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PRESIDENZA: ANTONELLA SBERNA
Vicepresidente

(La seduta 猫 aperta alle 9:01)

听听President. 鈥� I would like to announce that, pursuant to Rule 47(2), the President has declared admissible a proposal for a Union act on the need to amend the Council Regulation on fixing the fishing opportunities for certain fish stocks and groups of fish stocks applicable in the Mediterranean and Black Seas for 2025, and to protect the trawling sector.

The proposal is referred to the Committee on Fisheries (PECH) as the committee responsible, and to the Committee on Budgets, the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs and the Committee on the Environment, Climate and Food Safety for opinion.

听听Presidente. 鈥� L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione della Commissione sull'accordo commerciale UE-Mercosur ().

听听Maro拧 艩ef膷ovi膷, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Madam President, good morning to all honourable Members in this House. It is a pleasure to be here this morning to discuss the EU-Mercosur partnership agreement with you. As you know, this has been a busy plenary week and it has been my honour to address the House from this podium several times.

On each occasion, it has been necessary to frame our dialogue in terms of the world that Europe finds itself in today: a world of increased global competition, a rise in unfair economic practices, and a more complex and uncertain geopolitical reality.

In the face of this, the European Union's network of free trade agreements 鈥� the world's largest 鈥� is a vital asset in ensuring we can maintain our economic edge. I've heard the same messages from many of you, honourable Members, in a plenary debate on Tuesday, when a new trade era was discussed, as well as yesterday when we discussed the Commission work programme for this year.

Free trade agreements open up markets around the world to our companies. They provide drivers for growth and innovation, and they are helping our industry retain and regain its competitiveness. And these agreements are mutually beneficial, with the EU being a trusted trading partner in a rules-based system. We only need to look to the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between the EU and Canada to see the real-world benefit.

At a time when the old-world order in global trade is being shaken up, it is more important than ever to grow this free trade agreement network. This growth can contribute to our overarching efforts to de-risk via trade diversification and ensure our long-term industrial competitiveness. The EU-Mercosur partnership agreement is a vital element of this effort and a sign of our commitment to the Latin American region.

The conclusion of negotiations strengthens our political and economic ties, giving EU companies a first-mover advantage in a region where trade with China is dominant. For instance, China is the main exporter to and importer from Brazil. The agreement will provide additional continuity, stability and predictability in our trade relations, and it highlights that regional blocs can commit to shared values and deliver concrete results for the mutual benefits of our citizens.

Above all, the agreement is an economic win-win for the European Union. It offers export opportunities to the fifth biggest global economic bloc outside the European Union, with 273听million potential consumers. Our exports to Mercosur already amount to EUR听84 billion, with EU investment in the region of some EUR听340 billion.

But with this agreement, we can now strengthen this trade and investment relationship even further. For example, this agreement would help us to save, and especially for EU exporters, over EUR听4听billion in customs duties every year 鈥� EUR听4听billion a year. It would eliminate tariffs on key commodities, like, if we take as an example cars, which are currently at the level of 35听%. If I'm talking about machinery, I'm talking about 20听%. If you look at chemicals, it's 18听%. And if you look at pharmaceuticals, it's 14听%. So, you see that these duties are very, very high and we are going to completely eliminate them.

Mercosur countries can become one of our best sources of critical raw materials, thereby increasing our resilience by diversifying our supply chains. And I can assure you that the deal reached in Montevideo in December is not only a good deal, but it's also a new deal 鈥� different and better than the one agreed in 2019.

We have secured several negotiated outcomes that respond to our sustainability concerns while preserving the EU's sensitivities. By including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change as an essential element of the EU Mercosur Partnership agreement, this sends a strong message in support of multilateral cooperation on climate change and this allows for partial or total suspension if a party leaves the Paris Agreement or if it undermines it from within.

The agreement also contains legally binding commitments to take measures to halt deforestation as of 2030. Importantly, the agreement provides a critical platform of cooperation with Mercosur countries on our common sustainability ambitions, with strong commitments on labour and the environment.

In addition, we have reached a balanced outcome on agrifood trade, considerably improving market access for many EU agrifood products, while striking a cautious balance in sectors where our interests are more sensitive and negotiated clear and well-calibrated tariff quotas amounting to a very small percentage of EU consumption, for example, not more than 1.5听% of beef, as well as a gradual implementation to market opening over several years.

The Commission will monitor market developments closely after the agreement is implemented, particularly with regard to the agricultural sector, to ensure that the partnership with Mercosur does not negatively affect the competitiveness of the European farmers. In case of an imbalance, we will impose safeguards to protect our sensitive sectors and to ensure that agricultural producers are fully protected. President von听der听Leyen has announced that at least EUR听1听billion will be available to address any unforeseen circumstances.

As a last point on Mercosur, we know that EU consumers care about the quality and safety of their food and health and consumer protection was never and will never be up for negotiations. Already today, agricultural products imported from Mercosur countries and from any other third country, with or without trade agreements, must comply with the EU's strict sanitary and phytosanitary standards.

Honourable Members, I know how important openness and cooperation on trade issues is to this House. Indeed, it came up in our debate on trade and preparedness on Tuesday to which I was referring earlier on. So, I want to underline that I have already engaged on Mercosur with the INTA Committee and with the AGRI Committee, together with Commissioner听Hansen, responsible for agriculture, as well as with different working groups. And I see this as an ongoing dialogue, and I want to assure you that we will continue to listen to your concerns and provide you with factual answers and ensure your views are taken into account moving forward.

So, I will stop here, Madam President, and I look forward to our exchanges and the debate.

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY
痴颈锄别辫谤盲蝉颈诲别苍迟颈苍

听听J枚rgen Warborn, on behalf of the PPE Group. 鈥� Madam President, Commissioner, I would like to use the beginning of my speech to paint a picture of the EU reality on the global stage. Because five years ago, the UK left the European Union. A month later 鈥� COVID鈥�19 鈥� the pandemic broke out in Europe. And three years ago, Russia launched a full鈥憇cale illegal invasion of Ukraine. And at the same time, European energy prices reached record levels, and this also, of course, created inflation for European citizens. A month ago, Trump was inaugurated in the US administration. All this at the same time when China is systematically disregarding the multilateral trade order, and the BRICs is growing.

Never before has the EU and its citizens and businesses been faced with so much uncertainty and unpredictability as now, most evidently seen last Monday, when Trump increased the tariffs on steel and aluminium to 25听%. I have stood at this podium more times than I can remember to talk about the importance of the Mercosur deal. If there would ever be a moment to conclude the deal that would create the biggest free trade zone in the world, it would be now.

We need it now because it will provide opportunities for businesses and citizens. It will enhance our energy security. It will create a channel of diplomatic and economic relationships with one of the biggest players in the world, and it will demonstrate that the EU is a global, relevant player that stands for an open, rules鈥慴ased geopolitical order. Let's do it. Let's conclude. Let's finalise the negotiation. It is beneficial for all.

听听Kathleen Van Brempt, on behalf of the S&D Group. 鈥� Madam听President,听colleagues, let me thank M听Warborn听for his short history lesson. Of course, we agree very much with the fact that geopolitics has changed dramatically in the last five-to-ten years and the EU-Mercosur agreement is, in that light, important.

For the S&D, it is important also that, in the next coming months, we will fully scrutinise this deal up to the very detail. We need to make sure that this deal works not just for our economy, but for the environment and for the workers on both sides of the world. We hear the sincere concerns, Commissioner, from the unions, from the environmental NGOs and from the farmers.

It is important, as you mentioned, that the Paris Agreement is now an essential element. But many questions, Commissioner, on deforestation, remain. And we need answers on these. Let it be clear: this Mercosur agreement cannot water down the EU Deforestation Regulation. So we need answers.

The S&D will be a fair partner in this process, but we need answers to make sure that the impact of the agreement on climate, workers' rights and European farmers is clear.

听听Jean-Paul Garraud, au nom du groupe PfE. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, il est encore temps de d茅samorcer la bombe agricole. Il est encore temps pour la Commission de renoncer 脿 l'accord de libre-茅change entre les pays du Mercosur et l'Union europ茅enne, contre lequel nos agriculteurs protestent depuis des mois. Mais vous ne voulez pas renoncer, Monsieur le Commissaire, je viens de vous entendre.

Cet accord est pourtant un contresens, un archa茂sme et une faute. Un contresens, puisqu'il remet en cause notre autonomie alimentaire au moment o霉 toutes les autres puissances cherchent 脿 la garantir face aux d茅sordres du monde. Un archa茂sme, car il contrevient 脿 la raison 茅cologique et multiplie les 茅changes avec des produits du bout du monde, produits qui, par ailleurs, ne respectent m锚me pas les normes environnementales qui sont les n么tres. Enfin, cet accord est une faute: 脿 travers un obscur m茅canisme de r猫glement des diff茅rends, vous offrez 脿 des pays tiers, 脿 des concurrents, la possibilit茅 de remettre en cause les d茅cisions des 脡tats membres, donc leur souverainet茅 et les libres choix des peuples.

En promettant aux agriculteurs un fonds de compensation, vous reconnaissez d'ailleurs implicitement que cet accord va provoquer des ravages au sein de nos fili猫res agricoles. Or, nos agriculteurs ne veulent pas qu'on subventionne leur d茅clin ou, pire, leur disparition. Ils veulent 锚tre prot茅g茅s et promus. Ils veulent vivre dignement et librement de leur travail, de cette noble mission: nourrir l'Europe.

听听Carlo Fidanza, a nome del gruppo ECR. 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, l'Unione europea ha colpevolmente lasciato il Sud America in balia della penetrazione cinese e di regimi, governi o movimenti che lo hanno spesso allontanato dall'Europa e dall'Occidente. L'accordo con il Mercosur ha quindi evidenti motivazioni geopolitiche e presenta anche altrettanto evidenti opportunit脿 di crescita per alcuni comparti.

Eppure, questo accordo ha generato una immediata reazione da parte degli agricoltori europei. E sapete perch茅? Perch茅 nel recente passato 猫 stata proprio l'agricoltura a pagare il prezzo pi霉 alto in molti accordi di libero scambio. Ma anche perch茅 in questi anni le scelte ideologiche dell'Unione europea hanno colpito duramente la competitivit脿 degli agricoltori europei, con le follie听green, con una burocrazia asfissiante, con una ripartizione non equilibrata della redditivit脿 lungo le filiere.

脠 certamente vero che alcuni settori agroalimentari 鈥� penso a quello del vino o dei formaggi 鈥� potrebbero avere dei benefici dall'accordo. Ed 猫 vero che il numero di denominazioni di origine formalmente protette 猫 il pi霉 alto mai inserito in un accordo di libero scambio, sia pure con qualche evidente falla.

Ma 猫 altrettanto vero che la mancanza di reciprocit脿, la possibilit脿 garantita ai produttori sudamericani di continuare ad utilizzare agrofarmaci da noi vietati da tempo, la mancanza di controlli affidabili in loco sugli standard sanitari e contro la contraffazione, cos矛 come nelle procedure doganali europee, in molti nostri porti europei, sulle importazioni, fanno pendere la bilancia verso una legittima e fondata preoccupazione da parte del mondo agricolo. E non basteranno a tranquillizzare i nostri produttori una clausola di salvaguardia di difficile attivazione o quel solo miliardo di euro previsto per le compensazioni, una goccia nel mare e addirittura meno di quel miliardo e ottocento milioni previsti dall'Unione europea per gli agricoltori del Mercosur.

Oggi questo accordo si presenta ancora troppo sbilanciato e troppo penalizzante per la nostra agricoltura e noi, a queste condizioni, non possiamo sostenerlo.

听听Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Liebe Kollegen! Ich finde es ehrlich gesagt unverantwortlich, wie faktenbefreit und populistisch einige in diesem Parlament 脛ngste sch眉ren, 脛ngste vor Freihandel.

Nat眉rlich m眉ssen wir Sorgen wie die von unseren Landwirten ernst nehmen. Deshalb gibt es auch in sensiblen Bereichen sehr niedrige Einfuhrquoten, wie zum Beispiel bei Rindfleisch, wo es anderthalb Prozent des gesamten EU-Konsums sind. Das ist ungef盲hr ein 200-Gramm-Steak pro Person. Das ist keine Marktverzerrung, und sollte es doch welche geben, plant die Kommission sogar Hilfszahlungen.

Das eigentliche Problem ist doch die EU-gemachte B眉rokratie听鈥� nicht der Handel听鈥�, die die Wettbewerbsf盲higkeit unserer Landwirte behindert. Protektionismus wird dieses Problem nicht l枚sen. Auch der Klimaschutz wird nicht geschw盲cht; er wird sogar gest盲rkt. Denn die Einhaltung des Pariser Klimaschutzabkommens ist eine essentielle Grundlage dieses Abkommens.

Deshalb: Gucken wir doch mal auf die Zahlen! Dann sehen wir, dass alleine in der EU 800听000 Jobs am Handel mit den Mercosur-L盲ndern h盲ngen. Allein aus meinem Heimatland Deutschland exportieren 眉ber 12听000 Unternehmen in den Mercosur, und 70听% davon sind kleine und mittelst盲ndische Unternehmen. Wir haben gerade geh枚rt von Kommissar 艩ef膷ovi膷: Alleine die reduzierten Z枚lle bedeuten Einsparungen von 4听Mrd.听EUR bei unseren Unternehmen. Die echten Chancen erwachsen doch erst durch diese Markt枚ffnung, wie zum Beispiel der Zugang zu kritischen Rohstoffen. Das hilft unserer Wirtschaft, unseren Klimazielen und vor allen Dingen reduziert es unsere Abh盲ngigkeit von Autokratien wie China.

Ich sage Ihnen ganz ehrlich: Ich bin nicht bereit, zuzusehen, wie die Autokraten dieser Welt Schulter an Schulter stehen听鈥� und wir in der Europ盲ischen Union sollen nicht mal Handel mit anderen Demokratien hinbekommen? Ich bin nicht bereit, das zu akzeptieren, denn in Zeiten von drohenden Zollspiralen und Handelskriegen brauchen wir mehr Handel mit mehr Partnern, allen voran den Handel mit Mercosur. Wir brauchen keine Deglobalisierungs- und Degrowth-Fantasien. Wir brauchen das Mercosur-Abkommen f眉r unsere Arbeitspl盲tze in der Europ盲ischen Union, f眉r Wirtschaftswachstum und vor allen Dingen auch f眉r internationale Zusammenarbeit.

听听Saskia Bricmont, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, quand, en Europe comme dans les pays du Mercosur, les agriculteurs, le monde associatif, les associations de protection des consommateurs, les syndicats, les acad茅miques, les citoyens s'opposent au trait茅 commercial entre l'Union europ茅enne et le Mercosur, ce sont des millions de personnes qui d茅noncent ces impacts 茅conomiques, sociaux, environnementaux, climatiques, humains.

C'est un accord qui date du si猫cle dernier, Monsieur le Commissaire, ce n'est pas un new deal. Ces millions de personnes p猫sent peu face aux int茅r锚ts 茅conomiques de quelques industriels et des plus grosses exploitations agricoles pour听鈥� attention!听鈥� un b茅n茅fice attendu de +听0,1听% du PIB. Peu glorieux, n'est-ce pas? Ah oui, il faut quand m锚me aussi en d茅duire les millions du fonds de compensation agricole promis pour pallier les effets n茅gatifs de cet accord sur le monde agricole, sans en r茅gler les probl猫mes pour autant.

Il faut aussi tenir compte des effets du m茅canisme de r茅茅quilibrage: r茅茅quilibrage pour les 脡tats des pays du Mercosur qui va permettre au gouvernement, ou plut么t 脿 l'agrobusiness, br茅silien de contester nos lois si elles affectent leurs int茅r锚ts 茅conomiques et commerciaux. Exemples: m茅canisme d'ajustement carbone aux fronti猫res, lois anti-d茅forestation, contre le travail forc茅, le devoir de vigilance de nos entreprises.

Alors l脿, c'est la sid茅ration totale, une atteinte insupportable 脿 notre souverainet茅 strat茅gique et m锚me 脿 notre s茅curit茅 茅conomique. Nous refusons de brader notre agriculture en la soumettant 脿 une concurrence totalement d茅loyale. Nous refusons d'exporter nos produits chimiques et pesticides interdits en Europe, de brader davantage nos normes et de consommer des citrons verts au glyphosate, du b艙uf aux hormones ou de la volaille 脿 la grippe aviaire. D'encourager aussi la d茅forestation.

Il est impossible de faire l'inventaire de tous les probl猫mes. Mais une chose est certaine, vous nous pr茅sentez un texte qui est pire qu'en 2019, quand le Parlement a dit qu'il lui 茅tait impossible de ratifier l'accord du Mercosur en l'茅tat. C'est en d茅fendant la d茅mocratie, les valeurs, les normes sociales et environnementales qui prot猫gent nos citoyens et assurent la prosp茅rit茅 de nos 茅conomies que l'Union europ茅enne fera la diff茅rence.

Chers amis du Mercosur, nous voulons des partenariats avec vous, mais des partenariats r茅ellement 茅quitables.

听听Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe The Left. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, comment osez-vous venir d茅fendre ici l'accord avec le Mercosur, le plus grand et le pire accord de libre-茅change jamais sign茅 par l'Union europ茅enne? Comment osez-vous dire aux agriculteurs, qui peinent d茅j脿 脿 joindre les deux bouts, qu'importer des centaines de milliers de tonnes suppl茅mentaires de b艙uf, de poulet ou de fromage n'aura aucun impact sur eux? Comment osez-vous exposer d茅lib茅r茅ment la population 脿 des OGM et des pesticides interdits en Europe? Car non, il n'y aura aucune r茅ciprocit茅 des normes. Comment est-il possible, 脿 l'heure de l'urgence 茅cologique, de soutenir un accord qui va contribuer 脿 acc茅l茅rer le r茅chauffement climatique et la d茅forestation?

Oui, Monsieur le Commissaire, vous devriez avoir honte. Honte, parce que la r茅alit茅, c'est que personne ne veut de cet accord. Et vous vous retrouvez ici 脿 devoir passer en force, en pi茅tinant les r猫gles de consultation du Parlement europ茅en. Hier, le vote d'un de mes amendements l'a montr茅 tr猫s clairement: les inqui茅tudes sur cet accord sont extr锚mement vives et il n'y a pas de r茅elle majorit茅 en sa faveur.

Le dogme du libre-茅change 茅touffe les peuples et d茅vaste la plan猫te. Il est d茅j脿 en train de vaciller. La bataille n'est pas termin茅e. Comptez sur nous pour le faire tomber.

