minaretten rijzen, verdwijnen vrouwenrechten.

Deze roadmap zou moeten gaan over het verzet daartegen, omdat dit de enige manier is om recht te doen aan tientallen jaren vrouwenemancipatie in Europa. Wie voor vrouwen is, is tegen de islam.

(De spreker stemt ermee in om te antwoorden op een 鈥渂lauwe kaart鈥�-vraag)

听听Abir Al-Sahlani (Renew), blue-card question. 鈥� A lot of what you said was utter nonsense, among others, about being a Muslim, that if you are against Islam, then you are for women's rights. Of course, that is just utter nonsense, because in the Islamic world there are women that are so much stronger than you are.

Nevertheless, to my question: you don't see yourself as a threat to women's rights? Because I am so much more afraid of you and what you can do with your power here 鈥� to my rights, to my girls' rights 鈥� with your anti-gender approach and with your racist approach. Don't you consider yourself as a threat to us?

听听Sebastian Kruis (PfE), 鈥渂lauwe kaart鈥�-antwoord. 鈥� Voorzitter, deze vraag toont aan dat vrouwen en meisjes overal in Europa "vol in de wind staan" en zich niet meer beschermd voelen door politici die massaal wegkijken voor de import van vrouwenhaat. Als deze mevrouw mij onderbreekt en zegt dat de islam een soort baken van vrouwelijke emancipatie is, dan antwoord ik natuurlijk dat dit absoluut niet waar is. Noem mij 茅茅n land in de islamitische wereld waar vrouwen dezelfde rechten hebben als mannen. Die zijn er simpelweg niet. Kijk hoe vrouwen door het leven moeten gaan in de straten van Kabul, om maar een voorbeeld te noemen.

Als ik een dochter zou hebben, dan zou ik alvast een helmpje gaan kopen om haar te beschermen, want op deze manier worden vrouwen volledig in de steek gelaten door politici zoals u. Helaas.

听听Beatrice Timgren (ECR). 鈥� Herr talman! Islamisering, hedersf枚rtryck, g盲ngens terror och den destruktiva kvinnokultur som f枚ljer i massinvandringens sp氓r. Det 盲r det verkliga hotet mot kvinnors r盲ttigheter. V盲nstern vill inte prata om det h盲r, utan de diskuterar hellre genusperspektiv och pronomen. Dagens s氓 kallade feminister lever i en l氓tsasv盲rld d盲r man p氓st氓r att m盲n kan bli gravida. Kvinnokampen i听dag; det handlar om trygghet, lag och ordning. Om att stoppa den migrationspolitik som f枚rst枚rt v氓rt land. Min mamma v盲xte upp i ett s盲krare land 盲n vad jag gjorde. Men jag v盲xte upp i ett s盲krare land 盲n vad min ton氓rsdotter v盲xer upp i i听dag. F枚r att bryta trenden m氓ste vi fatta de beslut som etablissemanget inte v氓gat. Sverige ska vara ett land d盲r kvinnor kan k盲nna sig s盲kra 鈥� inte ett land som b枚jer sig f枚r hederskultur, islamism och g盲ngv氓ld. D盲rf枚r ska vi skicka hem kriminella illegala migranter.

听听Dainius 沤alimas (Renew). 鈥� Mr President, dear colleagues, the fight for women's rights is not just a political choice. It is also a choice between civilisations or between inclusive, participatory democracy and authoritarianism, usually accompanied with violence and sexism.

However, progress on gender equality in the EU still seems to be uneven and fragile. A new EU-wide gender-based violence survey exposes that violence against women remains a daily reality. The EU directive on violence against women fails to include a consent-based definition of rape. Five EU Member States: Bulgaria, Czechia, Lithuania, Hungary and Slovakia, refused to ratify the Istanbul Convention, sounds like a betrayal of our core values.

The Women's Rights Roadmap is a step forward to the single European human rights space, however not sufficiently concrete. It should be implemented by ambitious legislative proposals, appropriate education and conditionality instruments for those who do not adhere to European standards of gender equality.

If we need a reminder of what is at stake, look at Ukraine. Even at war, Ukraine has launched its first gender equality index because of understanding that there is no civilised world without women's rights and gender equality.

