19. Lepingul põhinevate investori ja riigi vaheliste vahekohtumenetluste läbipaistvust käsitleva ÜRO konventsiooni Euroopa Liidu nimel sõlmimine (lühiettekanne)
Le Président. – L’ordre du jour appelle à présent la brève présentation du rapport d’AnnaCavazzini sur la conclusion, au nom de l’Union européenne, de la convention des Nations unies sur la transparence dans l’arbitrage entre investisseurs et États fondé sur des traités (A10-0021/2024).
Anna Cavazzini, rapporteur. – MrPresident, dear colleagues, 2022 was an exceptionally profitable year for energy companies. The Russian invasion of Ukraine had sent oil and gas prices skyrocketing. Both businesses and consumers were hit hard by the inflation. Meanwhile, the six largest American and European oil firms doubled their profits, to an incredible USD219billion. Rightfully, the EU instated a windfall profit tax targeting energy companies benefiting from the crisis.
Unfortunately, the crisis profiteers had a little known tool at hand: investment arbitration. Despite its record profiteers, the Klesch Group sued the EU for its windfall profit tax. In this case, is not running in front of EU courts; it takes place in front of a panel of private arbitrators, which can order the EU to pay hundreds of millions of taxpayers' money, without any judicial review. And the worst thing is that this case is completely running behind closed doors. There is no transparency at all.
Dear colleagues, this is one of the many examples of the dangers of investment protection clauses and of investment arbitration. In the past 10 years, the number of treaty-based investor state dispute settlement cases has more than doubled. EU Member States are under attack, but the majority of cases remain against developing countries. The amounts claims are awarded are still eye-watering. Environmental regulations are under attack. National security decisions, like the exclusion of Huawei from key telecom infrastructure, are under attack. Sanctions are under attack. The phasing-out of coal is under attack.
Dear colleagues, no matter from which Member State you are, your country is most likely facing one or several ISDS cases. Awards have been paid by your constituents' taxes, and the fact that this could happen in total secrecy is simply a scandal. The Mauritius Convention will increase transparency in those cases. At least we will know what is going on. Therefore, I strongly call for its ratification as soon as possible by the EU and its Member States.
The Mauritius Convention is an important step in the right direction, but we need more, and this Ϸվ called for it already. States need to revise their investment treaties and terminate outdated ones; they need to do away with private arbitration panels; they need to immediately end the protection of fossil fuel investments and shield climate measures against investor lawsuits; they need to protect their own policy space. I think the EU is a driving force in the reform process of investment protection worldwide. We need more speed and more commitment to tackle all the other outstanding problems of ISDS.
Interventions à la demande
Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisară, ce ne-a prezentat raportoarea noastră este un subiect extrem de grav și de sensibil pentru că da, așa cum s-a spus aici, în concluzii, se pot pierde bani foarte mulți.
Ori Europa are nevoie de bani, Europa are nevoie de bani în investiții, și nu numai în investiții economice, are nevoie de bani în politici sociale. Nu putem să lăsăm în urmă. Avem sloganul nostru „Nimeni să nu rămână în urmă”. Avem zone mai puțin dezvoltate și atunci trebuie să evităm pierderea unor bani prin procese la anumite arbitraje total netransparente și cred că aici trebuie să facem un efort comun ‑ Parlamentul European, Consiliul și Comisia ‑ în discuția cu statele membre, tocmai pentru a evita pierderi în viitor pe aceste procese netransparente. Noi vorbim aici de transparență, noi vorbim aici de faptul că trebuie să cunoaștem tot ce se întâmplă într-un proces juridic, vorbim de drepturile omului, vorbim de drepturile companiilor, vorbim de drepturile instituțiilor europene și ale statelor membre.
De aceea cred și fac apel la dumneavoastră, trebuie să facem un efort comun ‑ Comisia, Consiliul și Parlamentul ‑ pentru a evita pierderi economice.
João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, estas alterações relativas às regras de transparência da arbitragem internacional, naturalmente, não prejudicam ter mais acesso à documentação, ter mais acesso à informação, em particular por parte do público e é, naturalmente, um elemento positivo.
Agora, estas alterações não resolvem o problema de fundo. E o problema de fundo é que, quando está em causa o interesse público, têm de ser os tribunais do Estado, tem de ser o direito internacional e, em particular, o direito internacional privado a servir de base para a resolução dos litígios internacionais.
Porque, quando está em causa o interesse público, nós não podemos remeter para a arbitragem a resolução dos litígios, sob pena de eles ficarem capturados por quem, do ponto de vista económico, tem capacidade para influenciar a ação desses tribunais arbitrais.
Não podemos estar à espera que um pequeno Estado contra uma grande corporação transnacional vá garantir a preservação, a defesa do seu interesse público num tribunal arbitral que não está obrigado a aplicar as regras materiais de direito que preservam e defendem o interesse público. E é esse o sentido em que devíamos caminhar e não o do incentivo à arbitragem.