听听小褌邪薪懈褋谢邪胁 小褌芯褟薪芯胁, 芯褌 懈屑械褌芯 薪邪 谐褉褍锌邪褌邪 ESN. 鈥� 袚-卸芯 袩褉械写褋械写邪褌械谢, 谐-薪 袣芯屑懈褋邪褉, 褌褗褉谐芯胁褋泻芯褌芯 褋锌芯褉邪蟹褍屑械薪懈械 屑械卸写褍 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟 褋褗褞蟹 懈 袦械褉泻芯褋褍褉 锌褉械写芯褋褌邪胁褟 胁褗蟹屑芯卸薪芯褋褌懈 蟹邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 懈薪写褍褋褌褉懈褟, 泻邪泻褌芯 褔褍褏屑械 懈 芯褌 袙邪褋, 薪芯 屑芯卸械 写邪 懈屑邪 泻邪褌邪褋褌褉芯褎邪谢薪懈 锌芯褋谢械写懈褑懈 蟹邪 褋械谢褋泻芯褋褌芯锌邪薪褋泻懈褟 褋械泻褌芯褉 懈 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褌械 褎械褉屑械褉懈 薪械 斜懈胁邪 写邪 锌谢邪褖邪褌 褑械薪邪褌邪 薪邪 褌芯胁邪 褋锌芯褉邪蟹褍屑械薪懈械.

袥懈锌褋胁邪 锌褉芯蟹褉邪褔薪芯褋褌 芯褌薪芯褋薪芯 锌褉芯褑械褋邪 锌芯 褉邪褌懈褎懈泻邪褑懈褟 薪邪 褋锌芯褉邪蟹褍屑械薪懈械褌芯, 泻邪泻褌芯 懈 芯褌薪芯褋薪芯 锌褉械写锌邪蟹薪懈褌械 屑械褉泻懈, 锌褉械写胁懈写械薪懈 芯褌 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 泻芯屑懈褋懈褟. 袘械褕械 褋锌芯屑械薪邪褌 褎芯薪写 芯褌 械写懈薪 屑懈谢懈邪褉写 械胁褉芯, 斜械蟹 写邪 械 褟褋薪芯 薪懈褌芯 芯褌泻褗写械 褖械 写芯泄写械 褎懈薪邪薪褋懈褉邪薪械褌芯 屑褍, 薪懈褌芯 锌褗泻 写邪谢懈 褌芯 斜懈 斜懈谢芯 写芯褋褌邪褌褗褔薪芯. 袧褟屑邪 薪懈泻邪泻胁邪 褟褋薪芯褌邪 懈 写邪谢懈 褌芯蟹懈 锌芯褌械薪褑懈邪谢械薪 褎芯薪写 褖械 褋械 褋褗蟹写邪写械 锌褉械写胁邪褉懈褌械谢薪芯 懈谢懈 械写胁邪 锌褉懈 褋屑褍褖械薪懈褟 薪邪 锌邪蟹邪褉邪. 袣芯屑锌械薪褋邪褌芯褉薪懈褌械 屑械褉泻懈 薪褟屑邪 写邪 蟹邪褖懈褌褟褌 薪邪褕械褌芯 蟹械屑械写械谢懈械. 袧邪 褌褟褏 褔械褋褌芯 懈屑 谢懈锌褋胁邪褌 褟褋薪懈 写械褎懈薪懈褑懈懈, 薪械 写芯褋褌懈谐邪褌 写芯 懈褋褌懈薪褋泻懈 芯褖械褌械薪懈褌械, 邪 写芯泻邪褌芯 胁谢褟蟹邪褌 胁 褋懈谢邪, 褖械褌懈褌械 胁械褔械 褖械 斜褗写邪褌 薪邪薪械褋械薪懈. 袨褋胁械薪 褌芯胁邪 写芯泻邪蟹胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪, 褑懈褌懈褉邪屑, 鈥炑佇笛�懈芯蟹薪邪 胁褉械写邪鈥�, 薪邪薪械褋械薪邪 薪邪 锌褉芯懈蟹胁芯写懈褌械谢懈褌械 锌芯褉邪写懈 褋锌芯褉邪蟹褍屑械薪懈械褌芯, 械 褋谢芯卸械薪 懈 斜褞褉芯泻褉邪褌懈褔械薪 锌褉芯褑械褋. 袧械泻邪 薪械 锌褉械写邪写械屑 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褌械 褎械褉屑械褉懈 懈 褌芯蟹懈 锌褗褌.

听听Gabriel Mato (PPE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, el Acuerdo Uni贸n Europea-Mercosur no es un tratado comercial m谩s. Se trata de hablar de futuro. Nos jugamos nuestra capacidad de seguir siendo un actor relevante en el comercio global, de generar crecimiento y empleo y de abrir las puertas a un mercado de setecientos cincuenta millones de consumidores. Es indudable que tiene claros beneficios, entre otros, la eliminaci贸n de cuatro mil millones de euros en aranceles, el acceso a mercados estrat茅gicos, la mayor presencia de nuestras industrias y pymes y la protecci贸n de m谩s de trescientas indicaciones geogr谩ficas.

Dicho esto, entiendo y comparto, comparto claramente, las preocupaciones del sector agrario. No podemos ignorarlas. Pero seamos claros: el problema de nuestro sector agrario no es el Mercosur, es la pol铆tica agraria europea dise帽ada sin tener en cuenta la realidad del campo. Si nuestros productores se sienten amenazados por este Acuerdo es porque la pol铆tica agraria no les ofrece las herramientas necesarias para competir y esto es lo que debe cambiar. Por eso, m谩s que bloquear el Acuerdo, lo que debemos hacer es reformar nuestra pol铆tica agraria para que no penalice a nuestros productores con normas asfixiantes, asegurar salvaguardas eficaces que protejan a los sectores vulnerables de manera r谩pida y efectiva y garantizar un fondo de compensaci贸n justo y ampliable que realmente funcione y que se adapte cuando sea necesario. No se trata de elegir entre comercio y agricultura, se trata de hacer las cosas bien y de analizar con datos actualizados d贸nde est谩 el origen del problema y buscar soluciones al mismo.

Negarnos a ratificar este Acuerdo no resolver谩 los problemas del sector agrario y mandar谩 un mensaje de que Europa renuncia a ser l铆der y prefiere dejar que otros aprovechen nuestras oportunidades.

听听Bernd Lange (S&D). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Herr Kommissar! Meine lieben Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich finde es unredlich, wenn man sich hier mit einem Zeigefinger hinstellt und sagt, am europ盲ischen Wesen soll die Welt genesen, ohne dass man vern眉nftige Abkommen mit anderen Partnern auf Augenh枚he schlie脽t. Und das machen wir genau so, dass wir die gleichen Ziele zusammen mit den Regierungen von Uruguay, Paraguay, Brasilien und Argentinien umsetzen wollen, was den Klimaschutz, was den Schutz der Artenvielfalt und was den Schutz der Arbeitnehmerrechte anbetrifft.

Das k枚nnen wir nur gemeinsam machen und nicht mit einem erhobenen Zeigefinger nur hier aus Europa. Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, lassen Sie uns doch nicht so defensiv sein! Nat眉rlich, wie Lenny Kravitz sagt:听It Ain't Over 'Til It麓s Over.

Wir haben jetzt bis n盲chstes Jahr Zeit, zu gucken, wie die Entwicklung weitergeht. Wie wir es gemeinsam hinkriegen k枚nnen, falls es 脛nderungsw眉nsche, Erg盲nzungsw眉nsche gibt, das umzusetzen. Wir haben das doch in anderen Handelsabkommen auch gemacht. Wir sind die Kraft, die letztendlich daf眉r sorgt, dass ein Abkommen ein gutes Abkommen wird.

Und wir brauchen stabile Abkommen in einer globalen Welt, die von Konflikten gekennzeichnet ist. Ohne stabile Bedingungen in unserer wirtschaftlichen Situation, gerade wenn 40听% unseres BIP vom internationalen Handel abh盲ngig sind, k枚nnen wir nicht weiter existieren. Wir geben unsere Wohlfahrtssituation auf. Deswegen brauchen wir stabile Verh盲ltnisse. Wir wollen uns nicht Autokraten dieser Welt anheimgeben. Deswegen lassen Sie uns Abkommen diskutieren, gegebenenfalls verbessern, aber gestalten!

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf mehrere Fragen nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥� zu antworten.)

听听Alexander Jungbluth (ESN), Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege, dass Sie die Frage annehmen. Sie haben ja gerade Lenny Kravitz zitiert. Ich w眉nschte, Sie h盲tten weniger Lenny Kravitz geh枚rt und mehr auf das, was unsere eigenen Bauern gesagt h盲tten. Aber das kann ich ja an dieser Stelle machen.

Ich m枚chte mal den Deutschen Bauernverband zitieren听鈥� den Vorsitzenden des Deutschen Bauernverbandes, Herrn Joachim Rukwied.听Er sagt: 鈥濿ir Bauern wurden nicht geh枚rt. Dieses Abkommen geht einseitig zulasten der europ盲ischen Bauern und schw盲cht unsere Betriebe massiv im Wettbewerb. Damit ist das Gegenteil der von der EU-Kommission zugesagten St盲rkung der europ盲ischen Landwirtschaft gegeben. Die geplanten Mechanismen zum Schutz europ盲ischer Standards f眉r die Landwirtschaft und Lebensmittel sind unzureichend.鈥�

Was sagen Sie diesem Herren und dem deutschen Bauern?

听听Bernd Lange (S&D), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Ich habe gerade letzte Woche zwei Stunden mit den Bauern diskutiert. Es geht um wichtige Fakten. Und wenn man sich mal anguckt, dass die deutsche und die europ盲ische Landwirtschaft im Export einen 脺berschuss von 65听Milliarden听EUR gehabt hat, zeigt sich, dass sie auch ein Interesse daran hat, zu exportieren. Oder dass wir gerade im Mercosur-Bereich M枚glichkeiten f眉r Milchprodukte, f眉r K盲se, f眉r alkoholische Getr盲nke haben.

Und man muss doch einmal zur Wahrheit auch dazu sagen: Wir importieren schon drei Millionen Tonnen Soja, und das nehmen wir billigend in Kauf. Damit produzieren wir Proteine f眉r Schweine und Rinder. Auch das geh枚rt zur Wahrheit dazu. Also Fakten angucken, und dann kommen wir auch zu einem anderen Ergebnis.

听听Saskia Bricmont (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. 鈥� Chair Lange, you said that Europe cannot impose its social and environmental standards on the rest of the world, and we have had the debates here in this House together. You were rapporteur for the sustainable development chapters reform under the last mandate, and together we decided that we would go for binding TSD chapters, which are completely absent in the current agreement with the Mercosur countries.

So how do you explain that? How can you accept that your own reform is not integrated in this deal?

听听Bernd Lange (S&D), blue-card answer. 鈥� Saskia, you are not correct. Indeed, I am really proud, as the Commission took over my proposal for a binding, strong sustainability chapter in June 2022. And in this agreement, in the proposal by the Commission, the requirements, the obligations for sustainability are binding.

The only issue is how we can really sanction this. And there we have some differences. Let's see how 合法博彩网站 will develop its own position in the next months. But the obligations are binding in this agreement.

听听Raffaele Stancanelli (PfE). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, 猫 economicamente comprovato come il libero mercato porti sviluppo e benessere economico ed 猫 per questo che, in linea di principio, noi siamo favorevoli allo stesso. Tuttavia, 猫 fondamentale che gli accordi siano proficui per entrambe le parti. Questo non 猫 il caso per il Mercosur.

Gli agricoltori e gli allevatori stanno disperatamente cercando di farci capire la gravit脿 dell'impatto che questo accordo potrebbe avere per le loro attivit脿. I nostri agricoltori si troverebbero in una posizione di svantaggio economico e non potrebbero competere con i grandi latifondisti sudamericani. A questo squilibrio si aggiunga la grande contraddizione green della Commissione: da un lato impone norme sempre pi霉 rigide ai nostri agricoltori, dall'altro permette che il nostro mercato venga invaso da prodotti esteri che non rispettano gli stessi standard imposti in Europa, specie sotto il profilo fitosanitario e quello della sostenibilit脿 ambientale e sociale.

脠 un fatto ideologico dire che questo non 猫 un accordo equo? No, noi pensiamo di no. Perch茅 se 猫 vero che gli accordi di libero scambio portano benefici, 猫 altres矛 vero che il Mercosur, cos矛 come 猫 strutturato, danneggia e svende i nostri agricoltori, produttori, allevatori e consumatori. Forse sarebbe il caso di non restare chiusi nei palazzi, ma ascoltare con umilt脿 chi lavora la terra e produce ricchezza.

听听Rihards Kols (ECR). 鈥� Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, trade agreements aren't just about tariffs and paperwork; they create real opportunities. For our SMEs this means access to a market of 260听million听consumers. So far, all EU trade agreements have delivered benefits while maintaining high standards. It's a fact. This deal does the same: lowering tariffs, cutting red tape and ensuring fair competition.

Yes, concerns exist. That's why the Commission has announced a EUR听1听billion fund to support affected farmers. But if we can fund compensation, we should also fund opportunity. A one-stop EU platform should be established for Mercosur markets that will help our businesses expand without excessive costs, because access should not be a privilege but a policy priority.

Commissioner, you must ensure a structured engagement similar to the CFSP and CSDP. We should have a CTP conference during every presidency, where civil society and national parliamentarians can engage with the European 合法博彩网站 and with the Commission. This is a chance to expand, compete and lead 鈥� and we should take it.

听听Marie-Pierre Vedrenne (Renew). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, voitures allemandes contre agriculture fran莽aise: certains voudraient r茅duire l'accord de commerce entre le Mercosur et l'Union europ茅enne 脿 ce clivage. 脌 mes coll猫gues, notamment allemands, je vous le dis, je ne me ferai pas complice de cette instrumentalisation.

C'est une h茅r茅sie, une faiblesse politique abyssale que de nourrir un protectionnisme exacerb茅 qui ne fait que creuser des divisions et emp锚che toute 茅volution. Ce n'est pas un combat entre 脡tats europ茅ens que nous devons amplifier, mais notre cr茅dibilit茅 脿 construire des partenariats durables et 茅quitables avec des 脡tats tiers avec qui nous dialoguons et commer莽ons d茅j脿. Ce n'est pas une opposition entre secteurs qui est en d茅bat, mais notre engagement 脿 transformer des cha卯nes de valeur pour qu'elles soient durables, r茅silientes et s没res.

Alors, au-del脿 des postures, de nombreuses questions demeurent, dont celle-ci: avons-nous, nous Europ茅ens, la capacit茅 de contr么ler les produits qui rentrent sur notre march茅, accords de commerce ou non? Alors soyons 脿 la hauteur de tous les enjeux. Ne laissons pas la souverainet茅, la durabilit茅, la comp茅titivit茅 devenir de vagues concepts d茅connect茅s des r茅alit茅s, de la vie de nos industries, de nos agricultures, de nos concitoyens.

听听Vicent Marz脿 Ib谩帽ez (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, se帽or comisario, no se pueden hacer trampas al solitario. No puede usted decir que es bueno para el sector agr铆cola europeo y, al mismo tiempo, decir que hay que aumentar las compensaciones al sector agr铆cola europeo. 驴En qu茅 quedamos? Si es bueno, no se debe compensar. Si hay que aumentar las compensaciones, no puede ser bueno para el sector agr铆cola.

Segunda cuesti贸n: ustedes han conseguido en este Acuerdo con el Mercosur dos unanimidades que son absolutamente incre铆bles. La primera, unanimidad de todos los sectores agr铆colas y sus representantes de Europa, pero tambi茅n de los pa铆ses del Mercosur. Tambi茅n han conseguido ustedes la unanimidad en contra de todos los sindicatos europeos y de los sindicatos del Mercosur.

驴A qui茅n beneficia este Acuerdo con el Mercosur si tiene en contra a todos los sindicatos agrarios europeos y del Mercosur y a todos los sindicatos de trabajadores europeos y del Mercosur? 驴A qui茅n beneficia? Clar铆simamente, a los europeos y a las europeas no, porque nos hace m谩s dependientes. 驴De qui茅n? De las grandes multinacionales, que son a los 煤nicos a los que va a beneficiar.

Por eso, nosotros estamos en contra, de forma clara y contundente. Necesitamos m谩s apuesta de verdad por los trabajadores y las trabajadoras, m谩s inversi贸n en Europa para hacer una Europa mucho m谩s fuerte, m谩s inversi贸n en la agricultura europea y no m谩s vulnerabilidad y dependencia de terceros y, especialmente, de las grandes multinacionales.

听听Luke Ming Flanagan (The Left). 鈥� Madam President, in order to properly debate the impact of this proposed agreement 鈥� proposed agreement; the title doesn't say proposed, but we haven't agreed to it yet 鈥� the proposed agreement on beef farmers in the EU, we need to compare like with like. In other words, you cannot compare carcass waste to processed premium beef waste. But that's what your spin doctors are doing. The reality is that this deal will guarantee that at least 9听% of high-value cuts sold in the EU will come from Mercosur: 209听000 tonnes in a market of 2.3听million.

I hear people talk of opportunities. If you're a suckler farmer in the west of Ireland on a 30-hectare farm, where are the opportunities? If it's a win-win, as you say, why then the need for a compensation package?

And if there's money, and EUR听1听billion for a compensation package, how come there's no money to increase the farmers' money that they get from the CAP, from what it was in 1991? Farmers in Ireland are facing a 60听% cut in CAP payments since that year.

You're talking about a EUR听1听billion compensation package for something that's a win-win deal. There is no win-win 鈥� no win-win in science. You cannot destroy or create energy. It's rubbish.

听听Arno Bausemer (ESN). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren! Sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar! Es ist ein gro脽er Fehler, gegen die B眉rger Europas Politik zu machen. Es ist ein noch gr枚脽erer Fehler, Politik gegen diejenigen zu machen, die diese B眉rger Europas ern盲hren, n盲mlich unsere Landwirte.

Die hohe Qualit盲t der Produkte, die unsere Landwirte produzieren, ist weltweit einmalig. Wenn man sich anschaut oder anh枚rt, was hier teilweise gesagt wird, dann ist es eben falsch. Es ist kein Wettbewerb, wenn man andere Standards听鈥� viel niedrigere Standards, etwa in den Mercosur-Staaten听鈥� mit den Standards vergleicht, die wir hier in Sachen Qualit盲t haben. Nun habe ich mich nat眉rlich mit dem Thema besch盲ftigt. Ich selbst bin kleiner Landwirt im Nebenerwerb und war auch bei den Landwirten bei den Protesten im Oktober in Br眉ssel; im Dezember auch hier in Stra脽burg. Wo waren Sie? Wo war die Kommission?

Sie schicken Polizisten heraus, weil Sie Angst vor den Landwirten haben. Sie sprechen nicht mit den Landwirten. Mein Kollege von der ESN hat gerade den deutschen Bauernpr盲sidenten zitiert, der ganz klar gesagt hat: Dieser Weg ist falsch! Wir k枚nnen mit diesen Produkten nicht konkurrieren, weil sie eben viel schlechter sind und weil sie unseren Markt mit geringer Qualit盲t schwemmen. Das ist der Holzweg.

Meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren, es ist unsere Aufgabe, daf眉r Sorge zu tragen, dass die Landwirte ihre hohe Qualit盲t auch in ihren Produkten an den Markt bringen. Nun gibt es Vertreter in diesem Hause听鈥� ich denke da besonders an die Gr眉ne Partei听鈥�, die der Meinung sind, man k枚nnte die Versorgung mit hochwertigen Proteinen, Vitaminen, Zink, Eisen damit herstellen, dass man den B眉rgern getrocknete gelbe Mehlw眉rmer vorsetzt und nicht hochwertiges Fleisch. Das ist der Fehler. Ich rufe gerade die Kollegen听鈥� sind ja auch welche da听鈥� von der Europ盲ischen Volkspartei dazu auf: Lassen Sie die Gr眉nen bitte links liegen, im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes. Lassen Sie diese Politik auf den Scheiterhaufen der Geschichte verschwinden. Machen Sie Politik f眉r die B眉rger Europas!

Ich sage Ihnen noch eines zum Abschluss: Die AfD in Deutschland als Teil einer Regierung wird dieses Mercosur-Abkommen niemals unterst眉tzen. Wenn Sie in der Kommission auf die Idee kommen sollten, das mit irgendwelchen rechtlichen Tricksereien zu umgehen听鈥� wir stehen an der Seite der Landwirte in der ersten Reihe bei den Protesten und werden dieses Abkommen verhindern.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥� zu antworten.)

听听Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Ich bin Galicierin, ich komme aus Galicien. Wir haben viele Landwirte. Sie sind aus einer faschistischen Partei. Sie haben nicht recht damit听鈥� Sie sprachen 眉ber die Verts/ALE-Fraktion听鈥� Sorry!

听听Die Pr盲sidentin. 鈥� Die blauen Karten sind dazu da, um Fragen zu stellen, im Grunde genommen. Haben Sie eine Frage?

听听Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. 鈥� My question is: you have made some very strange affirmations. You change the products with animals. I don't understand. So why are you making these kinds of affirmations?

听听Arno Bausemer (ESN), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Ich glaube, Sie verstehen viele Sachen nicht. Das erkl盲rt auch Ihre konfuse Frage. Besch盲ftigen Sie sich bitte mit der Parteienlandschaft Europas. Dann erfahren Sie, dass die AfD keine faschistische Partei ist. Ich wei脽 nicht, zu welchem Spektrum Sie jetzt geh枚ren. Ich vermute mal Sozialdemokratie.

Na gut, ich kann Ihnen nur sagen: Vorhin hat Ihr Kollege Lenny Kravitz zitiert, ein anderes bekanntes Lied von Lenny Kravitz ist听Fly Away. Und wundern Sie sich nicht, warum Ihre Zustimmung hinwegfliegt? Die Zustimmung der B眉rger kommt zu uns.

听听Katar铆na Roth Neve膹alov谩 (NI). 鈥� V谩啪en谩 pani predsedaj煤ca, ide谩lna dohoda neexistuje. Dohoda je kompromis a umenie mo啪n茅ho a ja si mysl铆m, 啪e aj vy to tak rozpr谩vate o farm谩roch. Neviem, kde ste boli, ke膹 sme hovorili o slovensk媒ch a v媒chodoeur贸pskych farm谩roch a o zaplaven铆 produktmi z Ukrajiny po木nohospod谩rskeho p么vodu. Ale mysl铆m si, 啪e v tomto pr铆pade by sme mali by钮 pragmatick铆. Farm谩rom pom么啪eme zn铆啪en铆m z谩钮a啪e a nezmyselnej byrokracie, podporou spotreby dom谩cich produktov a potrav铆n, zvy拧ovan铆m platov, udr啪an铆m pracovn媒ch miest. A pr谩ve udr啪anie pracovn媒ch miest je podpora priemyslu a konkurencieschopnosti, ktor煤 pon煤ka pr谩ve dohoda Mercosur. A ja ju vid铆m ako pr铆le啪itos钮 pre eur贸psku ekonomiku, preto啪e sme orientovan铆 exportne. Pr铆le啪itos钮 pre otvorenie 膹al拧铆ch trhov a presne, ako aj komis谩r 艩ef膷ovi膷 hovoril, zn铆啪enie z谩钮a啪e, 膷o sa t媒ka ciel a dan铆 alebo tar铆f na na拧e napr铆klad automobily, ktor茅 pre Slovensko s煤 ve木mi d么le啪it茅, je ur膷ite pr铆le啪itos钮ou a, mysl铆m si, 啪e pozit铆vom dohody Mercosur. Vyjedn谩valo sa to viac ako 20 rokov. Ve木a sa o tom rozpr谩valo, sna啪ili sa by钮 naozaj pragmatick铆 a vidie钮, ak谩 je pr铆le啪itos钮 v tom v拧etkom, 膷o m么啪eme s touto dohodou dosiahnu钮.

A rada by som upozornila aj na to, 膷o p谩n komis谩r hovoril: my sa tu rozpr谩vame o nejakej kvalite potrav铆n a o tom, 啪e nechceme dov谩啪a钮 a chceme na拧e fytosanit谩rne 拧tandardy. Komisia n谩m jasne povedala, 啪e na拧e fytosanit谩rne 拧tandardy bud煤 dodr啪iavan茅 a 啪e to s煤膷as钮ou tejto dohody je. Tak tu neklamme na拧ich voli膷ov a ob膷anov Eur贸pskej 煤nie.

听听Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). 鈥� Po拧tovana predsjedavaju膰a, kolegice i kolege, u trenutku kada se svjetska trgovina fragmentira, za Europu je strate拧ki va啪no osigurati trgovinske partnere s kojima ima ugovorom ure膽ene odnose. U takvim okolnostima sporazum s MERCOSUR dobiva novu geopoliti膷ku te啪inu za na拧e odnose s Latinskom Amerikom. Iako nas povezuju povijest i kultura, bez ovog sporazuma Europa ne膰e mo膰i se nositi sa sve ja膷om konkurencijom globalnih igra膷a. Prisutnih u Latinskoj Americi. I ne samo prisutnih. Kina je ve膰 danas prvi trgovinski partner za veliki broj zemalja ove regije. Stoga nema dvojbe da je ovaj sporazum potreban, da, za europsku industriju, ali i op膰enito za europsku ekonomiju. No, isto tako je to膷no da postoji potreba za dijalogom s poljoprivrednicima. Za Hrvatsku poljoprivrednu komoru, tri su sektora osjetljiva. Govedarstvo, peradarstvo i 拧e膰erna industrija. I zato je va啪no komunicirati da su sporazumom dogovorene kvote za uvoz tih proizvoda od svega 1,2 % do 1,5 % ukupne potro拧nje na europskom tr啪i拧tu. I uz to, te male kvote uvodit 膰e se postupno. Dakle, europsko tr啪i拧te ne膰e biti poplavljeno poljoprivrednim proizvodima iz Ju啪ne Amerike, ali, da, Komisija mora pripremiti paket kompenzacijskih mjera koji bi se mogao aktivirati u slu膷aju potrebe. Dakle, MERCOSUR nije prijetnja, ali jest prilika da Europa bude konkurentna na svjetskom tr啪i拧tu.

听听Eero Hein盲luoma (S&D). 鈥� Arvoisa puhemies, Yhdysvaltain uusi hallinto k盲盲ntyy j盲lleen protektionismiin ja kauppapolitiikan k盲ytt盲miseen poliittisena aseena. N盲iss盲 oloissa on erityist盲 merkityst盲 sill盲, ett盲 EU toimii vapaakaupan puolustajana ja avaa uusia mahdollisuuksia tasapuolisille, ymp盲rist枚- ja sosiaalisen vastuun tunnustaville kauppasopimuksille.

Toteutuessaan EU:n ja Mercosurin sopimus loisi maailman suurimman vapaakauppa-alueen ja avaisi liki 300 miljoonan asiakkaan markkinat eurooppalaisille yrityksille. Vapaakauppa vaatii kuitenkin reilut pelis盲盲nn枚t 鈥� paitsi ymp盲rist枚lle, my枚s ty枚ntekij枚iden ja kuluttajien oikeuksille.

Euroopan parlamentin on nyt varmistettava, ett盲 Pariisin ilmastosopimuksen noudattaminen on sopimuksessa mukana. On katsottava, ett盲 sopimus on tasapuolinen eurooppalaisille viljelij枚ille ja ty枚ntekij枚ille. Vasta t盲m盲n selvityksen j盲lkeen parlamentti voi antaa hyv盲ksynt盲ns盲 t盲lle sopimukselle.

听听Val茅rie Deloge (PfE). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, ce trait茅 de libre-茅change entre l'Union europ茅enne et l'Am茅rique du Sud est en r茅alit茅 une menace pour notre agriculture, notre environnement et notre souverainet茅 茅conomique. Cet accord met en concurrence directe nos agriculteurs avec des productions dont les normes environnementales et sanitaires sont bien moins strictes.

Vous sacrifiez nos fili猫res europ茅ennes, d茅j脿 en crise, pour vendre vos voitures allemandes. Le Mercosur favorise un mod猫le 茅conomique bas茅 sur l'exportation intensive et la destruction des 茅cosyst猫mes. Il affaiblit notre souverainet茅 en inondant nos march茅s de produits 脿 bas co没ts, il d茅truit les fili猫res locales et fragilise nos producteurs au profit des multinationales. L'accord avec le Mercosur n'est pas un progr猫s, c'est une r茅gression 茅conomique et environnementale. Il est urgent de le refuser et de d茅fendre une agriculture juste, durable et locale.

Sachez qu'un agriculteur se suicide tous les deux jours en France. Je pense que, en signant cet accord, les commissaires, Mme听von听der听Leyen et les d茅put茅s qui le signeront seront le dernier clou qui fermeront leur cercueil.

(L'oratrice refuse des questions carton bleu de Marie-Pierre Vedrenne et Manon Aubry.)

听听Patryk Jaki (ECR). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! Panie Komisarzu! Wszystko, co m贸wicie w sprawie umowy z Mercosurem, przypomina dok艂adnie sytuacj臋 z Nord Streamem. Wiele os贸b w tej Izbie m贸wi艂o wam, 偶e pozbywanie si臋 w艂asnych strategicznych zasob贸w energetycznych na rzecz importu gazu z zewn膮trz da kr贸tkotrwa艂e zyski niewielu, a w d艂u偶szej perspektywie sko艅czy si臋 tragedi膮.

No i co? I dzisiaj mamy dok艂adnie to samo. Chcecie zniszczy膰 europejskie rolnictwo, 偶eby sprzedawa膰 samochody, kt贸re przesta艂y by膰 konkurencyjne mi臋dzy innymi przez was, przez Zielony 艁ad. Problem tylko polega na tym, 偶e rolnictwo to nie tylko 偶ywno艣膰, miejsca pracy, ale przede wszystkim bezpiecze艅stwo. I przesta艅cie k艂ama膰, 偶e to nie ma 偶adnego wp艂ywu na rolnictwo. Gdyby tak by艂o, to nie przedstawialiby艣cie 偶adnych pakiet贸w rekompensacyjnych. Po co takie pakiety?

Zak艂adacie, 偶e 偶ywno艣膰 do Europy zawsze b臋dzie mo偶na 艣ci膮gn膮膰. Tak samo my艣leli艣cie z gazem. No i co, pytam. Chyba, 偶e zak艂adacie, 偶e Europejczycy zawsze sobie jako艣 poradz膮, bo dopu艣cili艣cie do jedzenia robaki. Ale tak naprawd臋 to was trzeba wykopa膰, a nie rolnik贸w. Im trzeba dzi臋kowa膰, bo mamy najlepsz膮 偶ywno艣膰 na 艣wiecie, i nie pozwolimy wam tego zniszczy膰.

(M贸wca zgodzi艂 si臋 na pytanie zasygnalizowane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki)

听听J枚rgen Warborn (PPE), blue-card question. 鈥� You said that the agreement will destroy the farmers. That is absolutely not true. Look back and see the agreement, which was actually beneficial for the farmers, even though a lot of people said that it would destroy the farmers.

The Commission has, on the other side, done a very good job. They have TRQs, they have safeguards, and they have a compensation package. How can you say that it will destroy farmers? We recognise that there are sensitive products, but that's why the Commission has worked with us. This will help the farmers. It is beneficial for the wine sector, for cheese, for a lot of businesses.

听听Patryk Jaki (ECR), odpowied藕 na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. 鈥� Je偶eli to jest tak, jak Pan m贸wi, 偶e rolnicy na tym zyskaj膮, to pytanie jest kluczowe, to dlaczego protestuj膮? Pan my艣li, 偶e oni s膮 g艂upkami, 偶e nie wiedz膮, co robi膮? Pan si臋 lepiej zna na ich dzia艂alno艣ci ni偶 oni sami? Ja uwa偶am wprost przeciwnie. Poza tym, uwa偶am, jest b艂膮d logiczny w Pana pytaniu, bo skoro Pan twierdzi, 偶e oni na tym zyskaj膮, to po co pakiety rekompensacyjne? No po co? To szkoda pieni臋dzy. Lepiej przeznaczy膰 je na innowacje. Wi臋c przykro mi.

Dok艂adnie to samo na tej sali s艂ysza艂em w sprawie Nord Streamu. Jeszcze raz to powt贸rz臋 鈥� twierdzili艣cie, 偶e nie b臋dzie 偶adnego problemu. I co? Rolnictwo to jest nasze bezpiecze艅stwo.

听听Karin Karlsbro (Renew). 鈥� Fru talman! I 25 氓r har EU f枚rhandlat med Argentina, Brasilien, Paraguay och Uruguay 鈥� eller som vi s盲ger, Mercosur 鈥� om att handla och samarbeta mer med varandra. Nu finns 盲ntligen ett avtal p氓 bordet. Till er som vill stoppa detta vill jag fr氓ga: varf枚r?

Varf枚r vill ni l盲mna walkover till Kina och Ryssland i Sydamerika? De h盲r f枚rhandlingarna startade i en tid n盲r v盲rlden mest oroade sig f枚r millenniebuggen. Kommer ni ih氓g? Till er som s盲ger att det har g氓tt f枚r fort vill jag fr氓ga: tycker ni att ett kvarts sekel 盲r f枚r kort tid?

Med frihandel st盲rker vi EU:s konkurrenskraft, s盲nker priserna i butik och minskar s氓rbarheten i h盲ndelse av kris och krig. Vi skapar exportm枚jligheter f枚r europeisk industri, jordbruk och tj盲nstesektor. Men inte bara det. Vi knyter relationer mellan l盲nder, f枚retag och m盲nniskor i en tid n盲r USA hotar v盲rlden med handelskrig. Jag ser fram emot att r枚sta ja till Mercosuravtalet.

(Talaren godtog flera fr氓gor ("bl氓tt kort").)

听听Marie Toussaint (Verts/ALE), question 芦carton bleu禄. 鈥� Madame听Karlsbro, merci. Vous dites que vous ne comprenez pas pourquoi certains et certaines s'opposent 脿 l'accord avec le Mercosur que, tr猫s manifestement, vous soutenez.

Or, signer cet accord avec le Mercosur, le mettre en 艙uvre, c'est dire aux agriculteurs, qui souffrent d茅j脿, qui cr猫vent d茅j脿, de la faible r茅mun茅ration li茅e 脿 la vente de leurs produits, que nous allons les soumettre 脿 une concurrence plus dure encore sur les produits les plus r茅mun茅rateurs.

Signer et ratifier cet accord avec le Mercosur, c'est dire aux parents qui voient d茅j脿 leurs enfants souffrir, voire mourir, de cancers li茅s 脿 l'exposition aux produits toxiques que nous allons continuer, voire m锚me aggraver, cette exposition.

Signer et ratifier l'accord du Mercosur, c'est dire aux citoyennes et aux citoyens europ茅ens que Javier听Milei, la tron莽onneuse 脿 la main, qui sort de l'Organisation mondiale de la sant茅 et terrorise ses citoyens, est un partenaire fiable pour l'Union europ茅enne. Voil脿 pourquoi nous nous opposons 脿 cet accord du Mercosur. Et je vous en prie...

(La Pr茅sidente retire la parole 脿 l'oratrice)

听听President. 鈥� Colleagues, the blue card is there to ask questions. So you can elaborate, but then please come to some sort of question.

听听Karin Karlsbro (Renew), svar ("bl氓tt kort"). 鈥� Jag tycker att det 盲r v盲ldigt bra att vi f氓r h枚ra ett s氓dant h盲r exempel p氓 hur l枚gner och desinformation sprids fr氓n politikens ytterkanter. Man hotar med att m盲nniskor ska f氓 cancer och att det h盲r i princip ska d枚da m盲nniskor.

Det h盲r 盲r l枚gner, det 盲r desinformation, och du borde sk盲mmas. Sluta sprid l枚gner. L盲s innantill. Vi 盲r alla l盲skunniga om vad som st氓r i det h盲r avtalsutkastet. Det 盲r klart att Europa m氓r bra av konkurrenskraft. Det 盲r det som g枚r alla sektorer, inklusive jordbrukssektorn, starka och ger tillv盲xt. Det borde 盲ven du begripa.

听听Alexander Bernhuber (PPE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der 鈥瀊lauen Karte鈥�. 鈥� Vielleicht m枚chte ich schon etwas Nachhilfe in Ackerbau und Viehzucht geben, was Landwirtschaft betrifft, weil Sie ja sagen, die Landwirtschaft profitiert.听Die Landwirtschaft ist aber sehr vielseitig, und ein Bauer, der vielleicht gerade einen Stall gebaut hat, kann keinen Wein pflanzen und jetzt in Mercosur-L盲ndern Wein verkaufen.

Also, man muss hier genau schauen, welche landwirtschaftlichen Sektoren durch dieses Handelsabkommen benachteiligt werden. Ich verstehe nicht, warum nicht einfach die Landwirtschaft von diesem Abkommen ausgenommen worden ist听鈥� wo man genau wei脽, das ist der kritische Sektor, da gibt es die gr枚脽ten Bedenken.

听听Karin Karlsbro (Renew), svar ("bl氓tt kort"). 鈥� Vi lever i en v盲rld d盲r vi 盲r beroende av varandra. 脛ven europeiskt jordbruk 盲r beroende av insatsvaror, av br盲nsle, av energi fr氓n andra delar i v盲rlden. Det verkar som att man i den h盲r debatten gl枚mmer bort det. Vi 盲r beroende av varandra och ju mer vi kan samarbeta och handla med varandra, skapa v盲nskap och samarbeten, hitta former d盲r vi alla kan vinna, desto mer f氓r vi en v盲xande ekonomi och en b盲ttre v盲rld.