听听Petras Gra啪ulis (ESN). 鈥� Gerbiamas pirmininke, pirmiausiai tai nor臈膷iau pasakyti replik膮 pirmininkaujantiems. Vienai moteriai 膷ia buvo leista u啪duoti [klausim膮] ta pa膷ia diskusija du kartus. O kada a拧 nor臈jau paklausti ir 寞 klausim膮 mano buvo neatsakyta, kod臈l Europos S膮junga po 拧iai dienai Ukrainos nepri臈m臈 寞 Europos S膮jung膮, man 寞 klausim膮 neatsak臈 ir j奴s neleidote pakartoti klausimo.

Gal j奴s, pirmininkaujantis, pasakysite, gal 膷ia Trumpas kaltas, kad Ukraina 拧iandien n臈ra Europos S膮jungos nar臈?

O dabar a拧 i拧 esm臈s. Gerbiamieji, 艩ventas Ra拧tas kalba, kad yra dvi lytys. T膮 pasak臈 ir Trumpas. J奴s gi pabr臈啪臈t moters lyt寞, o sakot, kad yra septyniasde拧imt dvi ar jau 拧imtas keturios lytys. Tai j奴s diskriminuojat savo pat寞 absurd膮, pabr臈啪dami moter寞 diskriminuojat kitas lytis. Ar j奴s 啪inote patys, 膷ia susirink臋 europie膷iai, kokios j奴s esat lyties? Kas 啪inot? Pakelkit rankas. Pasirodo, 膷ia s臈dintys sal臈je net ne啪inote, kokios lyties esate. A拧 nor臈jau pirmininkaujan膷io paklausti, jeigu nedraud啪iama skaityti 艩vento Ra拧to, nes mane net teis臈 Lietuvoje, kad skaitau 艩vent膮 Ra拧t膮, tai a拧 jums noriu paskaityti, k膮 Dievas kalba ir k膮 艩ventas Ra拧tas kalba apie santykius 拧eimos. Pirmas, j奴s, vyrai, myl臈kite savo 啪monas, kaip Kristus pamilo Ba啪ny膷i膮 ir atidav臈 u啪 j膮 savo gyvyb臋. J奴s, moterys, b奴kite klusnios savo vyrams lyg Vie拧pa膷iui, ir jeigu bus, vyraus meil臈, tada bus santaika ir pagarba vienas kitam.

(Kalb臈tojas sutiko atsakyti 寞 m臈lynosios kortel臈s klausim膮)

听听Raquel Garc铆a Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew), blue-card question. 鈥� Thank you again for the Bible study lesson. It's always very interesting and I was wondering if you go around this House asking your colleagues if they have their period, because the Bible also says that you should not sit in a chair which has been occupied by a woman who has her period. Do you also abide to the Bible lesson in that sense?

听听Petras Gra啪ulis (ESN), atsakymas 寞 pak臈lus m臈lyn膮j膮 kortel臋 pateikt膮 klausim膮. 鈥� A拧 noriu pasakyti, kad j奴s sakote, kad n臈ra nei vyro, nei moters 鈥� ly膷i懦 n臈ra. J奴s patys sau prie拧taraujate. Mieli europarlamentarai, kur j奴s nu臈jote? J奴s 艩vent膮 Ra拧t膮 i拧met臈te 寞 拧iuk拧lyn膮, Diev膮 nukry啪iavote ir pasistat臈te genderistin臋 ideologij膮 vietoj Dievo. J奴s 鈥� kelias 寞 niekur, 寞 pra啪奴t寞!

听听President. 鈥� Well, I only want to remind you that I accepted the blue cards during this debate. First of all, one per intervention. It was the same, because of two elements: first of all, because this debate deserves it; and secondly, because we have enough time to do it properly. It was not the same during the morning 鈥� just to be clear on that.

We are now continuing with our debate.

听听Sun膷ana Glavak (PPE). 鈥� Po拧tovani predsjedavaju膰i, povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, 啪ene i dalje 膷ine manjinu u vrhu politi膷kih, ekonomskih i dru拧tvenih struktura. To smo danas zaklju膷ili. Mislim da nismo otkrili ni拧ta novo.

Me膽utim, 啪elim vas podsjetiti da za svaki euro koji zaradi mu拧karac, 啪ena zaradi 0,87 eura. Trenutno stanje u Europskom parlamentu, 啪ena ima oko 40 posto, ali me膽u liderima politi膷kih grupacija i pojedinaca, predsjednicima vlada ta brojka puno je manja.