Lukas Sieper (NI). – Mr President, dear people of Europe, as a shadow rapporteur on this file, I would like to thank Anna Cavazzini and to state my support, as well as to describe to you the importance of this file. The EU has always been committed to transparency and facilitating public engagement with our institution and its procedures. It is important to hold all our Treaties to this standard, even those from a decade ago. It is even more important that we consider how investor-state dispute settlements play out in Brexit.
I give you the statistical most frequent example. Globally, states pay billions of euros to fossil fuel investors after climate policies negatively impact their businesses. These settlements need to always be made public. Why? Because the European Union is, at its core, a project about the rule of law, and therefore this kind of transparency is paramount to us.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă (NI). – Domnule președinte, în calitate de avocat, sunt uimită să văd cum Uniunea Europeană vrea să intervină într-un contract între două părți. Mi se pare inacceptabil, având în vedere că vă implicați și în toate litigiile din alte țări, mai ales în țările mici și subdezvoltate ca România, de unde luați toate resursele, iar statul român nu mai are absolut nimic și ne-ați lua toate resursele fără să ne dați nimic.
Mai avem și partenerul strategic care a înșelat statul român. Nici nu mă întreb de ce vreți să interveniți. Este legea părților, contractul, fiecare își alege unde se judecă în arbitraj.
Problema este alta: de ce dumneavoastră nu mai respectați drepturile omului? De ce încercați să distrugeți tot ceea ce înseamnă economia bazată pe combustibili fosili, inventând probleme climatice? Pentru că nu există, acestea sunt numai discuții care vă fac să câștigați bani, voi, marile puteri, care, bineînțeles, după aceea vă repeziți asupra micilor țări care nu mai au nici resurse, nici resursă umană și de care efectiv vă bateți joc...
(Președintele a retras cuvântul vorbitoarei)
Lynn Boylan (The Left). – Mr President, as a shadow rapporteur, I would like to thank MsCavazzini for her work on this file. For far too long, ISDS have been shrouded in secrecy and back-room dealings, seeking to undermine the work of governments across the world. And while this is a welcome first step, we must go much further.
Corporate courts serve only the interests of profit and seek to undermine the public good at every turn. We must also recognise that corporate courts represent a new and insidious form of colonialism. UN Trade and Development has highlighted that developing countries are faced with a majority of claims most often brought by companies from wealthy countries, so corporate courts also serve the interests of climate criminals, with fossil fuel companies having historically secured at least USD82.8billion in damages.
The EU withdrawal from the Energy Charter Treaty is welcome, but what we need to do is end corporate courts completely to stop corporate joints running roughshod over our policy-making process. Our public court systems are more than fit for purpose.
(Fin des interventions à la demande)
Ekaterina Zaharieva, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Ϸվ, let me start by thanking the European Ϸվ for putting on the agenda today the conclusion by the European Union of the United Nations Convention on Transparency in Treaty-based, Investor-State Arbitration, which I will refer to as the Mauritius Convention. I would also like to thank the rapporteur and the shadow rapporteurs for the adoption of the report at committee level.
The Mauritius Convention aims to increase the transparency of dispute settlement proceedings between investors and states by applying transparency rules to investment treaties concluded before 1 April 2014. These rules provide for all documents to be made public, for hearings to be open to the public, and for interested parties to make submissions to the tribunal.
It is the first – but delayed – step of an ambitious reform of investment dispute settlement, which has been championed by this House. It is also an important step as part of the reframing of EU policy on investment protection.
Investment protection is important for EU economic interests as its shields our investors against egregious practices and political volatility abroad, offering them a level playing field against their foreign competitors in markets abroad.
Transparency in investment dispute settlement is a shared objective at international level and within the EU. Treaties concluded prior to 2014 constitute the bulk of treaties leading to disputes brought by investors against states, including increasingly against EU Member States in the EU itself. These treaties do not include any transparency rules, whose application is therefore left to the goodwill of the disputing parties. Most investors oppose transparency.
Later and more modern agreements usually incorporate transparency rules, which is the case for the EU investment protection agreements with Canada, Singapore, Vietnam and Chile, which have already been approved by the Ϸվ.
For the EU, the main benefit from accessing to the Mauritius Convention is to apply transparency to the Energy Charter Treaty. The EU is currently responding to two arbitration proceedings brought by investors under the Energy Charter Treaty, and only one of the claimants have accepted to apply the transparency rules.
This House's consent will also unlock the ratification by the Member States. There are around 1200 bilateral investment agreements in the EU Member States with third countries, so having more Member States joining the convention will allow us to cover a large number of treaties and disputes.
The accession of the EU to the Mauritius Convention is, however, not the end of the road, since to be fully effective, it requires as many third states as possible to also be part of the convention. We count on the European Ϸվ's support for this important step towards greater transparency in investor-state dispute settlement to increase the legitimacy of the investment protection systems available to EU investors. This would also support further reform efforts conducted at the United Nations, where the EU and the Member States are steadily progressing on the establishment of a multilateral multilateral investment Court, as has been requested by this Ϸվ.
Le Président. – Le débat est clos et le vote aura lieu mercredi.