Om vi s盲ger nej till frihandelsavtal, om vi samarbetar mindre, p氓 vilket s盲tt g枚r det Europas b枚nder starkare? Inte p氓 ett enda s盲tt, om sanningen ska fram.

听听Thomas Waitz (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Madam President, Commissioner, has the Commissioner been listening to the family farmers on both sides of the Atlantic that urge us not to sign this trade agreement? Or have you been listening to the big land鈥憃wning oligarchs that are teaming up with the agrochemical multinationals that run thousands of hectares鈥慴ig farms, spreading pesticides that are banned in Europe with aeroplanes?

Have you been listening to the indigenous communities and Quilombo communities that came all the way to Brussels to report about their poisoned rivers, their poisoned wells, their burned鈥慸own forests, the deforestation and the attacks on them. Have you been listening to the labour organisation that reports about child labour, about forced labour, but in very high numbers?

Yes, we need to increase our cooperation with Mercosur. Yes, we need to increase our cooperation with democracies. But as it stands, this trade agreement, in my point of view, is not fit for purpose. We still need to work on that and need to improve it. As it stands, this trade deal is toxic for the planet and the people.

听听Lynn Boylan (The Left). 鈥� A Uachtar谩in, Mercosur is a rotten trade deal that's widely opposed by the public across Europe and they're not buying what the Commission is trying to sell.

Irish beef farmers are already struggling to be viable and this deal will push them over the edge. It's also, as others have said, a massive step backwards on our climate commitments. The Commission has blatantly set aside our climate and biodiversity commitments to push through a deal that will increase emissions and deforestation. This is a bad deal for people and planet with carve-outs for the Mercosur countries on the EUDR. This deal is a license to continue killing the Amazon forest.

It will paralyse future environmental legislation, giving Mercosur countries the power to challenge EU environmental measures, which will have a devastating, chilling effect. From a public health point of view, does the Commission seriously believe that people in Europe want to eat food that is produced with chemicals that have been banned for years?

I'm calling on people to protect the people, protect the planet and stop this rotten trade deal.

听听Francisco Jos茅 Mill谩n Mon (PPE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, la comunidad internacional se encuentra en una situaci贸n de fragmentaci贸n, creciente polarizaci贸n, abundancia de conflictos y auge del proteccionismo. En este contexto es oportuno para la Uni贸n Europea reforzar las relaciones pol铆ticas y econ贸micas con los pa铆ses del Mercosur, con los que tantos v铆nculos compartimos. Son aliados naturales nuestros.

No disponemos todav铆a de la versi贸n final de la parte del di谩logo pol铆tico y cooperaci贸n del Acuerdo, se帽or comisario, pero entiendo que establece mecanismos institucionales que permitir谩n reforzar nuestras relaciones pol铆ticas y abordar de forma m谩s coordinada los retos comunes y los retos globales, desde la lucha contra el narcotr谩fico hasta el cambio clim谩tico.

El Acuerdo con el Mercosur nos ayudar谩 tambi茅n a contener la importante presencia de China en la regi贸n. La dimensi贸n econ贸mica y comercial del Acuerdo ofrece muchas oportunidades para las empresas europeas. En efecto, el Acuerdo supone el fin de la tradicional pol铆tica proteccionista de econom铆as tan grandes como la de Brasil y la de Argentina y facilitar谩 as铆 el acceso de los productos europeos y de nuestras compa帽铆as al Mercosur.

Necesitamos un di谩logo permanente con los sectores que temen verse perjudicados, particularmente ganaderos y muchos agricultores. Hay que explicar el alcance real del Acuerdo, las cuotas, las cl谩usulas de salvaguarda, las posibles medidas compensatorias, y avanzar tambi茅n, internamente en la Uni贸n, en reformas que reduzcan la burocracia y simplifiquen la legislaci贸n, y facilitar as铆 la labor y asegurar la competitividad de unos sectores v铆ctimas estos a帽os de una aut茅ntica sobrerregulaci贸n.

Espero que la Br煤jula para la Competitividad, se帽or comisario, contribuya tambi茅n a ello. Queda trabajo por hacer.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la 芦tarjeta azul禄)

听听Gilles Pennelle (PfE), question 芦carton bleu禄. 鈥� Cher coll猫gue, vous nous avez pr茅sent茅 tous les bons c么t茅s que le groupe PPE voit dans cet accord avec le Mercosur, mais je voudrais vous poser une simple question: comment allez-vous faire, quand vous allez rentrer chez vous, pour expliquer 脿 nos agriculteurs que cet accord avec le Mercosur est bon? Comment allez-vous leur dire qu'ils ne sont pas mis en concurrence de fa莽on d茅loyale? Comment allez-vous leur expliquer que vous les mettez en concurrence avec des gens qui ne respectent pas leurs r猫gles? Comment allez-vous leur parler?

听听Francisco Jos茅 Mill谩n Mon (PPE), respuesta de 芦tarjeta azul禄. 鈥� Se帽or Pennelle, si usted me ha escuchado bien 鈥攓uiz谩s ha tenido problemas de traducci贸n鈥�, he insistido en que hay que hablar con nuestros ganaderos y con muchos agricultores y explicarles la realidad del Acuerdo, las cuotas existentes, las cl谩usulas de salvaguarda, las medidas de compensaci贸n que habr谩 que tomar, y tambi茅n en que hay que llevar a cabo reformas 鈥攃omo le he pedido al comisario鈥� en nuestra legislaci贸n interna porque s茅 muy bien que el sector agr铆cola y ganadero ha sufrido de una sobrerregulaci贸n, producto de unos a帽os donde no se ha tenido en cuenta la competitividad.

Y espero por eso 鈥攜 se lo he dicho al comisario y espero que usted lo haya o铆do鈥� que la Br煤jula para la Competitividad tambi茅n se dirija a los agricultores y ganaderos y beneficie su actividad. Est谩n hartos de la sobrerregulaci贸n. Es el 煤nico punto en el que coincido con usted.

听听Brando Benifei (S&D). 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'accordo con il Mercosur 猫 un'intesa di grande rilevanza geopolitica e potrebbe ridefinire gli equilibri globali. Per l'Unione europea rappresenta un'opportunit脿 strategica per rafforzare la propria presenza in America latina e contrastare l'influenza di altre superpotenze.

Tuttavia, per decidere se possiamo votarlo, 猫 essenziale valutarne l'impatto su lavoratori, imprese, agricoltura e ambiente, assicurando che siano rispettate regole chiare e condivise.听L'inserimento dell'accordo di Parigi e del capitolo su commercio e sviluppo sostenibile sono passi positivi, ma permangono nodi irrisolti che vanno approfonditi: il meccanismo di riequilibrio, la risoluzione delle controversie, l'efficacia delle misure contro la deforestazione, ma anche la necessit脿 di rafforzare il sistema doganale per garantire la sicurezza del mercato interno e dei consumatori.

Come Socialisti e Democratici abbiamo avviato un dialogo con la Commissione, le parti sociali e le ONG per valutare ogni aspetto dell'accordo. Mi rivolgo in particolare alla Commissione: abbiamo un anno per dare risposte, come istituzioni, alle questioni sollevate dagli europei, per agire sulle criticit脿 in modo convincente, con provvedimenti e azioni e poter quindi convincere anche questo Parlamento della bont脿 dell'accordo.听Dobbiamo lavorare insieme e poi potremo decidere cosa fare.

听听Tiago Moreira de S谩 (PfE). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comiss谩rio, apoiamos firmemente o com茅rcio livre, reconhecendo os seus benef铆cios para o crescimento econ贸mico e a prosperidade das na莽玫es. Conhecemos bem a hist贸ria dos anos 20 e 30 do s茅culo passado e n茫o queremos repeti鈥憀a. Acreditamos tamb茅m que o Acordo da Uni茫o Europeia鈥慚ercosul tem vantagens geopol铆ticas, como a conten莽茫o da influ锚ncia crescente da China na Am茅rica do Sul e o fortalecimento do eixo Atl芒ntico da Europa. Mas, como sempre, definiremos as nossas posi莽玫es em fun莽茫o dos nossos interesses nacionais, especialmente os dos nossos agricultores, pescadores, industriais e pequenos e m茅dios comerciantes, que constituem a espinha dorsal da nossa economia. Estamos em contacto constante com os empres谩rios e trabalhadores dos setores abrangidos pelo Acordo, pois ningu茅m conhece melhor a realidade do que eles. As suas preocupa莽玫es s茫o leg铆timas, especialmente face 脿 concorr锚ncia de produtos de pa铆ses terceiros que n茫o cumprem os mesmos padr玫es de qualidade e seguran莽a que exigimos aos nossos produtores. Temos a obriga莽茫o de garantir uma concorr锚ncia leal e justa, e de assegurar que os nossos setores produtivos s茫o devidamente salvaguardados. Assim o faremos.

听听Kris Van Dijck (ECR). 鈥� Voorzitter, commissaris, ik verwelkom het akkoord met Mercosur met open armen, want het is niet alleen het grootste handelsakkoord dat de EU ooit gesloten heeft, maar is ook belangrijk om drie redenen.

Op een moment dat de Amerikaanse president Trump tarieven oplegt aan ons staal en ons aluminium, is het de hoogste tijd om nieuwe markten aan te boren en bovendien dat terrein niet alleen over te laten aan China. Ten tweede bevestigt het ons geloof in vrije, op regels gebaseerde handel en geeft het zuurstof aan onze bedrijven. Ten slotte biedt het akkoord wel degelijk kansen op een verbetering van de arbeidsomstandigheden en wat betreft de strijd tegen de klimaatverandering.

Maar ik begrijp ook de bezorgdheid van onze landbouwers wanneer het gaat over mogelijke toenemende concurrentie. Voor ons is het dan ook helder dat er daarvoor afspraken moeten zijn, dat er een voortdurende monitoring moet zijn, dat de Europese veiligheids- en gezondheidsnormen ook voor hun producten van tel moeten zijn en, finaal, dat er een steunpakket kan zijn indien dat nodig is. Op die manier geloven wij in dit akkoord met Mercosur.

听听Benoit Cassart (Renew). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, 脿 plusieurs reprises, nous avons tir茅 la sonnette d'alarme sur l'impact de l'accord avec le Mercosur 脿 propos de la d茅forestation, de la perte de biodiversit茅 et du risque sanitaire. Regardons maintenant l'impact de cet accord sur notre autonomie strat茅gique.

Le rapport Draghi a soulign茅 l'efficacit茅 de la Chine et des 脡tats-Unis par rapport 脿 l'Europe. Pourtant, ces deux puissances ont toutes les deux d茅cid茅 de prot茅ger leurs march茅s et leurs agriculteurs pour favoriser leur autonomie alimentaire. Pour rappel, la population mondiale a augment茅 de 82听millions de bouches 脿 nourrir en听2024. 脢tre en mesure de produire son alimentation est un pilier fondamental de l'autonomie strat茅gique. Or, seulement 6听% des agriculteurs ont moins de 35听ans dans l'Union europ茅enne.

Monsieur le Commissaire, est-il vraiment raisonnable d'ouvrir les portes aux produits moins durables d'Am茅rique du Sud, alors que rien ne motive d茅j脿 les jeunes Europ茅ens 脿 reprendre nos fermes?

Cet accord n'a rien 脿 voir avec le CETA, qui 茅tait un bon accord.

听听Catarina Vieira (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Madam听President, dear Commissioner, time flies when you're having fun and with Mercosur, we've been negotiating for 25 years.

But here in the European 合法博彩网站 we were a bit late to the party, as we only had access to the final text after a political deal was announced in December.

This agreement raises a lot of questions. How exactly will we ensure that it will not drive deforestation in the Amazon, or that the rights of local and indigenous communities will be respected? Why do we have a deal on the table that increases imports of poultry and beef without presenting conditions on animal welfare? What about the rebalancing mechanism? Can it be used to challenge the European Deforestation Regulation? If so, what would that mean for future trade deals with other partners or future environmental rules that we want to set?

Let me be clear: with Trump's trade policies, Europe needs to diversify its trade partners. But this cannot be done at any cost. We need a strategic agreement that works for both the planet and the people here and in Mercosur countries. The jury is very much still out on whether this deal can deliver that.

听听Carola Rackete (The Left). 鈥� Madam President, the EU-Mercosur agreement is designed to enrich the bosses of corporations in Frankfurt or Buenos Aires, at the expense of locals and farmers in the countryside on both sides of the Atlantic. It is a deliberate attack on workers' rights, on indigenous communities, on family farmers, but also on entire ecosystems and a stable climate.

This agreement has already derailed the EU's deforestation regulation. It is also a blueprint for further deregulation pushed by the Commission. Everything for the wealthy and no rules to prevent exploitation.

Instead, this deal plants the seeds of famine. This deal is expanding the same destructive agriculture that pollutes soils, water and atmosphere that impoverishes farmers and peasants for the profits of agribusiness. Our biodiversity is crashing and temperatures are rising and this deal means racing faster towards the abyss.

We have to stop this deal and listen to the proposals of small-scale farmers and agricultural unions in the EU and in the Mercosur countries. They do not want this deal.

听听Herbert Dorfmann (PPE). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Mit dem Mercosur-Abkommen plant die EU zum ersten Mal ein Handelsabkommen mit einem Partner, dessen prim盲res Interesse nat眉rlich der Export von Agrarg眉tern ist.

Nicht, dass wir dort heute nicht einkaufen w眉rden: Aus Brasilien kaufen wir im Jahr um 17听Mrd.听EUR Lebensmittel, aus Argentinien um 5听Mrd.听EUR听鈥� es sind also bereits wichtige Handelspartner. Aber, und das wurde heute auch gesagt, das Abkommen k枚nnte nat眉rlich einige Sektoren der Landwirtschaft treffen: Rindfleisch, Gefl眉gelfleisch, Zucker, Bioethanol, Reis oder Zitrusfr眉chte, um nur einige zu nennen.

Nat眉rlich gibt es auch Chancen f眉r andere Bereiche in der Landwirtschaft, das steht au脽er Zweifel. Und nat眉rlich gibt es ein geopolitisches Interesse an diesem Abkommen, das unterst眉tze ich ausdr眉cklich. Die Europ盲ische Union verliert derzeit schnell听鈥� und in den letzten Stunden noch schneller听鈥� Partner und Freunde in der gesamten Welt, und unsere fehlende Entscheidungsfreude听鈥� und 25听Jahre Abkommen und Reden 眉ber Mercosur sind vielleicht ein Symbol daf眉r听鈥� zeigt, dass wir es uns nicht erlauben k枚nnen, Partnern, m枚glichen Partnern die T眉r vor der Nase zuzuschlagen.

Aber wir brauchen eine Strategie f眉r die Landwirtschaft, und die Strategie kann nicht nur einfach das Versprechen auf 1听Mrd.听EUR sein. Wir brauchen ein Konzept, Sicherheiten f眉r die B盲uerinnen und Bauern, Ma脽nahmen, um neue M盲rkte in der Welt zu erschlie脽en. Und dann brauchen wir eine Finanzierung f眉r dieses Konzept. Aber zuerst brauchen wir ein Konzept, und dann brauchen wir das notwendige Geld dazu.

Ich bitte Sie, Herr Kommissar, sich z眉gig auf den Weg zu machen, um ein solches Konzept vorzulegen und die Bedenken, die es in der Landwirtschaft gibt, aus dem Weg zu r盲umen.

听听Francisco Assis (S&D). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comiss谩rio, este acordo 茅 bom para a Uni茫o Europeia sob o ponto de vista pol铆tico, sob o ponto de vista econ贸mico e sob o ponto de vista comercial. A Uni茫o Europeia tem todo o interesse em refor莽ar as suas liga莽玫es com os pa铆ses do Mercosul. N贸s temos profundas afinidades hist贸ricas, culturais e pol铆ticas com essa regi茫o. Estamos a falar de um conjunto de democracias. Devemos aprofundar essas rela莽玫es e nada melhor do que avan莽ar com o tratado. Num tempo em que regressa em for莽a o protecionismo e o mercantilismo, n贸s temos de manifestar sinais de abertura, um acordo de livre com茅rcio e um acordo que visa regular de forma adequada as rela莽玫es com outra regi茫o do mundo. N贸s n茫o queremos uma Europa fechada sobre si pr贸pria. N贸s queremos uma Europa aberta. A Europa precisa de se relacionar com outras regi玫es do mundo. Precisamos de obter mat茅rias鈥憄rimas que n贸s n茫o temos no nosso continente. Precisamos de estabelecer rela莽玫es comerciais que v茫o dinamizar as nossas economias e, por isso mesmo, 茅 fundamental garantir finalmente a concretiza莽茫o deste acordo.

Mas h谩 uma coisa que aqui quero dizer. 脡 leg铆timo, naturalmente, estar contra este acordo, mas o que eu tenho verificado, infelizmente, acho que em alguma esquerda e muita direita, 茅 que h谩 um verdadeiro discurso trumpista contra este acordo, porque 茅 um discurso assente na falsifica莽茫o da realidade e um discurso assente na tentativa de produzir o medo junto das popula莽玫es. Fa莽amos um debate s茅rio, um debate na base dos factos, um debate na base daquilo que efetivamente est谩 no acordo e n茫o naquilo que alguns querem fazer crer que est谩 no acordo, mas efetivamente n茫o est谩 l谩. Este acordo 茅 um acordo que deve, pode e deve ser discutido. N贸s estamos aqui a iniciar essa discuss茫o democr谩tica. Somos um espa莽o aberto e democr谩tico, mas temos a obriga莽茫o de o fazer com rigor.

(O orador aceita responder a v谩rias perguntas 芦cart茫o azul禄)

听听Jo茫o Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Senhor Deputado Francisco Assis, se este acordo 茅 assim t茫o bom, porque 茅 que a Comiss茫o est谩 a querer impedir os Estados鈥慚embros de fazerem o seu escrut铆nio nacional? Porque 茅 que a Comiss茫o est谩 a querer dividir o acordo em dois, para impedir o escrut铆nio nacional pelos Estados-Membros que eventualmente possam impedir a entrada em vigor deste acordo? N茫o acha que isto 茅 a confirma莽茫o dos preju铆zos que podem resultar deste acordo em termos ambientais, em termos econ贸micos, em termos sociais? As preocupa莽玫es que t锚m sido colocadas pelos agricultores, relativamente 脿 destrui莽茫o da sua atividade econ贸mica por uma competi莽茫o desleal, com produ莽玫es a custos mais baixos, mas com riscos para os consumidores, s茫o preocupa莽玫es objetivas, Senhor Deputado. N茫o as ignore.