Naravno da prepreke poput rodnog jaza u pla膰ama, staklenog stropa i napla膰enog ku膰anskog rada i dalje ograni膷avaju 啪ene. Klju膷ne su nam politike koje podr啪avaju pristup kvalitetnom obrazovanju, poduzetni拧tvu i financijskim resursima i naravno bolja ravnote啪a izme膽u privatnog i poslovnog 啪ivota, pa i u ruralnim podru膷jima, nemojmo na to zaboraviti.

Me膽utim, vi拧e od polovice svjetske populacije 膷inimo mi, 啪ene. U Europskoj uniji ima nas 52 posto. Imamo potencijala preoblikovati sustave mo膰i, ekonomiju i dru拧tvene vrijednosti. Ali ne kao ra拧timani orkestar, ne kao ideologija, ve膰 kao one koje doista 啪ele politiku iskoristiti u svrhu pobolj拧anja uvjeta 啪ena i da svim 啪enama u Europskoj uniji bude bolje.

Ne膰emo to posti膰i ako 膰emo se samo nadmetati u tome tko je u pravu, a tko nije.

Zaklju膷it 膰u, ekonomska neovisnost omogu膰uje jedino slobodu izbora i na tome trebamo raditi.

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY
痴颈锄别辫谤盲蝉颈诲别苍迟颈苍

听听Hel茅ne Fritzon (S&D). 鈥� Fru talman! Flickors och kvinnors r盲ttigheter 盲r under attack. I ett av fyra l盲nder har framsteg f枚rvandlats till bakslag. En f盲rdplan f枚r kvinnors r盲ttigheter 盲r ett v盲lkommet steg fram氓t med flera viktiga 氓tg盲rder, med r盲ttigheter som vi k盲mpat f枚r. Men den 盲r ocks氓 en p氓minnelse om att kvinnors frihet st盲ndigt ifr氓gas盲tts. R盲tten till en trygg och laglig abort 盲r fortfarande kontroversiell i vissa delar av Europa. Det visar att v氓ra r盲ttigheter inte kan tas f枚r givna. Vi st氓r utan en samtyckeslag i EU. Vi beh枚ver ocks氓 en europeisk sexk枚pslag. Just nu l盲mnas tusentals flickor och kvinnor helt oskyddade. H氓ller vi denna takt kommer det att ta minst 60 氓r innan vi uppn氓r j盲mst盲lldhet i Europa. Mitt budskap 盲r kristallklart: Vi m氓ste g枚ra mer, h盲r och nu!

(Talaren godtog en fr氓ga ("bl氓tt kort").)

听听Dick Erixon (ECR), fr氓ga ("bl氓tt kort"). 鈥� Kvinnors r盲ttigheter 盲r naturligtvis n氓gonting som 盲r v盲ldigt viktigt att ta upp h盲r. Men jag undrar varf枚r du inte n盲mner det som finns och sprider sig v盲ldigt mycket i Europa nu, med den destruktiva kvinnokultur som islamistiska fundamentalister f枚rs枚ker genomf枚ra med hedersf枚rtryck och annat. 脛r inte det en v盲ldigt stor och v盲sentlig del att ta itu med n盲r det g盲ller kvinnors r盲ttigheter i Europa?

听听Hel茅ne Fritzon (S&D), svar ("bl氓tt kort"). 鈥� Tack f枚r fr氓gan. Din kollega som sitter bredvid dig, Timgren, stod precis i talarstolen och talade om att det i Sverige bara 盲r utl盲ndskt f枚dda m盲n som v氓ldtar kvinnor. Och d氓 盲r min fr氓ga tillbaka: 脛r ni s氓 naiva att ni inte ser att det 盲r ett st盲ndigt f枚rtryck mot flickor och kvinnors r盲ttigheter, oberoende av vilka m盲n och pojkar vi pratar om? Vi m氓ste g枚ra upp med detta. Vi m氓ste st氓 upp f枚r flickors och kvinnors r盲ttigheter. Tyv盲rr kan vi inte r盲kna med er i den kampen. Men vi t盲nker ta den.

听听Catherine Griset (PfE). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, chers coll猫gues, dans cet h茅micycle, l鈥檃utosatisfaction r猫gne en ma卯tresse. Au sein de la commission听FEMM, elle s鈥檃ccompagne d鈥檜n f茅minisme misandre et d鈥檜ne haine des hommes. Ces institutions, sous couvert d鈥櫭ゞalit茅, sombrent dans l鈥檋ypocrisie. Elles attaquent les hommes tout en soutenant un islam radical qui inf茅riorise les femmes. N鈥檕nt-elles pas financ茅 une campagne promouvant le voile, symbole d鈥檃sservissement pour des millions de femmes 脿 travers le monde? L鈥橭rganisation fr茅riste Femyso n鈥檈st-elle pas re莽ue ici et attendue 脿 la prochaine Rencontre des jeunes Europ茅ens au mois de juin? Ce f茅minisme 脿 g茅om茅trie variable fait des technocrates europ茅ens les complices de l鈥檌slamo-gauchisme, qui d鈥檜ne main soumet les femmes et de l鈥檃utre d茅truit les relations hommes-femmes, sous pr茅texte de lutte contre un pr茅tendu patriarcat.

Alors, oui 脿 un f茅minisme qui d茅fend vraiment les femmes, comme le collectif N茅m茅sis, qui d茅nonce ces hypocrisies. Oui 脿 un soutien r茅el 脿 leur carri猫re et 脿 leur vie familiale, sans id茅ologie ni culpabilisation. L鈥櫭ゞalit茅 ne se construira pas dans la compromission avec ceux qui pr么nent la soumission des femmes.

(L'oratrice accepte une question carton bleu)

听听Maria Guzenina (S&D), sinisen kortin kysymys. 鈥� Arvoisa puhemies, mielt盲ni h盲kellytt盲盲 kovasti, kun t盲盲ll盲 v盲itet盲盲n, ett盲 naisten oikeudet ja niiden puolesta taisteleminen olisi pois miehilt盲. En ymm盲rr盲 lainkaan t盲llaista retoriikkaa. Yhteiskunnat, joissa naiset ovat tasa-arvoisia, ne yhteiskunnat kukoistavat. Niiss盲 naisilla, miehill盲 ja lapsilla on parempi olla.

Te v盲ititte juuri 盲sken, ett盲 t盲盲ll盲 puhutaan puppua ja alistetaan miehi盲. Mill盲 tavalla naisten oikeuksien esiin tuominen alistaa miehi盲? Ei mill盲盲n tavalla. Vastatkaa, mihin perustatte v盲itteenne?

听听Catherine Griset (PfE), r茅ponse carton bleu. 鈥� Je ne vois pas en quoi vous avez compris que je disais que les femmes et les hommes n鈥櫭﹖aient pas 茅gaux. D鈥檃illeurs, je suis contente de voir que le cordon sanitaire est rompu, puisque vous nous adressez la parole. Bravo! C鈥檈st bien. Je dis simplement que vous m茅langez tout. Oui, l鈥檌slam radical est un danger pour pour les femmes. J鈥檃i deux filles; je ne veux pas qu鈥檈lles soient voil茅es dans dix ans. En fait, vous m茅langez tout. Nous sommes les seuls 脿 d茅fendre les femmes, ici, avec le Rassemblement national, et je profite de ce micro pour dire que la condescendance que vous avez vis-脿-vis de nous vous fait oublier que nous avons gagn茅 les 茅lections europ茅ennes. Le RN est la plus grande d茅l茅gation de tout ce Parlement, tous pays confondus. Donc un peu de respect, s鈥檌l vous pla卯t.

听听Lara Magoni (ECR). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi discutiamo i diritti delle donne e vorrei soffermarmi sugli episodi di gravit脿 inaudita accaduti lo scorso weekend in Italia, dove, compresa nella mia Bergamo, sono stati dati alle fiamme manichini del presidente del Consiglio, Giorgia Meloni, prima donna premier nella storia della Repubblica italiana.

Questo atto non pu貌 essere giustificato: 猫 un episodio di violenza gravissimo, che trascende la satira e diventa un pericolosissimo strumento di incitamento all'odio verso le donne.

Si cerca di attaccare una donna che, invece di essere un bersaglio di violenza, dovrebbe essere vista come un esempio di come la forza, il merito e l'ambizione possano permettere a chiunque di raggiungere i propri sogni.

Giorgia Meloni rappresenta milioni di donne italiane che credono nel proprio potenziale, nella propria indipendenza, nel diritto di aspirare a grandi traguardi senza essere fermate dalla discriminazione e dai pregiudizi.

E tutto questo avviene nel silenzio pi霉 assordante della sinistra e delle istituzioni. Sarebbe con questa violenza e intolleranza verso Giorgia Meloni che la sinistra intende difendere i diritti delle donne?