听听Francisco Assis (S&D), Resposta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Senhor Deputado Jo茫o Oliveira, n茫o desvalorize a import芒ncia democr谩tica deste Parlamento Europeu. O acordo vai ser discutido e vai ser votado aqui no Parlamento Europeu; e este Parlamento 茅 a express茫o tamb茅m da vontade dos v谩rios pa铆ses, dos v谩rios povos, dos v谩rios Estados europeus. O acordo 茅, do meu ponto de vista, um acordo bom, 茅 um acordo que protege, no essencial, os interesses europeus. Haver谩 alguns setores que podem perder. Em todos os acordos h谩 sempre esse risco. Ent茫o a铆 temos de encontrar mecanismos, cl谩usulas de salvaguarda, fundos de apoio e 茅 isso que est谩 previsto. Portanto, esse discurso, que 茅 um discurso que visa criar medo na sociedade europeia, junto de determinados setores da sociedade europeia, 茅 um discurso que n茫o serve os interesses daqueles que supostamente os senhores est茫o a representar e a defender.

听听Luke Ming Flanagan (The Left), blue-card question. 鈥� You accused MEPs on the left of telling lies about this agreement. It's one hell of a claim to make. What lies are you referring to? Is it a lie to say that, as a result of this agreement, 9听% of all high-value beef cuts being sold in the EU will come from Mercosur?

Is it a lie to say that we don't have EUR听1听billion compensation to pay farmers? Is it a lie to say it isn't a win-win, when suckler farmers in Europe are definitely going to lose? And if dairy farmers are going to win in Europe, in Mercosur they're obviously going to lose.

Where are the lies? Can you point them out? Because we're having a debate here. I'd like to know what you're talking about.

听听Francisco Assis (S&D), Resposta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Muito obrigado pela pergunta. O acordo, no essencial, como j谩 tive oportunidade de dizer, 茅 um acordo que garante e protege os v谩rios setores econ贸micos europeus. Nomeadamente no campo da agricultura, n贸s temos de fazer esse debate. Vamos ver quem ganha e, eventualmente, quem perde. Se houver alguns setores agr铆colas europeus que venham a perder, evidentemente que n贸s temos, a n铆vel europeu, de encontrar mecanismos de compensa莽茫o, e 茅 isso que temos feito ao longo dos anos. Se h谩 um setor na Uni茫o Europeia que tem beneficiado bastante dos apoios europeus 茅 precisamente o setor da agricultura. 脡 provavelmente o setor econ贸mico que mais tem beneficiado do apoio ao longo dos anos, ao longo das v谩rias d茅cadas de exist锚ncia da Uni茫o Europeia. Agora, o que tamb茅m n茫o 茅 aceit谩vel 茅 o discurso que se faz em rela莽茫o ao estado da agricultura naqueles pa铆ses. Eu conhe莽o esses pa铆ses todos, visitei鈥憃s v谩rias vezes. Nesses pa铆ses n茫o vigora a lei da selva. S茫o democracias, s茫o democracias com Estados de direito e s茫o democracias cada vez mais preocupadas em acompanhar as grandes agendas nas quest玫es do combate 脿s altera莽玫es clim谩ticas, 脿 desfloresta莽茫o, etc. Tamb茅m n茫o fa莽amos t茫o mau ju铆zo dos pa铆ses ...

(a Presidente retira a palavra ao orador)

听听Mireia Borr谩s Pab贸n (PfE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidenta, se帽or comisario, vamos a decirles la verdad a los europeos. Ustedes no quieren agricultura, ustedes no quieren ganader铆a, ustedes no quieren pesca. Por eso, primero asfixian al sector primario con su tiran铆a verde y ahora vienen a rematarles con este Acuerdo con el Mercosur, un pacto que inundar谩 Europa con carne hormonada, soja transg茅nica y otros productos que no estar谩n sometidos a ninguno de los est谩ndares sanitarios y medioambientales que exigen a nuestros productores europeos.

驴Y c贸mo compite, se帽or comisario, un ganadero europeo que soporta el 15听% de costes regulatorios frente a una carne hormonada de Brasil que no cumple con ninguno de estos requisitos? Pues no compite, se帽or comisario, se arruina, y eso es precisamente lo que ustedes quieren. Espa帽a ha perdido m谩s de 70听000听explotaciones agrarias en la 煤ltima d茅cada. Europa, m谩s de cinco听millones. Veo que no les parece suficiente. 驴Y saben qu茅 es lo m谩s indignante? Que vengan aqu铆 a hablarnos de sostenibilidad, mientras destruyen el medio rural de los europeos; que nos hablen de competitividad, mientras condenan a nuestro sector primario a la ruina.

Este Acuerdo es un chollo para las grandes multinacionales y una sentencia de muerte para la producci贸n familiar, para el medio ambiente y, sobre todo, para la seguridad alimentaria de los europeos. Mientras el Partido Popular y el Partido Socialista lo aplauden, nosotros decimos alto y claro que no vamos a ser el vertedero agr铆cola de sus intereses globalistas.

(La oradora acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la 芦tarjeta azul禄)

听听Dario Nardella (S&D), domanda "cartellino blu". 鈥� Parler貌 in italiano. Onorevole Pab贸n, Lei giustamente si preoccupa della distruzione dell'agricoltura. Allora perch茅 non dice niente sul rischio dei dazi che verranno dal governo americano e da Trump sui prodotti europei, come i prodotti agroalimentari, come il vino, come l'olio di oliva? E quando questo succeder脿, Lei sar脿 contro gli agricoltori spagnoli o contro Trump? Era a Madrid a dire che Trump 猫 il Suo leader per fare un'Europa migliore. Allora Lei 猫 patriota europea o patriota americana?

听听Mireia Borr谩s Pab贸n (PfE), respuesta de 芦tarjeta azul禄. 鈥� Se帽or铆a, el 煤nico arancel que la Uni贸n Europea se autoimpone es el Pacto Verde Europeo, que es el 煤nico arancel que ustedes imponen a todos nuestros agricultores, a nuestro sector primario; es el que verdaderamente est谩 da帽ando a nuestra agricultura y a nuestra ganader铆a, no Trump. Trump est谩 protegiendo 鈥攃omo deber铆a estar haciendo Europa鈥� a sus productores, a sus empresas nacionales y a su pueblo, muy al contrario de lo que estamos haciendo aqu铆 en Europa: somos los primeros que nos estamos pegando tiros en el pie y desprotegiendo a nuestros agricultores y a nuestro sector primario.

听听Veronika Vrecionov谩 (ECR). 鈥� Pan铆 p艡edsedaj铆c铆, pane komisa艡i, j谩 rozum铆m obav谩m zem臎d臎lc暖 ze sn铆啪en铆 cel, kter茅 p艡inese obchodn铆 dohoda s Mercosurem, a proto s nimi mus铆me intenzivn臎 jednat a hledat pro n臎 p艡ijateln谩 艡e拧en铆.

Jsem ale hluboce p艡esv臎d膷ena, 啪e voln媒 obchod p艡in谩拧铆 zdravou konkurenci, sni啪uje ceny pro spot艡ebitele, vede k inovac铆m a investic铆m. Evropsk媒m firm谩m i zem臎d臎lc暖m nab铆z铆 dohoda nov谩 stabiln铆 odbyti拧t臎, p艡铆stup ke strategick媒m surovin谩m i levn臎j拧铆 dovoz komodit, kter茅 neum铆me sami vyp臎stovat. Dohoda nav铆c obsahuje evropsk茅 standardy pro bezpe膷nost potravin i kontroln铆 mechanismy. Dohoda s Mercosurem je tak茅 拧anc铆 pro evropsk茅 firmy v dob臎, kdy hroz铆 obchodn铆 v谩lka s USA, kdy Putin svou agres铆 zablokoval obchod s Ruskem a 膶铆na je bezpe膷nostn臎 problematick媒m partnerem. Proto m谩 dohoda mou podporu.

听听Barry Cowen (Renew). 鈥� Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, we face a new global reality today, with countries retreating from trade and turning to protectionism. Amidst this shift, it's natural for the EU to seek new trading partners. In doing so, however, we must continue to uphold our principles by ensuring a level playing field.

As it stands, the Mercosur deal lacks key guarantees and imposes demands on Europe's farmers not matched by Mercosur nations. On the whole, for example, Ireland's agricultural industry has three strategic goals, all with EU competences: extending the nitrates derogation, an increased CAP budget and stopping a Mercosur deal that farmers believe threatens beef exports.

If the Commission were to provide meaningful assurances around the Mercosur deal and firm commitments on the derogations in the next CAP, I believe farmers' views could shift. Our country, for example, presently enjoys an EUR听800听million trade surplus with Mercosur nations.

This deal has the potential to bring about further opportunities, but good politics is ultimately about compromise. Good politics! And the question now is whether the Commission will prove its political astuteness by strengthening the deal and providing strategic assurances on the CAP and the derogation 鈥� or not!

听听Anja Hazekamp (The Left). 鈥� Voorzitter, commissaris, elk jaar importeert Europa miljoenen kilo鈥檚 fout paardenvlees uit Argentini毛 en Uruguay. Vlees van ernstig mishandelde paarden die bovendien nog eens met hormonen en medicijnen worden behandeld. Dat wordt hier verwerkt in bitterballen en andere snacks. Maar in plaats van deze import te stoppen, maakt Europa de handel in fout paardenvlees alleen nog maar makkelijker met de overeenkomst met Mercosur. Dat is slechts 茅茅n van de vele desastreuze gevolgen van deze handelsovereenkomst.

Er zal nog meer ontbost worden voor de productie van veevoer en biobrandstoffen. Hoe halen we dan de klimaat- en biodiversiteitsdoelen nog? Zuid鈥慉merikaanse boeren gebruiken pesticiden die hier in Europa verboden zijn. Met Mercosur is niet meer te voorkomen dat dit landbouwgif op ons bord belandt. Tot slot wil ik graag een toezegging van de commissaris dat levende dieren niet meer op transport worden gezet vanuit Mercosur-landen en op gigantische schepen hiernaartoe worden gebracht.

(De spreker stemt ermee in om te antwoorden op een 鈥渂lauwe kaart鈥�-vraag)

听听Jadwiga Wi艣niewska (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. 鈥� Chcia艂abym zapyta膰, jak Pani ocenia umow臋 Mercosur w kontek艣cie przyj臋tej przez nas w ubieg艂ej kadencji regulacji dotycz膮cej skr贸cenia 艂a艅cucha dostaw od pola do sto艂u? Czy Pani zna wyliczenia zwi膮zane z wdra偶aniem tej umowy i jak one prze艂o偶膮 si臋 na sytuacj臋 rolnik贸w w Unii Europejskiej, rolnik贸w polskich i niemieckich, we wszystkich pa艅stwach cz艂onkowskich? Czy nie spowoduje ona efektu domina, czyli 偶e b臋d膮 upada艂y masowo gospodarstwa rolne w zwi膮zku z tym, 偶e nie b臋d膮 w stanie sprosta膰 konkurencji cenowej?

听听Anja Hazekamp (The Left), 鈥渂lauwe kaart鈥�-antwoord. 鈥� Ik deel uw zorgen. De "van boer tot bord"-strategie was heel duidelijk: meer biologische landbouw, minder gebruik van landbouwgif, meer dierenwelzijn, en meer consumptie van groenten en fruit in plaats van vlees en zuivel. We zien echter dat de overeenkomst tussen de EU en Mercosur precies het tegenovergestelde doet. Die zal ertoe leiden dat we weer gevaarlijk landbouwgif mogen exporteren en dat de normen voor landbouwgif dat hier verboden is, worden verlaagd. Dat zien we nu al gebeuren. Er zal meer vlees en zuivel deze kant op komen, er zal meer ontbossing plaatsvinden, nog meer import van veevoer, enz. Kortom, onze boeren en ons milieu zijn niet gediend met de overeenkomst met Mercosur.

听听L铆dia Pereira (PPE). 鈥� Senhora Presidente, tarifas 茅 o assunto do momento. Fiat, Volkswagen, Renault est茫o entre as dez marcas mais vendidas no Mercosul. Pagam taxas de 35听%, tanto quanto a nossa ind煤stria da moda, e os nossos vinhos, mundialmente reconhecidos, 27听%. Reduzir ou eliminar tarifas n茫o ser谩 uma boa not铆cia. As terras raras que estes pa铆ses t锚m e que n贸s precisamos para a transi莽茫o energ茅tica? Devem ter reparado que o sistema el茅trico do B谩ltico foi integrado na rede europeia h谩 tr锚s dias. O investimento na nossa ind煤stria de defesa? Queremos lan莽ar sat茅lites de baixa 贸rbita, queremos usar ca莽as Eurofighter ou Super Rafale em vez dos F-35 americanos? Queremos que o sistema de defesa SAMP/T Mamba seja uma alternativa ao Patriot? Pois 茅, mas o Brasil processa 89听% do ni贸bio a n铆vel mundial e a Argentina, 11听% do l铆tio. Ser谩 que podemos mesmo deitar fora um acordo com o Mercosul? N茫o, n茫o podemos.

(A oradora aceita responder a v谩rias perguntas 芦cart茫o azul禄)

听听Isabella Tovaglieri (PfE), domanda "cartellino blu". 鈥� Onorevole Pereira, Lei ha citato delle case automobilistiche europee che, grazie a questo trattato, potrebbero finalmente vendere le loro auto in Sudamerica. Ma a Lei sfugge che oggi, grazie alle miopi politiche europee, queste aziende non vendono pi霉 un'auto in Europa. Stellantis nel 2024 ha registrato il -36听% di vendite di auto in Europa; 300听000听auto vendute: numeri da anni '50. E questo perch茅, se nel 2025 non vengono eliminate le sanzioni, queste case automobilistiche, per rispettare i target, sa che cosa stanno gi脿 facendo? Stanno diminuendo la produzione di auto tradizionali. L'alternativa 猫 acquistare certificati verdi da case che producono auto fuori dall'Europa. Quindi forse questi dazi anzich茅 metterli, anzi...

(La Presidente toglie la parola all'oratrice)

听听President. 鈥� Ask a question, please. Hello, could you ask a question, please? Thank you.

Okay, another 10听seconds for the question, please.

听听Isabella Tovaglieri (PfE), domanda "cartellino blu". 鈥� Non crede che, prima di eliminare qualunque dazio per farci invadere da prodotti agricoli scarsi dal punto di vista qualitativo, per vendere qualche auto in pi霉, sarebbe il caso invece di rivedere le nostre politiche europee e stimolare la nostra domanda interna e non quella di paesi stranieri?

听听L铆dia Pereira (PPE), Resposta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Senhora Deputada, agrade莽o a pergunta, apesar de ter vindo mesmo 脿 煤ltima hora. Como deve saber, ou pelo menos eu espero que saiba, porque de facto h谩 muita desinforma莽茫o que vem da sua bancada, h谩 quotas previstas para a importa莽茫o de produtos agr铆colas, h谩 mecanismos de controlo sanit谩rio. E, contas feitas, a quantidade de carne a importar corresponde a cerca de um bife de vaca e a um peito de frango por cada europeu. Portanto, eu n茫o estaria t茫o preocupada, porque j谩 fal谩mos e j谩 ouvimos o Senhor Comiss谩rio relativamente 脿s garantias e 脿s salvaguardas que est茫o previstas no acordo para o setor agr铆cola. Temos de perceber que estamos a falar de geopol铆tica, e estarmos completamente cerrados nas nossas fronteiras vai ter consequ锚ncias para o crescimento econ贸mico da Uni茫o Europeia.

听听Jadwiga Wi艣niewska (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. 鈥� Z Pani wypowiedzi jasno wynika, 偶e troszczy si臋 Pani o sytuacj臋 producent贸w aut. Zatem mam pytanie: czy wy chcecie bezpiecze艅stwo zdrowotne Europejczyk贸w przehandlowa膰 za zyski niemieckich producent贸w aut? Czy wy chcecie przehandlowa膰 sytuacj臋 zwi膮zan膮 z prowadzeniem gospodarstw rolnych, kt贸re strac膮 na konkurencyjno艣ci po przyj臋ciu tej ustawy, za zyski niemieckich producent贸w aut? Prosz臋 jasno na to pytanie odpowiedzie膰. I kto policzy艂 zyski dla Niemiec, dla Polski, dla europejskiego rolnictwa po przyj臋ciu umowy Mercosur, bo ja ich nie widz臋.

听听L铆dia Pereira (PPE), Resposta segundo o procedimento 芦cart茫o azul禄. 鈥� Senhora Deputada, eu agrade莽o uma vez mais a pergunta e vou鈥憀he responder. N茫o 茅 muito diferente da resposta que dei 脿 nossa outra colega. Existem quotas para a importa莽茫o no setor agr铆cola e existe controlo sanit谩rio, que deve respeitar todas as salvaguardas e todos os standards europeus que n贸s implementamos para os nossos agricultores. Portanto, creio que 茅 tempo de refletir, darmos tempo para percebermos o texto final. N茫o teria tantas reservas, mas perceberia uma coisa: sem este acordo, n贸s vamos estar muito mais dependentes de outras geografias do mundo que podem decidir tamb茅m fechar as portas ao com茅rcio internacional. E a铆, eu gostaria de saber o que 茅 que a Senhora Deputada iria dizer 脿s suas empresas para continuarem a crescer e a internacionalizarem鈥憇e.

听听Eric Sargiacomo (S&D). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, beaucoup de choses ont 茅t茅 dites. Je vais me concentrer sur les conditions de la r茅ciprocit茅 et, question centrale, d'un juste 茅change, tant pour un aspect de concurrence d茅loyale que sur le plan de la sant茅 publique, de la sauvegarde environnementale ou encore des droits sociaux.

En mati猫re de s茅curit茅 sanitaire, si nous interdisons des produits sanitaires en Europe parce qu'ils sont CMR听鈥撎齝anc茅rig猫nes, mutag猫nes, reprotoxiques听鈥� av茅r茅s par la science, alors il est de notre devoir de faire de cette interdiction une obligation absolue. Car la garantie de la sant茅 est d'ordre public, ici et l脿-bas. Elle doit s'imposer 脿 tout d茅cideur, 脿 tout trait茅, 脿 tout accord. Cette exigence doit entra卯ner l'obligation de conformit茅 des produits que nous importons, au-del脿 des contr么les douaniers al茅atoires ou de limites maximales de r茅sidus de pesticides, dont nous connaissons tous les failles.

Ces produits doivent faire l'objet d'un v茅ritable certificat de conformit茅 d茅livr茅 de fa莽on ind茅pendante, selon un cahier des charges 茅tabli par l'Union europ茅enne. En l'absence d'une telle garantie, l'Europe engagera sa responsabilit茅 pour mise en danger de la vie d'autrui, ici et l脿-bas. La confiance n'exclut pas le contr么le. Pour l'instant, les conditions de la confiance ne sont pas l脿, m锚me pour un milliard hypoth茅tique.

PRESIDE: ESTEBAN GONZ脕LEZ PONS
Vicepresidente

听听Gilles Pennelle (PfE). 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, Monsieur le Commissaire, je voudrais vous parler d'un 茅leveur de poulets breton qui s'appelle Patrick.