听听Lucia Yar (Renew). 鈥� Madam听President, dear colleagues, during this discussion, we need to acknowledge that gender equality is not just a matter of justice, but also of security. I think we hear it over here. Women need to be secure from physical and sexual violence, and they also need to be present when looking for safe solutions.

Thanks to this roadmap, we now have a path forward, and I am honoured to shadow its implementing strategy, but what should we do? First, we need to combat violence, including integrating consent-based rape laws. Second, we must ensure equality in all areas of life and work, and this means gender mainstreaming and gender budgeting. It is not an ideology.

Commissioner Lahbib is not here with us, but I want Commissioner M卯nzatu to tell her that we really rely on her, because promoting equality is the key to a future where women 鈥� but eventually all of us 鈥� can live free from fear and discrimination. And the EU needs to lead this gender equality fight that we have worldwide, especially in those insecure times when geo-policy is changing.

听听Rosa Estar脿s Ferragut (PPE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidente, la hoja de ruta por los derechos de las mujeres marca nuestro firme compromiso de construir una Uni贸n Europea igualitaria, donde los derechos de las mujeres est茅n en el centro de la pol铆tica y las acciones de la Uni贸n. Tenemos derecho a no ser v铆ctimas de violencia por el hecho de ser mujeres. Romper el silencio es fundamental para erradicar esta violencia.

En mi pa铆s, Espa帽a, se han tapado episodios de acoso sexual por parte de dirigentes de la izquierda al mismo tiempo que se ped铆a a la poblaci贸n que no guardara silencio. 驴C贸mo se puede guardar silencio ante los m煤ltiples esc谩ndalos relacionados con prostituci贸n por parte de dirigentes socialistas del Gobierno de Espa帽a 鈥攁l parecer, pagados con dinero p煤blico鈥� y seguir defendiendo, al mismo tiempo, que su objetivo es acabar con la prostituci贸n? Flaco servicio a la igualdad y los derechos de las mujeres. No deber铆amos proclamar en p煤blico lo que luego no hacemos en privado.

Tenemos derecho a una educaci贸n de calidad y romper con los estereotipos: contar con las mujeres con discapacidad en todos los sectores de nuestras vidas; derecho a la igualdad salarial y a tener oportunidades en el mercado de trabajo con condiciones dignas, derecho a una salud de calidad y derecho tambi茅n a la conciliaci贸n. Sin conciliaci贸n ni corresponsabilidad las mujeres siempre hacen las renuncias.

Hago un llamamiento desde aqu铆 al Gobierno de Espa帽a para que traspase ya el permiso parental remunerado; si no, hay muchas mujeres que en estos momentos no se lo cogen por esa falta de transposici贸n que ha llevado a la Comisi贸n a abrir un proceso de infracci贸n. Est谩 el tema en el Tribunal de Justicia de la Uni贸n Europea con una sanci贸n que puede llegar a los siete millones.

Nos desmarcamos del negacionismo de unos y de la hipocres铆a demag贸gica de otros.

听听Marko Ve拧ligaj (S&D). 鈥� Po拧tovana predsjedavaju膰a, evo, na po膷etku hvala povjerenici Lahbib koja je bila zadu啪ena za procese oko teksta ovoga putokaza za 啪enska prava, ali posebno hvala na拧oj kolegici, povjerenici Roxani M卯nzatu, koja je danas ovdje s nama i koja se 啪ustro borila da svi prioriteti va啪ni za djevoj膷ice i 啪ene diljem Europe budu dio ove vizije.

Tekst koji je zapravo predstavljen je dobar i pokazuje da unato膷 otporima koje imamo na najvi拧im razinama u Komisiji postoji dovoljno snage da se 啪enska prava i za拧tite, ali i unaprijede. No, moramo biti svjesni da je ovaj tekst samo iscrtavanje svojevrsne vizije i da nam tek pravi posao predstoji u novoj strategiji rodne ravnopravnosti.

Ta strategija mora uklju膷ivati konkretne obaveze i prijedloge te opipljive zakonodavne i nezakonodavne mjere. Osim toga, ono 拧to je va啪no za re膰i da strategiju trebaju pratiti vrlo konkretna financijska sredstva i tra啪it 膰emo zasebnu i jasnu prora膷unsku liniju za ostvarivanje svih prioriteta u podru膷ju rodne ravnopravnosti jer u vremenima kakva su danas, prepuna nestabilnosti i usmjeravanja sredstava prema obrani i sigurnosti, va啪no je naglasiti da je rodna ravnopravnost jedan od temeljnih uvjeta za dru拧tvenu sigurnosti i napredak.

Ne膰emo dozvoliti da se ova tema marginalizira i da se napori u ovom dijelu umanje ili zanemare. U to budite sigurni.

听听Maria Noichl (S&D). 鈥� Sehr geehrte Frau Pr盲sidentin, liebe Kommissarin! Als allererstes m枚chte ich mich bei den Zuschauerinnen und Zuschauern, die vielleicht am Fernsehger盲t sitzen, am PC sitzen, entschuldigen听鈥� entschuldigen f眉r manche Reden, die hier im Haus gehalten wurden. Dieser Teil des Parlaments ist konstruktiv. Dieser Teil des Parlaments arbeitet freundschaftlich miteinander, auch wenn wir nicht immer einer Meinung sind. Aber es gibt auch einen Teil hier im Haus听鈥� dieser Teil ist destruktiv von Anfang an. Dieser Teil ist r眉ckw盲rtsgewandt und teilweise einfach nur dumm听鈥� ich m枚chte mich daf眉r entschuldigen.

Aber jetzt zum Thema: Wir haben einen Fahrplan bekommen. Einen Fahrplan: Schon allein das Wort bedeutet, wir sind immer noch nicht am Ziel听鈥� ein Fahrplan. Und ich muss ganz klar sagen: Ja, er ist nicht schlecht, der Fahrplan. Wir haben keine Erkenntnisdefizite, 眉berhaupt keine Erkenntnisdefizite听鈥� wir haben Umsetzungsdefizite, Handlungsdefizite. Deswegen w眉nsche ich mir so sehr, dass dieser Fahrplan jetzt wirklich in diesem Jahr noch ganz konkrete Initiativen, ganz konkrete legislative Papiere, ganz konkrete Papiere, die uns voranbringen, bekommt. Denn Fahrpl盲ne haben wir schon so lange听鈥� Umsetzung brauchen wir in den verschiedenen Bereichen.

听听Emma Rafowicz (S&D). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, partout l鈥檕mbre r茅actionnaire s鈥櫭﹖end, et avec elle le recul de nombreux droits pour les femmes. L鈥橢urope doit se r茅veiller et notre r茅veil doit 锚tre f茅ministe. La Commission avait une occasion majeure de tenir t锚te aux r茅actionnaires et de r茅affirmer son engagement pour l鈥櫭ゞalit茅. Cette feuille de route comporte des avanc茅es importantes que les socialistes, avec Mme听M卯nzatu, ont arrach茅es 脿 la Commission: lutte contre les violences sexistes et sexuelles, 茅galit茅 salariale, participation politique, combat contre le sexisme dans les m茅dias鈥�

Pourtant, une fois de plus, la Commission europ茅enne d茅莽oit. Ursula听von听der听Leyen c猫de face aux conservateurs. Elle nous livre une op茅ration de communication digne de la politique听RSE d鈥檜n grand groupe priv茅, o霉 l鈥櫭ゞalit茅 femmes-hommes est d茅fendue uniquement sous le prisme de b茅n茅fices 茅conomiques. J鈥檃ccueille donc ce texte avec lucidit茅. C鈥檈st un premier pas, mais il est insuffisant.

Nous ne pourrons pas nous contenter de d茅clarations d鈥檌ntention. Il nous faut des engagements clairs, 脿 la hauteur des enjeux. 脌 l鈥檋eure o霉 Poutine, mais aussi tous les imp茅rialistes et les int茅gristes religieux que nous combattons, n鈥檃ttaquent pas seulement nos fronti猫res europ茅ennes, mais m猫nent une guerre contre les femmes, il nous faut assumer une diplomatie f茅ministe europ茅enne et leur opposer notre mod猫le f茅ministe europ茅en ambitieux, universaliste et combatif.