Il travaille longuement toute la journ茅e et, le soir, il consacre de nombreuses heures sur son ordinateur 脿 g茅rer le tsunami de vos normes: les 160 pages de r猫gles que l'Union europ茅enne a impos茅es 脿 la fili猫re volaille. Il a vu ses co没ts de production augmenter, ses revenus s'effondrer.

Il apprend un jour que Pedro, 茅leveur de poulets br茅silien, va pouvoir vendre ses poulets chez lui, 脿 des prix brad茅s. Il apprend que Pedro, lui, n'a pas de normes, ne respecte pas le bien-锚tre animal, utilise m锚me des produits phytosanitaires pour son ma茂s, alors que Patrick ne le peut pas, et que Pedro utilise des antibiotiques de croissance. Il n'a pas 茅t茅 茅cout茅 par la Commission.

Alors, Patrick m'a demand茅 de vous poser une question, Monsieur le Commissaire: 芦Quels int茅r锚ts servez-vous pour m'imposer une telle injustice?禄 Il a m锚me ajout茅: 芦Vous direz au commissaire europ茅en que je ne crois plus en son Europe.禄

听听Nora Junco Garc铆a (NI). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se帽or comisario, hoy me dirijo a usted con la firmeza de rechazar la incorporaci贸n de productos que no cumplan con las mismas condiciones y requisitos que se les exige a los nuestros, a nuestros ganaderos, a nuestros pescadores y a nuestros agricultores. Este Acuerdo con el Mercosur impulsa la competencia desleal.

驴De verdad nos compensa el precio que vamos a pagar: consumir alimentos sin garant铆as, con pesticidas y productos fitosanitarios no permitidos en la Uni贸n, poniendo en riesgo nuestra salud? 隆Qu茅 hipocres铆a, se帽ores! Asfixiamos a nuestros ganaderos y agricultores con reglamentaciones y normativas para favorecer a terceros pa铆ses que no juegan con las mismas reglas. Es lamentable. 驴Qui茅n se beneficia?

Es hora de revertir esta situaci贸n y crear acuerdos ventajosos para todos y, sobre todo, defender la salud y el bienestar de nuestros ciudadanos. Y les recuerdo que nuestro campo no quiere vivir de limosnas.

听听Elsi Katainen (Renew). 鈥� Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisa komission j盲sen, on selv盲盲, ett盲 Mercosur-sopimus on monin tavoin perusteltu ja t盲rke盲 tavoite. Euroopan on uudistettava markkinoita ja vahvistettava riippumattomuutta. Siihen tarvitsemme Mercosurin. Mutta on hyv盲 my枚s pohtia, vaarantuuko samalla yksi kilpailukykymme kulmakivi 鈥� omavarainen, huippulaatuinen ruuantuotantomme.

Eurooppalaiset viljelij盲t tuottavat parasta laatua, mutta k盲rsiv盲t huonosta kannattavuudesta, koska olemme asettaneet viljelij枚illemme eritt盲in korkeat tuotantostandardit. Standardit ovat eurooppalaista vastuullisuutta, ja meid盲n on kannettava vastuumme my枚s maataloutemme kannattavuudesta kaikissa tilanteissa. Emme voi toimia kaksien standardien unionissa my枚sk盲盲n Mercosurin voimassa ollessa.

Komissio on luvannut tukea eurooppalaisia viljelij枚it盲 ja suojella kuluttajiamme hormoneilla ja antibiooteilla kyll盲stetyilt盲 elintarvikkeilta tarkastuksin ja raja-arvoin. Mutta onko se tarpeeksi? Aiottehan siis est盲盲 eurooppalaisten perheviljelmien ep盲reilun kilpailutilanteen ja puolustaa eurooppalaisen laadukkaan ruuan omavaraisuutta my枚s meille t盲rke盲n Mercosurin aikana?

听听Marta Wcis艂o (PPE). 鈥� Panie Przewodnicz膮cy! Panie Komisarzu! Umowa handlowa mi臋dzy Uni膮 Europejsk膮 a Mercosurem przygotowana w tajemnicy przed rolnikami to nie szansa 鈥� m贸wi臋 to z b贸lem 鈥� a wyrok na europejskie rolnictwo. Mercosur to czarna gradowa chmura, kt贸ra zniszczy mikro, ma艂e rodzinne gospodarstwa rolne ju偶 dzi艣 z trudem stawiaj膮ce czo艂a nieuczciwemu handlowi z kraj贸w spoza Unii Europejskiej.

Polski rynek za poprzedniej w艂adzy zala艂y ju偶 produkty rolne niskiej jako艣ci spoza Unii, takie jak zbo偶e techniczne. Taki mamy wschodni Mercosur, Szanowni Pa艅stwo. Dodatkowo polscy rolnicy s膮 ob艂o偶eni najbardziej rygorystycznymi restrykcjami. Wprowadzanie zatem na nasze rynki takich produkt贸w jak zbo偶e, mi臋so, tyto艅 i cukier z kraj贸w Mercosur o niskiej jako艣ci i cenie zabije polskie i europejskie rolnictwo, zagra偶a bezpiecze艅stwu 偶ywno艣ciowemu i zdrowotnemu.

Szanowni Pa艅stwo, apeluj臋 i prosz臋 w imieniu polskich i europejskich rolnik贸w o solidarno艣膰 ca艂ej wsp贸lnoty w ochronie rynku rolnego, zdrowia konsument贸w i bezpiecze艅stwa 偶ywno艣ciowego. M贸wimy stanowcze 鈥濶ie!鈥� produktom niskiej jako艣ci, m贸wimy stanowcze 鈥濶ie!鈥� niebezpiecznej umowie ...

(Przewodnicz膮cy odebra艂 m贸wczyni g艂os)

听听Javier Moreno S谩nchez (S&D). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se帽or comisario, se帽or铆as, tras la patada que ha dado Trump al tablero comercial mundial es a煤n m谩s evidente que tenemos que reforzar los lazos econ贸micos y pol铆ticos con los pa铆ses del Mercosur, con los que compartimos, adem谩s, valores, principios, intereses y cultura. Son y deben seguir siendo nuestros aliados y nunca el chivo expiatorio de las contradicciones de los populistas, como fue en su d铆a el CETA.

Este Acuerdo ofrece inmensas oportunidades a los agricultores y responde a sus preocupaciones con largos per铆odos transitorios, con seguridad y con ayudas a los sectores y productos sensibles. Abre un mercado de doscientos sesenta millones de consumidores a nuestras empresas y, especialmente, a nuestras pymes. Diversifica nuestro acceso a las materias primas cr铆ticas y abre los mercados p煤blicos a nuestras empresas. Por 煤ltimo, ofrece garant铆as medioambientales, sociales y sanitarias que ahora no existen en el comercio entre los dos bloques.

Por todo ello, los socialistas espa帽oles creemos que es imprescindible aprobar este Acuerdo.

听听Isabella Tovaglieri (PfE). 鈥� Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ancora una volta il Made in Italy 猫 in pericolo a causa dell'Europa.

Questo trattato di libero scambio del Mercosur rischia di causare danni incalcolabili e irreversibili alle nostre imprese agricole, ma anche ai nostri cittadini. Questo accordo eliminer脿 appunto il 92听% dei dazi europei sulle importazioni da questi paesi. Peccato che, in questo modo, ci ritroveremo sulle tavole prodotti con standard qualitativamente bassi e standard igienici inferiori a quelli europei. Non solo: questi alimenti verranno venduti a prezzi stracciati, facendo concorrenza sleale ai nostri produttori e potrebbero quindi mettere a rischio anche la salute dei nostri cittadini. E, ancora una volta, saranno gli agricoltori e i consumatori a pagare i costi delle scellerate politiche di Bruxelles.

听听Oihane Agirregoitia Mart铆nez (Renew). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se帽or comisario, Europa lleva m谩s de veinte a帽os negociando este Acuerdo y eso deja en evidencia la complejidad y el esfuerzo extra que necesita en materia de transparencia y de trabajo con los sectores. Parece que vamos a tener beneficios para automoci贸n, maquinar铆a, herramientas, aeron谩utica, servicios avanzados a la industria, productores de vino, l谩cteos, quesos. Pero tambi茅n tenemos a parte de una sociedad que est谩 preocupada y a un sector primario que arrastra, adem谩s, problemas derivados de la 煤ltima reforma de la PAC.

Hablemos claro: uso de hormonas, fitosanitarios y cumplimiento del Acuerdo de Par铆s, para garantizar un mercado justo, tienen que estar encima de la mesa. Y necesitamos claridad en torno a productos protegidos, productos cuya apertura va a ser gradual en cuanto al mercado y seguimiento que se va a hacer del impacto e incumplimientos que supondr铆an el fin del Acuerdo, as铆 como medidas compensatorias y salvaguardas.

Hay que trabajar todos estos meses que tenemos por delante, con mesas mixtas de trabajo y con el sector, para que, cuando ese Acuerdo llegue a este Parlamento y toque votarlo, podamos hacerlo en consecuencia y esto no sea una guerra entre sectores, sino un espacio de oportunidades colectivas y sociales equilibradas.

听听Juan Ignacio Zoido 脕lvarez (PPE). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, en los Estados Unidos, aranceles; en China, competencia desleal; y, en Rusia, sencillamente la guerra. Este es el balance de las relaciones comerciales a las que nos enfrentamos actualmente. Para Europa el comercio siempre ha sido una herramienta econ贸mica, pero Trump, Xi Jinping y Putin lo han convertido en un arma pol铆tica y con ello est谩n poniendo en riesgo nuestra competitividad, nuestra prosperidad e, incluso, nuestra seguridad.

Por eso, necesitamos alternativas, necesitamos urgentemente nuevos mercados y el Mercosur supone una oportunidad para impulsar a nuestros exportadores y diversificar nuestras cadenas de suministro.

Pero no podemos cometer los mismos errores del pasado e ignorar las necesidades de nuestros agricultores y nuestros ganaderos. Tenemos la responsabilidad de darles garant铆as. Por eso, me parece buena noticia que el Acuerdo cuente con salvaguardas y medidas de reciprocidad s贸lida para proteger nuestro sector primario. Y todav铆a m谩s importante es que la Comisi贸n apueste esta legislatura por la reducci贸n de la burocracia verde. Comercio, s铆; simplificaci贸n, tambi茅n.

听听Dario Nardella (S&D). 鈥� Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, 猫 indubbio che il nuovo quadro geopolitico che nasce dalle elezioni americane e l'influenza sempre crescente cinese sul Sud America impongono all'Europa un cambio di schema.

Dobbiamo rafforzare il nostro impegno su tutti i mercati internazionali, giocare una leadership commerciale. L'Europa vive di export: il 30听% del GDP del nostro continente 猫 legato all'esportazione, e questo vale ancor di pi霉 per un paese come l'Italia, il mio paese.

Per questo il Mercosur, in linea di principio, 猫 uno strumento utile, soprattutto per i settori industriali, come la chimica, le auto, le macchine. Tuttavia, Commissario, possono esserci problemi seri per l'agricoltura.

Allora ci sono condizioni che la Commissione deve seguire. Primo: la reciprocit脿. Secondo: controlli con una dogana europea. Terzo: risorse per la promozione, perch茅 non si pu貌 tagliare la PAC e poi promuovere il Mercosur. Quarto: questa compensazione di un miliardo di euro ci sar脿 o no? Quinto: il rispetto degli standard ambientali.

Un accordo importante deve diventare un buon accordo.

听听Ton Diepeveen (PfE). 鈥� Voorzitter, de overeenkomst tussen de EU en Mercosur biedt kansen, maar brengt ook vooral risico's met zich mee. Onze boeren worden uitgeknepen en geconfronteerd met strenge regels, terwijl goedkope import uit Zuid-Amerika zonder problemen binnenkomt.

Wat de voedselveiligheid betreft, blijkt uit het rapport van de Commissie dat Brazili毛 gebruik maakt van verboden groeihormonen. Toch blijft de Commissie beweren dat alles onder controle is. Dit vormt een gevaar voor de consument en is een dolksteek in de rug van onze boeren. Wat krijgen wij hiervoor terug? In Nederland een schamele 0,03听% economische groei, terwijl onze veehouders voor de bus worden gegooid.

Als klap op de vuurpijl pompt Brussel ook 1,8听miljard听EUR belastinggeld in Mercosur, waarvan een deel naar boeren in Brazili毛 gaat, terwijl onze eigen boeren in de kou staan. Er is geen gelijk speelveld, geen eerlijke handel, maar wel nog meer bureaucratie en import uit landen die lak hebben aan onze regels. Dit is waanzin. Schrap dit akkoord. Schroef de Green Deal terug, zodat onze boeren eindelijk uit dit moeras van klimaatwaanzin kunnen ontsnappen.

听听Ana Vasconcelos (Renew). 鈥� Mr听President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, let us be clear about what's really at stake with the Mercosur agreement. It's not just Europe's economic future. It's our international credibility after stalling this deal for more than 20 years. It's about where we stand in a world where the global balance of powers is shifting and Europe is struggling to defend its interests.

Some warn of threats to our industry and farmers. They're missing the crucial point. Our economy doesn't struggle because of international competition. It struggles under the weight of excessive regulatory burdens.

This agreement cuts tariffs on key European exports while maintaining environmental standards. It gives small and medium-sized enterprises, the backbone of our economy, access to new opportunities in a market of nearly 300听million consumers. Yet some prefer to walk away because of fair competition. Here's a real threat: not competition, but risk aversion; not trade, but excessive bureaucracy. We burden our businesses with excessive regulations, and then we wonder why we struggle globally.

While we hesitate, China is acting fast. It has already replaced Europe as South America's primary trading partner. The path to European competitiveness isn't through isolation, it's through strategic engagement.

听听Salvatore De Meo (PPE). 鈥� Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'accordo commerciale Mercosur con i paesi dell'America latina, pur rappresentando un'opportunit脿 strategica, perch茅 mira a rafforzare la competitivit脿 europea, diversificando le catene di approvvigionamento e riducendo la dipendenza da altri mercati, presenta per貌 alcuni rischi e criticit脿 che, soprattutto per il settore agroalimentare, meritano la nostra attenzione prima di procedere alla sua definitiva approvazione.

Le nostre aziende agricole rispettano standard elevatissimi in termini di sicurezza, qualit脿, sostenibilit脿 ambientale e benessere animale, a differenza di quelle dei paesi Mercosur. A fronte di ci貌, dobbiamo prevedere controlli rigorosi per assicurare reciprocit脿 nelle importazioni, prevenire concorrenza sleale a garanzia dei nostri agricoltori e dei nostri consumatori, cos矛 come dobbiamo rafforzare gli strumenti di tutela dei prodotti europei di indicazione geografica.

Un'Europa competitiva non si costruisce solo con l'apertura dei mercati, ma anche con la tutela delle proprie aziende e delle proprie eccellenze. Questo accordo potr脿 definirsi equo se saremo in grado di garantire nuove opportunit脿, senza per貌 sacrificare la nostra sicurezza e la nostra identit脿 alimentare e soprattutto il futuro delle nostre imprese.

听听Leire Paj铆n (S&D). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se ha dicho que el Acuerdo con el Mercosur es muy relevante en t茅rminos comerciales, pero es sobre todo muy relevante en t茅rminos geopol铆ticos. Llevamos meses hablando de la necesidad de una autonom铆a estrat茅gica de la Uni贸n Europea. 驴Y con qui茅n nos vamos a aliar si no es con una regi贸n como Am茅rica Latina, con la que compartimos valores, con la que hemos defendido en el 谩mbito multilateral el Acuerdo de Par铆s o la Agenda 2030?

Y, por supuesto, es importante que en este debate hablemos de lo que realmente contiene este Acuerdo, porque claro que somos sensibles a los elementos ambientales. Por eso, conviene decir que este Acuerdo incluye compromisos vinculantes para la protecci贸n de los bosques y de la naturaleza, que son fundamentales.

Tambi茅n somos sensibles 鈥攃omo no puede ser de otra manera鈥� a los elementos sociales. Por eso, es importante dejar bien claro que este Acuerdo tambi茅n recuerda de forma muy clara los derechos laborales, la igualdad de g茅nero o los derechos de los pueblos ind铆genas y de los peque帽os productores de aqu铆 y de all铆.

Y somos tambi茅n sensibles a los sectores agr铆colas 鈥攍os c铆tricos, por ejemplo鈥�, pero queremos decirles que este Acuerdo recoge cl谩usulas y tenemos herramientas como el observatorio europeo o, por supuesto, las cl谩usulas de salvaguardia, que vamos a utilizar para defender un buen Acuerdo para los intereses de nuestros agricultores aqu铆 y all铆.

听听Barbara Bonte (PfE). 鈥� Voorzitter, het Mercosur-akkoord zal onze Europese boeren recht in het hart treffen. Na alles wat onze boeren al hebben moeten incasseren met de Green Deal, die doorgevoerd werd onder druk van door de Commissie gesubsidieerde groene ngo's, is dit de zoveelste aanslag op alles wat boeren generaties lang hebben opgebouwd. De Green Deal heeft landbouwbedrijven al gedwongen om hun verdienmodel aan te passen. Vele landbouwbedrijven hebben dan ook noodgedwongen de deuren gesloten. Dit Mercosur-akkoord dreigt voor onze boeren de doodsteek te worden.

Waarom moet onze markt overspoeld worden door goedkoop rundvlees, gevogelte en zuivel uit Zuid-Amerika, terwijl we in Europa het beste voedsel produceren dat aan de hoogste normen voldoet? Waarom moet de toekomst van 9听miljoen landbouwbedrijven op het spel worden gezet? Het is nu al duidelijk dat dit akkoord de markt zal ontwrichten. Het zal de prijzen die landbouwers voor hun producten ontvangen, verder onder druk zetten. Het zal de kleinere landbouwbedrijven definitief de nek omwringen. Stop deze zelfvernietiging. Stop dit Mercosur-akkoord.

听听C茅line Imart (PPE). 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, l'int茅r锚t g茅ostrat茅gique d'arrimer le Mercosur 脿 l'Europe dans un contexte de guerre commerciale est incontestable. Mais l'enfer est pav茅 de bonnes intentions et nos agriculteurs go没tent d茅j脿 trop au parfum du souffre: inflation normative galopante qui, sous couvert d'茅cologie, les prive de facteurs de production; manque de comp茅titivit茅 qui p猫se sur leur sant茅 mentale et financi猫re; concurrence de puissances agricoles qui pensent 脿 produire avant de penser 脿 r茅glementer.

Monsieur le Commissaire, que ferez-vous pour assurer la r茅ciprocit茅 des normes environnementales lorsque l'Argentine, comme annonc茅, sortira des accords de Paris? Que ferez-vous lorsque ce funeste m茅canisme de r茅茅quilibrage menacera directement la souverainet茅 juridique de l'Union europ茅enne et des 脡tats membres? Que ferez-vous pour faire avaler le coup de force d茅mocratique lorsque vous scinderez听cet accord, refusant ainsi aux parlements nationaux leur droit l茅gitime 脿 le ratifier? Et que ferez-vous pour nos agriculteurs europ茅ens en souffrance? Un d茅risoire fonds d'indemnisation de 1听milliard d'euros pour vous acheter une bonne conscience en leur disant 芦Mourez tranquilles, nous vous payons pour dispara卯tre禄?