听听Vilija Blinkevi膷i奴t臈 (S&D). 鈥� Pirmininke, komisare, kolegos, i拧 tikr懦j懦 per pastar膮j寞 de拧imtmet寞 buvo padaryta pa啪anga ly膷i懦 lygyb臈s srityje, ta膷iau tas kelias ir tas darbas dar tikrai nepadarytas iki galo. Ir m奴s懦 pilie膷iai labai ai拧kiai pasak臈, jog pagrindin臈mis problemomis i拧lieka smurtas prie拧 moteris, niekam ne寞veikiamas, moter懦 ir vyr懦 darbo u啪mokes膷io skirtumai u啪 t膮 pat寞 darb膮, profesinio ir asmeninio gyvenimo suderinimas ir u啪tikrinimas. Pagaliau, moter懦 reprodukcin臈s teis臈s. Komisijos pateiktose veiksm懦 gair臈se dar kart膮 pakartojama Europos S膮jungos, m奴s懦 bendrijos, 寞sipareigojimas gerinti moter懦 teises. Ta膷iau pirmiausia, komisare, kreipiuosi, b奴tina i拧samiai 寞vertinti, ar jau priimti teis臈s aktai i拧 tikr懦j懦 veikia ir 寞gyvendinami valstyb臈se nar臈se. Ko gero, toli gra啪u ne, tod臈l mums b奴tina tur臈ti veiksming膮 ir 寞pareigojan膷i膮 strategij膮 po 2025 m.

听听Gabriela Firea (S&D). 鈥� Madam President, thank you for the opportunity to talk about such an important topic.

Doamn膬 pre葯edint膬, dragi colegi, 卯mi aduc aminte, doamn膬 comisar膬, 卯n momentul 卯n care eram ministra familiei 卯n Rom芒nia 葯i dumneavoastr膬 ministra fondurilor europene, c芒te lucruri frumoase am realizat 卯mpreun膬 pentru femeile din Rom芒nia 葯i sunt absolut convins膬 c膬 ve葲i pune aceast膬 experien葲膬 pe care o ave葲i 卯n slujba tuturor femeilor din Europa. Noi, femeile, suntem obi葯nuite ca 卯n jurul datei de 8 martie s膬 primim foarte multe flori 葯i promisiuni, inclusiv sub forma unor proiecte frumoase care, din p膬cate, pot s膬 spun, r膬m芒n pr膬fuite 卯n anumite sertare p芒n膬 anul viitor.

Totu葯i, vreau s膬 v膬 asigur c膬 nu suntem blazate 葯i nici nu renun葲膬m, ci vom lupta 卯mpreun膬 pentru dezideratele noastre 葯i 卯n special pentru femeile care au mai pu葲ine oportunit膬葲i. Pare ireal, dar 卯n 2025 trebuie 卯nc膬 s膬 vorbim despre protec葲ia drepturilor femeilor. Avem 卯n continuare probleme de reprezentare: prea pu葲ine femei iau parte la decizii care le privesc direct. Avem nevoie s膬 impunem cote de gen pentru accesul femeilor 卯n pozi葲ii de conducere politic膬 葯i administrativ膬. 脦mpreun膬 cu doamna comisar膬 european膬, ca ministr膬 a familiei, am propus 卯n Rom芒nia o lege prin care 卯n toate consiliile de administra葲ie s膬 fie incluse 葯i femei, 30听% femei. R膬spunsul a fost unul dezarmant. R膬spund sub form膬 de 卯ntrebare, dar vom avea at芒t de multe femei (...)

听听Giuseppe Lupo (S&D). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, accolgo con molto favore la presentazione della tabella di marcia per i diritti delle donne e ringrazio la vicepresidente esecutiva, Roxana M卯nzatu, per l'ottimo lavoro svolto.

Nonostante gli importanti passi avanti, permangono forti divari di genere, soprattutto nelle aree pi霉 svantaggiate, come la Sicilia, la Sardegna, il Sud Italia, dove purtroppo l'occupazione femminile 猫 ancora troppo bassa anche a causa dell'insufficienza di servizi alla famiglia.

脠 necessario investire, investire in asili nido, in scuole per l'infanzia, in particolare dove la carenza di servizi 猫 tuttora causa di forti diseguaglianze.

Dobbiamo sostenere le politiche di conciliazione tra vita privata e lavoro, incentivando i congedi parentali, le politiche di flessibilit脿 oraria, favorendo il lavoro delle donne, elemento essenziale per la crescita dell'intero sistema economico per una societ脿 pi霉 giusta.

听听Elisabeth Grossmann (S&D). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin, werte Vertretungen von Kommission und Rat! Gut, dass es diese Roadmap gibt. Im Sinne des Gender-Mainstreamings ist sie Handlungsauftrag f眉r die gesamte Kommission, damit es eben nicht bei 脺berschriften bleibt. Was ist also zu tun?

Zum Prinzip听1: Freiheit von genderbasierter Gewalt. Das Verbrechen der Vergewaltigung ist als EU-weiter Straftatbestand zu definieren; das muss sofort geschehen. Online鈥慓ewalt ist aktiv zu bek盲mpfen. Der DSA muss konsequent umgesetzt werden, und die Plattformen m眉ssen in die Pflicht genommen werden, menschenverachtende Inhalte sofort zu l枚schen. Und die laufenden Verfahren m眉ssen auch z眉gig abgeschlossen werden, auch wenn es sich um Riesenkonzerne handelt.

Zum Prinzip听2: Zugang zu sexueller und reproduktiver Gesundheit. Das bedeutet auch das Recht auf sichere Abtreibung, auch das muss klar zum Ausdruck kommen.

Die Prinzipien听3 bis 5: Gleichstellung am Arbeitsmarkt und Familienleben. Die Lohntransparenz鈥慠ichtlinie muss in allen Mitgliedstaaten rasch umgesetzt werden, und Berufe, wo viele Frauen t盲tig sind, wo haupts盲chlich Arbeit am Menschen geleistet wird, geh枚ren dringend aufgewertet. Wenn mehr Mittel f眉r die Verteidigung umgeschichtet werden, dann darf das nicht auf Kosten der Frauen gehen.

听听Marc Angel (S&D). 鈥� Madam听President, Commissioner, Vice-President, Minister, dear colleagues, when talking about women's rights, the European Union has to be clear and precise, otherwise it creates potential for regress. The Commission must unquestionably support the right of women to have authority over their own body. If not, the far right, sponsored by the anti-gender movement, will do its absolute worse to backtrack on sexual and reproductive health and rights. The European Union either truly defends a union of equality or open its gates to the far-right extremists within and outside of Europe to dilute women's rights in all walks of life. Make no mistake: promising in the roadmap quality and inclusive education to all girls and women and then tiptoeing around the essence of it, such as the promotion of comprehensive sexual education, is playing in the hands of the far right and patriarchy.

There is a desperate need for progress and real equality, as the people marching on the streets all over Europe on 8听March showed it very clearly, so we have to listen to those voices. As our feminist and democratic values are under attack, there is no middle ground or room for hesitation. It's either mainstreaming gender equality or mainstreaming misogyny and sexism. You have our fullest support, Commissioner, on this roadmap, and the S&D Group is with you.

Spontane Wortmeldungen

听听Nikolina Brnjac (PPE). 鈥� Po拧tovana predsjedavaju膰a, povjerenice, dragi kolegice i kolege, plan za prava 啪ena ukazuje na tragi膷nu 膷injenicu kako se u Europskoj uniji, koja je primjer po拧tivanja 啪enskih prava, jo拧 uvijek u prevelikoj mjeri suo膷avamo s nasiljem nad 啪enama.

Istra啪ivanje objavljeno u studenom pro拧le godine pokazuje kako je nasilje nad 啪enama i dalje gotovo obi膷ajno, 膷ak i u Europi. Svaka tre膰a 啪ena do啪ivjela je fizi膷ko ili seksualno nasilje u odrasloj dobi, a svaka peta se suo膷ila s obiteljskim nasiljem.

I dok stariji oblici nasilja nad 啪enama nisu iskorijenjeni, na啪alost svjedo膷imo novima. Posljednje godi拧nje izvje拧膰e o ravnopravnosti spolova ukazuje kako je nasilje nad 啪enama na internetu postalo sveprisutno. Od 2023. godine 97 posto online prijava seksualnog zlostavljanja djece na internetu odnosilo se na seksualno zlostavljanje djevojaka i djevoj膷ica.

Europska unija ima najnaprednije zakonodavstvo koje obuhva膰a za拧titu od nasilja na internetu, uklju膷uju膰i nasilje koje se temelji na neeti膷kom kori拧tenju umjetne inteligencije, ali samo zakonodavstvo nije dovoljno. Moramo educirati 啪ene, a osobito djevoj膷ice kako bismo se osna啪ili u pogledu nasilja svih vrsta, uklju膷uju膰i nasilje na internetu i nasilje putem dru拧tvenih mre啪a.

Kao zastupnici u parlamentu moramo u膷initi sve 拧to je u na拧oj mo膰i kako bi se 啪ene osje膰ale sigurno i slobodno.