脡clairez-nous donc sur votre partition avant d'茅crire le requiem de nos agriculteurs tomb茅s au front de la concurrence d茅loyale.

听听President. 鈥� Colleagues, I have a 17 requests for catch鈥憈he鈥慹ye. I'm going to attend all of them, because I think it's fair. But in the next debate I will not admit any blue cards, and I will not open the catch鈥憈he鈥慹ye.

I have to say, from my side, that I think that this debate should have been much longer, that we've been debating lots of things during the past days, and I think that this issue should have had much more time than we have had.

So I'm going to attend all the 17 requests for catch鈥憈he鈥慹ye. I beg all the speakers to respect one minute, because I will cut all of them at the minute mark.

Solicitudes incidentales de uso de la palabra (芦catch the eye禄)

听听Nina Carberry (PPE). 鈥� Mr President, free and open trade is crucial for both Ireland and Europe, but I want to again raise my concerns on the Mercosur trade agreement around traceability and the need for a level playing field for our farmers and food producers.

A recent Eurobarometer survey highlights the fact that 88听% of Europeans agree that agricultural imports of any origin should only enter the EU if their production has complied with EU environmental, animal welfare and labour standards. This shows that Europeans, as consumers, value the work we do here to protect high standards, and ensure traceability and sustainability.

One of the greatest strengths of the European Union is its high standards in traceability and food security. We have a duty to ensure that all products coming into the EU meet these standards. Irish farmers are proud of their product and are committed to upholding high standards, but also expect to be on a level playing field with their competition.

听听Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). 鈥� Mr听President, dear Commissioner, colleagues, I heard a lot of misinformation and lies when we were speaking about sanitary and phytosanitary standards. Colleagues, European sanitary and phytosanitary standards are not negotiable!

The EU has very stringent standards to protect human, animal and plant health, and any product sold in the EU must comply with the European Union standards. I have been Commissioner for food safety and health, I know very well that it is to remain unrelated and unaltered regardless of a trade agreement.

EU animal, plant and health and food safety import controls are very strict, and we can control all third countries. It doesn't matter which agreement it is.

I welcome this Mercosur agreement because I was involved in 2019, of course Paris Agreement and trade and sustainable development inclusion is very well done, and we need to go forward and see it.

听听Diego Solier (NI). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se帽or comisario, 驴de qu茅 va este Acuerdo con el Mercosur? 驴De venderles producci贸n industrial a cambio de que inunden nuestros mercados con productos cultivados con pesticidas prohibidos en Europa? Estos controles que dicen que se van a implementar, 驴son los mismos controles que dejan pasar todos los productos que vienen de Marruecos sin control? Es decir, 驴vendemos la salud de nuestros ciudadanos a cambio de sacar producci贸n industrial?

O protegemos a nuestros agricultores y ganaderos, para que jueguen con las mismas reglas que el resto, o nuestros agricultores no podr谩n mantener sus producciones. 驴Queremos dejar en manos de terceros lo que nosotros y nuestros hijos vamos a comer? 驴De verdad?

听听Majdouline Sbai (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, chers coll猫gues, Monsieur le Commissaire, connaissez-vous l'艙stradiol听17? C'est une hormone st茅ro茂dienne produite par les follicules ovariens et le placenta. Elle a 茅t茅 synth茅tis茅e pour devenir une hormone de croissance, dans l'茅levage, pour faire grossir et grandir les animaux. En听2013, il a 茅t茅 reconnu que les r茅sidus de cette hormone de synth猫se sont retrouv茅s dans notre corps, dans nos eaux de surface. C'est donc pour cela que, dans sa grande sagesse, notre institution a interdit son utilisation et l'importation de la viande en contenant.

L'艙stradiol听17 favorise les cancers, en particulier le cancer du sein. C'est m锚me la premi猫re cause de cancers chez les non-fumeuses. Le mois dernier, la Commission europ茅enne nous a pr茅sent茅 un rapport indiquant que, premi猫rement, les pays du Mercosur utilisaient massivement l'艙stradiol et, deuxi猫mement, les contr么les pharmacologiques y 茅taient d茅faillants.

Alors comment, en important 90听000 tonnes de viande du Mercosur, allez-vous nous garantir notre sant茅? Allez-vous aussi proposer un fonds de compensation? Mes chers coll猫gues, Monsieur le Commissaire, il n'existe pas, pour les femmes, de solution de remplacement. Il n'existe pas de solution de remplacement pour les enfants des m猫res endeuill茅es.

听听Jo茫o Oliveira (The Left). 鈥� Senhor Presidente, o acordo do Mercosul 茅 bom e mau. 脡 um acordo bom para as multinacionais do agroneg贸cio, mas 茅 um acordo mau para os pequenos e m茅dios agricultores e para os consumidores. 脡 um acordo bom para os grandes grupos industriais das pot锚ncias da Uni茫o Europeia que t锚m agora abertos os mercados da Am茅rica Latina, mas 茅 mau para os restantes pa铆ses, que continuar茫o a n茫o ter condi莽玫es de desenvolver a sua produ莽茫o industrial. O acordo do Mercosul 茅 bom para os grandes grupos do setor dos servi莽os que t锚m agora aberto o mercado da contrata莽茫o p煤blica na Am茅rica Latina. Mas 茅 mau, em geral, para as micro, pequenas e m茅dias empresas, para os pequenos e m茅dios agricultores, para todos aqueles que, produzindo de acordo com regras e pr谩ticas tradicionais, se ver茫o confrontados com uma concorr锚ncia desfavor谩vel com a inunda莽茫o dos mercados de produtos a mais baixo custos, porque produzidos em condi莽玫es diferentes daquelas que lhes s茫o impostas. Se este acordo 茅 bom e mau, 茅 贸bvio que 茅 bom para uma minoria e mau para uma imensa maioria. E 茅 por isso que a Comiss茫o n茫o quer que os Estados fa莽am o seu escrut铆nio nacional e est谩 a procurar dividir o acordo em dois para impedir esse escrut铆nio. Essa 茅 uma op莽茫o com a qual n茫o concordamos e que n茫o aceitaremos.

听听Grzegorz Braun (NI). 鈥� Mr听President, I just want to express my immense gratitude. Thank you for making my work so much easier. It's much easier for me to explain to my compatriots, Polish workers 鈥� not only in agriculture, but also in mining 鈥� how dangerous the European Union is. It's much easier for me after your Mercosur deal to explain that you are about to devastate, demolish, destroy all our normal life.

So thank you very much, 搁别颈肠丑蝉蹿眉丑谤别谤颈苍 von der Leyen. Thank you very much, 搁别颈肠丑蝉迟补驳蝉辫谤盲蝉颈诲别苍迟颈苍 Metsola. Thanks, you're being very helpful.

听听H茅lder Sousa Silva (PPE). 鈥� Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comiss谩rio, o acordo com o Mercosul 茅 um acordo justo, um acordo equilibrado e um bom acordo do ponto de vista geopol铆tico, econ贸mico e social. N茫o restam d煤vidas que para a ind煤stria 茅 um bom acordo e que temos de incluir garantias do ponto de vista do setor agr铆cola. Est茫o previstas garantias adicionais, nesta 煤ltima vers茫o do acordo, que passam por: fases graduais de implementa莽茫o, quotas, m谩ximas e salvaguardas, em especial para a carne bovina, subven莽玫es e apoio financeiro aos eventuais agricultores afetados, prote莽茫o para mais de 350 produtos europeus, condicionamento 脿 entrada de produtos do Mercosul que n茫o cumpram as regras ambientais e sanit谩rias, e respeito pelo Acordo de Paris e pelo combate ao desmatamento ilegal. Excelente trabalho feito pela Comiss茫o Europeia. J谩 demor谩mos 20 anos a chegar aqui. Parem de mentiras, parem e vamos acelerar e assinar este acordo.

听听Cristina Maestre (S&D). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, las preguntas que nos tenemos que hacer son: 驴queremos ser una potencia fuerte o aislarnos en un mundo competitivo? 驴Queremos fortalecer nuestra industria 鈥攓ue invierte m谩s de 340听000听millones de euros鈥� o regalarle el mercado a China, a la India o a los Estados Unidos? 驴Queremos que nuestros agricultores sigan pagando tasas del 28听%, del 35听%, o incluso m谩s, o abrir un mercado libre de aranceles?

La ultraderecha est谩 en un laberinto nocivo para la Uni贸n Europea: apoya los aranceles de Trump, pero a la vez no quiere apoyar un comercio abierto con Latinoam茅rica. Yo creo que esto es un sindi贸s听y tendr谩n que explicarlo tambi茅n al tejido productivo.

Dicho esto, claro que tenemos que ser exigentes y garantistas con los sectores m谩s sensibles, claro que s铆. Por eso, yo le pido a la Comisi贸n Europea que d茅 certidumbres y tambi茅n transparencia por el bien de nuestros agricultores. Hay que fortalecer las medidas de salvaguardia para los sectores sensibles. Pedimos m谩s controles en fronteras, para que se cumplan los contingentes establecidos, proteger la liberaci贸n parcial de esos productos sensibles, claro que s铆, y, por supuesto, que nos diga de d贸nde va a salir ese fondo de compensaci贸n y si va a ser lo suficientemente fuerte, por si hubiera que hacer uso de ello.

听听Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Senhor Presidente, o Comiss谩rio diz que os produtos agr铆colas t锚m de cumprir as regras que se aplicam na UE. Como vai ser isso garantido,听Comiss谩rio? O Acordo do Mercosul 茅 ben茅fico para todos? Para os criadores de gado galegos e para os produtores de carne e leite n茫o 茅 ben茅fico. Para pequenas e m茅dias empresas agr铆colas? N茫o 茅 ben茅fico. Falaram com os 40听000 produtores agr铆colas galegos que se viram obrigados a fechar as suas explora莽玫es nos 煤ltimos 20 anos? Diz o PP que h谩 que falar com os criadores de gado. Falem com eles. A geopol铆tica e o interesse das multinacionais n茫o podem esmagar os nossos produtores. Esta semana, no Parlamento da Galiza, o Partido Popular votou contra a nossa proposta, a proposta do BNG, de analisar as consequ锚ncias do acordo no setor agropecu谩rio galego. Esmagar, pagar para esmagar e para desaparecer. N茫o com o nosso voto, Comiss谩rio.

听听螞蔚蠀蟿苇蟻畏蟼 螡喂魏慰位维慰蠀-螒位伪尾维谓慰蟼 (NI). 鈥� 螝蠉蟻喂蔚 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 伪蠀蟿苇蟼 蟿喂蟼 渭苇蟻蔚蟼 慰喂 伪纬蟻蠈蟿蔚蟼 蟽蟿畏谓 螘位位维未伪 未委谓慰蠀谓 未喂伪蟻魏萎 魏伪喂 未委魏伪喂慰 伪纬蠋谓伪 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蟺伪蟻伪渭慰谓萎 蟽蟿畏 纬畏 蟿慰蠀蟼, 蟺慰蠀 纬委谓蔚蟿伪喂 伪蠁蠈蟻畏蟿畏 伪蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 蔚蠀蟻蠅蔚谓蠅蟽喂伪魏萎 螝螕螤, 蟿慰 蟿蟽维魏喂蟽渭伪 蟿慰蠀 蔚喂蟽慰未萎渭伪蟿慰蟼 伪蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏, 蟿喂蟼 蔚尉蔚蠀蟿蔚位喂蟽蟿喂魏苇蟼 蟿喂渭苇蟼 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 渭蔚纬伪位苇渭蟺慰蟻慰蠀蟼, 蟿畏谓 伪谓蠉蟺伪蟻魏蟿畏 蟺蟻慰蟽蟿伪蟽委伪 伪蟺蠈 魏伪蟿伪蟽蟿蟻慰蠁苇蟼, 蟿畏谓 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿蔚位苇蠂蠅蟽畏 魏蟻伪蟿喂魏蠋谓 蠀蟺畏蟻蔚蟽喂蠋谓 蟺慰蠀 蔚委谓伪喂 伪蟺慰蟿苇位蔚蟽渭伪 蟿畏蟼 未畏渭慰蟽喂慰谓慰渭喂魏萎蟼 蟽蟿伪胃蔚蟻蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼.

螘蟺喂蟺位苇慰谓, 未蠀蟽魏慰位蔚蠉慰蠀谓 蟺蔚蟻伪喂蟿苇蟻蠅 蟿畏谓 魏伪蟿维蟽蟿伪蟽畏 慰喂 未喂伪魏蟻伪蟿喂魏苇蟼 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓委蔚蟼 蟿蠉蟺慰蠀 Mercosur 蟺慰蠀 胃伪 伪蠀尉萎蟽慰蠀谓 蟿喂蟼 伪胃蟻蠈蔚蟼 蔚喂蟽伪纬蠅纬苇蟼 伪纬蟻慰蟿喂魏蠋谓 蟺蟻慰蠆蠈谓蟿蠅谓, 蟿喂蟼 蔚位位畏谓慰蟺慰喂萎蟽蔚喂蟼 蟺慰蠀 蟺位萎蟿蟿慰蠀谓 蟿慰 蔚喂蟽蠈未畏渭伪 蟿蠅谓 蟺伪蟻伪纬蠅纬蠋谓. 螝蠈谓蟿蟻伪 蟽蟿畏谓 魏蠀尾蔚蟻谓畏蟿喂魏萎 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎, 魏蠈谓蟿蟻伪 蟽蟿喂蟼 渭蔚喂蠅渭苇谓蔚蟼 伪蟺伪喂蟿萎蟽蔚喂蟼 蟺慰蠀 魏伪位位喂蔚蟻纬蔚委 畏 蟽蠀渭蟺慰位喂蟿蔚蠀蠈渭蔚谓畏 伪谓蟿喂蟺慰位委蟿蔚蠀蟽畏, 慰喂 尾喂慰蟺伪位伪喂蟽蟿苇蟼 伪纬蟻蠈蟿蔚蟼 蟺伪位蔚蠉慰蠀谓 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚蟺喂尾委蠅蟽萎 蟿慰蠀蟼 未喂蔚魏未喂魏蠋谓蟿伪蟼 渭蔚委蠅蟽畏 蟿慰蠀 魏蠈蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺伪蟻伪纬蠅纬萎蟼 渭蔚 魏蟻伪蟿喂魏萎 蟺伪蟻苇渭尾伪蟽畏, 伪蠁慰蟻慰位蠈纬畏蟿慰 蟺蔚蟿蟻苇位伪喂慰 蟽蟿畏谓 伪谓蟿位委伪, 渭蔚委蠅蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蟿喂渭萎蟼 蟿慰蠀 蟻蔚蠉渭伪蟿慰蟼 蟽蟿伪 7 位蔚蟺蟿维, 100% 伪蟺慰味畏渭喂蠋蟽蔚喂蟼, 蔚纬纬蠀畏渭苇谓蔚蟼 蟿喂渭苇蟼 蟺蠋位畏蟽畏蟼 蟿蠅谓 蟺蟻慰蠆蠈谓蟿蠅谓 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰蠀 谓伪 蔚尉伪蟽蠁伪位委味慰蠀谓 蟿慰 蔚喂蟽蠈未畏渭维 蟿慰蠀蟼, 蟺位萎蟻畏 蟽蟿蔚位苇蠂蠅蟽畏 魏蟻伪蟿喂魏蠋谓, 纬蔚蠅蟺慰谓喂魏蠋谓 魏伪喂 魏蟿畏谓喂伪蟿蟻喂魏蠋谓 蠀蟺畏蟻蔚蟽喂蠋谓.

听听Maria Walsh (PPE). 鈥� Mr President, Commissioner, farmers in Ireland are extremely worried about the prospect of additional tonnes of meat produced at lower costs and poorer environmental standards entering our EU, in direct competition with local meat produced to the highest of European standards 鈥� standards we set here for them. As an island nation, Irish farmers know more than most how important trade is, especially in the current political landscape, and there can be no support without concrete answers to the questions below.

How do we protect the interests of our farmers and rural communities, and ensure that farmers actually benefit from this trade deal? How do we guarantee that there is no unfair competition, and that our farmers are not left behind in the global market? And how do we ensure that farmers on both sides of the Atlantic meet the same environmental and quality standards?

We must negotiate safeguards to ensure that Irish and European farming remains competitive, resilient and fair. The farmers deserve it.

听听Daniel Buda (PPE). 鈥� Domnule pre葯edinte, stima葲i colegi, dezbaterea privind acordul Mercosur st芒rne葯te multe emo葲ii 葯i ridic膬 卯ntreb膬ri la care 卯nc膬 nu s-au oferit r膬spunsuri clare. Realitatea este 卯ns膬 c膬, 卯n timp ce fermierii europeni sunt supu葯i celor mai stricte norme de mediu, 卯n alte p膬r葲i ale lumii aceste reguli pur 葯i simplu nu exist膬. Europa are datoria s膬-葯i protejeze fermierii 葯i s膬 le ofere garan葲ii solide pentru a-葯i putea continua activitatea. Ace葯tia nu trebuie s膬 fie sacrifica葲i pe altarul neputin葲ei noastre de a le oferi certitudini 卯ntr-o lume at芒t de incert膬, generat膬 de infla葲ie, secet膬, inunda葲ii sau r膬zboiul din Ucraina.

Ei nu cer privilegii sau tratament preferen葲ial. Cer doar dreptul de a concura 卯n mod corect. Compensa葲iile provizionate a fi acordate fermierilor trebuie s膬 fie dublate de relaxarea condi葲iilor de produc葲ie 卯n agricultur膬, domnule comisar, iar acordul trebuie s膬 fie echitabil, s膬 creeze oportunit膬葲i reale de comer葲 葯i s膬 nu distrug膬 agricultura european膬. Este datoria noastr膬 de a g膬si cele mai bune solu葲ii at芒t pentru fermierii europeni, dar 葯i pentru consumatori.

听听Jean-Marc Germain (S&D). 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers coll猫gues, les derni猫res n茅gociations ont-elles permis d'am茅liorer le projet d'accord commercial entre l'Europe et le Mercosur? La r茅ponse est oui, mais aucun des efforts que nous pourrions faire pour continuer 脿 l'am茅liorer ne changera ce fait: un accord de libre-茅change, c'est parfois un mieux pour le consommateur, des secteurs gagnants, mais c'est toujours une kyrielle de perdants, dont aucun fonds de compensation ne r茅pare jamais les vies bris茅es et les territoires d茅stabilis茅s.

Un accord de libre-茅change, c'est une perte de souverainet茅, comme viennent de nous le rappeler les d茅cisions de Trump. Quand le temps des avantages r茅ciproques s'estompe, vient le temps du chantage, auquel il est bien difficile de r茅sister quand la d茅pendance 脿 l'autre s'est install茅e. Le doux commerce, en r茅alit茅, n'existe pas.

Le libre-茅change, c'est certes plus de libert茅 individuelle de commercer, mais moins de libert茅 collective, cette libert茅 de choisir, en Europe, d'锚tre un continent qui met l'humain d'abord et pose la pr茅servation du vivant comme un imp茅ratif. Alors oui pour un partenariat avec les pays du Mercosur, mais il existe 1听000听autres voies de coop茅ration.

听听螠伪蟻委伪 螙伪蠂伪蟻委伪 (NI). 鈥� 螝蠉蟻喂蔚 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 畏 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓委伪 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼-Mercosur 蟺伪蟻慰蠀蟽喂维味蔚蟿伪喂 蠅蟼 蔚蠀魏伪喂蟻委伪 纬喂伪 蟿喂蟼 蔚蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏苇蟼 蔚蟺喂蠂蔚喂蟻萎蟽蔚喂蟼. 螌渭蠅蟼, 伪蟼 渭喂位萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 尉蔚魏维胃伪蟻伪. 螝伪蟿鈥� 伪蟻蠂萎谓, 蔚未蠋 未蔚谓 蔚委渭伪蟽蟿蔚 蟿慰 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏蠈 螝慰喂谓慰尾慰蠉位喂慰 蟺慰位蠀蔚胃谓喂魏蠋谓 蔚蟿伪喂蟻蔚喂蠋谓.

螘蟺委蟽畏蟼, 慰喂 蟺慰位蠀蔚胃谓喂魏苇蟼 伪蠀尉维谓慰蠀谓 蟿伪 魏苇蟻未畏 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蔚 渭委伪 蟿苇蟿慰喂伪 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓委伪. 螌渭蠅蟼, 慰喂 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪委慰喂 伪纬蟻蠈蟿蔚蟼 魏伪喂 慰喂 魏蟿畏谓慰蟿蟻蠈蠁慰喂 蟽蠀谓胃位委尾慰谓蟿伪喂 伪蟺蠈 伪胃苇渭喂蟿慰 伪谓蟿伪纬蠅谓喂蟽渭蠈. 螝伪喂 蟿喂 魏蔚蟻未委味慰蠀谓 慰喂 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 渭伪蟼; 桅胃畏谓蠈蟿蔚蟻伪 蟺蟻慰蠆蠈谓蟿伪 伪渭蠁委尾慰位畏蟼 蟺慰喂蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼 蟺慰蠀 未蔚谓 蟺位畏蟻慰蠉谓 蟿伪 伪蠀蟽蟿畏蟻维 蟺蟻蠈蟿蠀蟺伪 蟿畏蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎蟼 螆谓蠅蟽畏蟼. 螛伪 未蔚蠂蟿慰蠉渭蔚 谓伪 纬蔚渭委蟽慰蠀谓 蟿伪 蟻维蠁喂伪 渭伪蟼 渭蔚 蟺蟻慰蠆蠈谓蟿伪 蟺慰蠀 蟺伪蟻维纬慰谓蟿伪喂 渭蔚 伪蟺伪纬慰蟻蔚蠀渭苇谓伪 蠁蠀蟿慰蠁维蟻渭伪魏伪, 蠂蠅蟻委蟼 魏伪渭委伪 蟺蔚蟻喂尾伪位位慰谓蟿喂魏萎 蔚蠀胃蠉谓畏, 渭蔚 蟿畏谓 伪蟺慰蠄委位蠅蟽畏 蟿慰蠀 螒渭伪味慰谓委慰蠀 谓伪 蟽蠀谓蔚蠂委味蔚蟿伪喂 伪谓蔚尉苇位蔚纬魏蟿伪; 螛伪 伪谓蔚蠂蟿慰蠉渭蔚 蟺蟻慰蠆蠈谓蟿伪 蟺慰蠀 蟺蟻慰苇蟻蠂慰谓蟿伪喂 伪蟺蠈 味蠋伪 蟺慰蠀 苇蠂慰蠀谓 蔚魏蟿蟻伪蠁蔚委 渭蔚 蟽蠀谓胃萎魏蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 畏 螘蠀蟻蠋蟺畏 胃蔚蠅蟻蔚委 伪蟺维谓胃蟻蠅蟺蔚蟼;

螛苇位蔚蟿蔚 谓伪 魏维谓蔚蟿蔚 渭喂伪 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓委伪; 螝维谓蟿蔚 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓委伪 渭蔚 蟿慰蠀蟼 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪委慰蠀蟼 伪纬蟻蠈蟿蔚蟼. 韦伪 伪喂蟿萎渭伪蟿维 蟿慰蠀蟼 蔚委谓伪喂 未委魏伪喂伪. 螛苇位慰蠀谓 未委魏伪喂蔚蟼 蟿喂渭苇蟼, 渭蔚委蠅蟽畏 蟿慰蠀 魏蠈蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺伪蟻伪纬蠅纬萎蟼 魏伪喂 蟺蟻慰蟽蟿伪蟽委伪 伪蟺蠈 魏伪蟿伪蟽蟿蟻慰蠁苇蟼.

听听Jessika Van Leeuwen (PPE). 鈥� Mr President, thank you very much for giving me the opportunity to speak today. I will continue in Dutch.

Voorzitter, de positie van BBB is bekend. Wij kunnen dit handelsakkoord met Mercosur niet steunen. Onze bezwaren betreffen het ongelijke speelveld. De EU dwingt onze boeren om aan veel hogere standaarden te voldoen dan wat in Mercosur de norm is. Als dierwetenschapper heb ik jaren in Zuid-Amerika gewerkt; ik weet dat het handhaven van afspraken op het gebied van productiemethoden en dierenwelzijn onmogelijk is.

Dit akkoord gaat in tegen de wens van bijna 90听% van de EU-burgers: zij hebben aangegeven dat zij veilig en eerlijk voedsel op hun bord willen. Voor BBB is voedselzekerheid een strategische prioriteit. Wij zijn van mening dat dit handelsakkoord daar onvoldoende rekening mee houdt.

听听Marko Ve拧ligaj (S&D). 鈥� Po拧tovani predsjedavaju膰i, kad raspravljamo o ovome sporazumu o MERCOSUR-u trebamo uzeti u obzir i specifi膷nosti manjih zemalja, kao 拧to je Hrvatska, u kojoj kostur poljoprivrede 膷ine zapravo mali poljoprivrednici i oni 膰e biti najvi拧e pogo膽eni ovim sporazumom - razni sektori, od sto膷arstva, ratarstva, peradarstva, pa i vinarstva, gdje sam svjestan toga da se otvara jedno veliko tr啪i拧te, prvenstveno za vinarsku industriju velikih zemalja, dakle tr啪i拧te MERCOSUR-a. Me膽utim, ono 拧to mene brine jest mogu膰nost da 膰emo biti preplavljeni jeftinim vinima upitne kvalitete iz Ju啪ne Amerike i na taj na膷in - i u kombinaciji s onim s 膷ime se suo膷ava danas vinarski sektor, a to su, podsjetit 膰u vas, bolesti vinove loze, da Europska komisija opet najavljuje sheme grubbing up-a, odnosno kr膷enja vinograda - mo啪e stvoriti brojne opasnosti za vinarski sektor u manjim zemljama kao 拧to je Hrvatska, ponavljam, koja nema problema s prekomjernom proizvodnjom, gdje mali vinari 膷ine temelj te proizvodnje i koja 啪eli 拧tititi i razvijati svoje autohtone sorte.

听听Se谩n Kelly (PPE). 鈥� A Uachtar谩in, m铆le bu铆ochas as ucht an t-url谩r a thabhairt d煤inn uilig. Mar a d煤irt t煤, t谩 an d铆osp贸ireacht seo an-t谩bhachtach.

There are those who are against Mercosur, but they are against everything. But there are also many speakers here this morning who are pro-trade but say they cannot support Mercosur in its current form. That would reflect the position of the new Irish Government 鈥� made up of a coalition of Renew and EPP 鈥� and I think it needs to be addressed very strongly by the Commission.

There are issues like deforestation, sustainability, production standards 鈥� especially in Brazil 鈥� and then the effect, especially on beef farmers, who feel that they will be decimated if Mercosur goes ahead. So the Commission has a job to do to convince them otherwise, give them proper compensation, if that is needed, and also look at a package that might include other issues that they are concerned about, especially the reform of the CAP, etcetera.

Commissioner 艩ef膷ovi膷, you did a great job in relation to Brexit. Now is the chance for you to step up here. I am very confident you will!

(Fin de las intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra (芦catch the eye禄))

听听Maro拧 艩ef膷ovi膷, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Mr President, honourable Members of the European 合法博彩网站, I was privileged to attend three very politically charged, very politically dynamic debates this week. And I want to thank many of you for highlighting that, in this geopolitical era, the free trade agreement with Mercosur, as Mr Lange has underlined, will greatly contribute to our social welfare state, it will create new jobs and open new opportunities for all sectors of our economy, including for our farmers and for our agri鈥慺ood sectors. Moreover, it's also good for the environment and sustainability.

Let me underline that, in all aspects, we are much better off with the agreement than without it. This agreement binds the Mercosur countries to strong commitments on the fight against deforestation, and it gives us an important platform for cooperation on our climate ambition.

On top of this, the overall benefit of this agreement is also good for our farmers and agricultural community. As some of you know, I consulted widely with farmers, with small farmers, family farmers, organic farmers and also big farmers as well. And two weeks ago, I was with many of you, together with the Commissioner for Agriculture, Mr Hansen, in the discussion on this precise issue in the Agriculture Committee of this House.

I do all this because I have the utmost respect for our farmers, and I have the utmost respect for the debate we have in this House. And I know how crucial a role our farmers are playing in the area of our food security and our food sovereignty and, of course, for the welfare of our society.

Honourable Members, I was surprised that Ms Aubry asked me how did I dare to come here to defend this agreement? I came because you invited me. And I will always be here when you invite me, because I respect this House, I respect democratic debate and, despite all the charged debate we had here today, I am proud of this agreement. And I believe that, through discussion, through explaining, through presenting facts and figures, we can convince the majority, most of you, that we indeed are doing the right job.

In this debate, we unfortunately didn't cover the fact that this agreement is actually the biggest free trade agreement the EU ever concluded. Just for your information, this FTA is four times bigger than our free trade agreement with Japan. We also overlooked the important signal we are sending out in this difficult time where the trade barriers are being erected again 鈥� and we discussed it on Tuesday 鈥� and also in the time where we are losing our privileged relationship with countries so close to us historically, culturally, economically, like the countries of Mercosur, to China.

Unfortunately, we didn't mention, at all, the strategic importance of the supply of critical raw materials and opportunities these deals open for our businesses and the need to diversify our economic relations. The debate almost completely focused on agriculture, so let's look at this again.

As you know, the EU is an agri鈥慺ood export superpower. Last year, our farmers exported products of the value of EUR听228听billion, and our farmers and our agri鈥慺ood exports have a trade surplus of EUR听70听billion. EUR听70听billion! Can you imagine how our farmers would do without these export opportunities? Do you believe that we would be able to be so strong in exports if the large network of our FTAs would not open these new markets for all of them, big farmers, small farmers, our agri鈥慺ood sector?

Into Mercosur itself, our farmers are already now exporting more than EUR听3.2听billion of products, and they managed to do it with import duties which are up to 35听% more than they should be and without any protection for our GIs. And this agreement is going to eliminate these import duties. It's going to protect our GIs, so there will be no imitation of our famous cheeses, our wines and spirits. And I believe that this would greatly improve export opportunities for our farmers.

Mr Cowen and Mr Kelly have been asking and highlighting the importance of strategic discussion on agriculture, and the Commission is absolutely prepared for this. Commissioner Hansen is working on the new strategic vision on agriculture, and I can tell you that we do our utmost to look into all possible ways how to lower reporting obligations for our farmers, how to cut the red tape for our farmers, so the farmer whom one of the honourable Members was referring to as 'Patrick' would have an easier life.

But I'm also convinced that this debate we have right now, for the benefit of Patrick and all other farmers, should be based on true facts and figures. And I want to be very clear that the food products in the European Union being domestically produced or imported must comply with the EU sanitary and phytosanitary rules, including the EU's strict policies on GMOs, and the Commission conducts regular audits in third countries and works closely with the Member States' authorities that perform official controls and enforcement activities on imported food to ensure that non-compliant products cannot enter the EU market.

The Member States, of course, are looking in great detail into this agreement and are also carrying out their own audits and their own studies. And there were quite a few honourable Members from Ireland who intervened in this debate, and therefore I think that they should also look at the study which was commissioned by the Irish Government. It was done by the Independent Economic and Sustainability Impact Assessment on Ireland and the Mercosur agreement. This independent study forecast an increase in Ireland's exports to Mercosur by 17听% and an increase of imports of 12听%. It will increase manufacturing export of Ireland by 1.4听billion and agri鈥慺ood exports by 10 to 20听million.

We will be very happy from the Commission's side to have this discussion with every single Member State, because we have the figures, we have a convincing argument and we are open for this open, frank debate which would truly be based on the facts.

I would also kindly ask you not to spread information which is simply not true. And I totally agree with Ms Pereira who was calling for this. No import of hormone beef. No chlorinated chicken will ever be imported to the European Union. Mr Andriukaitis was working on that for five years and he was absolutely crystal clear on that. The problem Ms Sbai was referring to was spotted and immediately resolved. This type of beef has never entered the EU market and never will. We do inspections regularly and we also control at the import.

On the so-called non鈥憊iolation complaint instrument 鈥� which I explained many times, but I'm happy to do again 鈥� it's not new. It's fully compatible on the WTO framework. And this instrument is only forward鈥憀ooking and addresses effects that could not be foreseeable at the time of the conclusion. So it doesn't concern the CBAM. It doesn't concern any of the any of the laws, any of the acquis which are valid right now, which already entered into force. And I'm sure that Ms Bricmont knows about it. So under no circumstances is our regulatory freedom affected, nor will it be. So let's not use this argument any more.

To conclude, Mr President, honourable Members, I would like to thank you for this debate, and I'm ready to continue the discussion with you, with the farmers and with all stakeholders. At the same time, I believe that we would advance our debate and do better service to our citizens, to our farmers if we respect true facts, if we speak about real figures, and if we stay true to what was really agreed and not repeat in every debate the things which are simply not true.

听听President. 鈥� Thank you,听Commissioner. I am sorry for being so strict with time, and I insist that this debate should have had much more time.

The debate is closed.

Declaraciones por escrito (art铆culo 178 del Reglamento interno)

听听Lina G谩lvez (S&D), por escrito. 鈥� Los socialistas europeos consideramos que la 鈥淏r煤jula de la Competitividad鈥� presentada por la Comisi贸n Europea debe reforzarse para estar a la altura de las necesidades actuales y futuras de la Uni贸n Europea. En lugar de enfocarse en ofrecer soluciones reales, la estrategia se centra en promover una simplificaci贸n regulatoria que podr铆a resultar en retrocesos normativos que debiliten los derechos sociales y laborales, as铆 como la sostenibilidad.

Si bien mantiene el compromiso objetivo de neutralidad clim谩tica y con objetivo de reducci贸n de emisiones del 90% a 2040, , hemos mostrado preocupaci贸n por la colaboraci贸n entre los conservadores y la extrema derecha, que busca flexibilizar est谩ndares medioambientales y sociales bajo la excusa de la simplificaci贸n, ya que cualquier intento de debilitar el Pacto Verde, los derechos laborales o la estabilidad normativa generar谩 incertidumbre y afectar谩 negativamente la econom铆a y la calidad de vida en Europa.

Hemos se帽alado que la competitividad debe ser una v铆a para mejorar el bienestar de la ciudadan铆a europea. Adem谩s, hemos destacado que, sin una estrategia s贸lida de inversi贸n p煤blica y privada ni un compromiso con una herramienta de inversi贸n permanente a nivel europeo, la Br煤jula carece de una base realista para impulsar un crecimiento equitativo y sostenible.

听听C茅sar Luena (S&D), por escrito. 鈥� El arranque de la nueva Administraci贸n en los Estados Unidos de Am茅rica cuestionando no solo el 鈥渟tatu quo鈥� de las relaciones comerciales, sino todo el sistema de reglas internacionales, hace a煤n m谩s evidente la necesidad de que la UE refuerce los lazos econ贸micos y pol铆ticos con los pa铆ses de Mercosur, con los que compartimos valores, principios, intereses y cultura.

Los pa铆ses Mercosur son, y deben seguir siendo, nuestros aliados, y no deben constituir el foco de las contradicciones de los populistas, como lo fue el CETA (Tratado de Libre Comercio entre la Uni贸n Europea y Canad谩) en su momento. Tras a帽os de aplicaci贸n, el CETA se ha demostrado beneficioso para la UE, en general y sector a sector.

Es imprescindible tramitar y aprobar el acuerdo con Mercosur porque ofrece inmensas oportunidades a los agricultores, y responde a sus preocupaciones. Abre un mercado de 260 millones de consumidores a nuestras empresas y pymes. Al mismo tiempo que diversifica nuestro acceso a las materias primas cr铆ticas y abre los mercados p煤blicos a las empresas europeas. Adem谩s, ofrece garant铆as medioambientales, sociales y sanitarias que ahora no existen en el comercio entre los dos bloques.

听听Idoia Mendia (S&D), por escrito. 鈥� El arranque de la nueva Administraci贸n en los Estados Unidos de Am茅rica cuestionando no solo el 鈥渟tatu quo鈥� de las relaciones comerciales, sino todo el sistema de reglas internacionales, hace a煤n m谩s evidente la necesidad de que la UE refuerce los lazos econ贸micos y pol铆ticos con los pa铆ses de Mercosur, con los que compartimos valores, principios, intereses y cultura.

Los pa铆ses Mercosur son, y deben seguir siendo, nuestros aliados, y no deben constituir el foco de las contradicciones de los populistas, como lo fue el CETA (Tratado de Libre Comercio entre la Uni贸n Europea y Canad谩) en su momento. Tras a帽os de aplicaci贸n, el CETA se ha demostrado beneficioso para la UE, en general y sector a sector.

Es imprescindible tramitar y aprobar el acuerdo con Mercosur porque ofrece inmensas oportunidades a los agricultores, y responde a sus preocupaciones. Abre un mercado de 260 millones de consumidores a nuestras empresas y pymes. Al mismo tiempo que diversifica nuestro acceso a las materias primas cr铆ticas y abre los mercados p煤blicos a las empresas europeas. Adem谩s, ofrece garant铆as medioambientales, sociales y sanitarias que ahora no existen en el comercio entre los dos bloques.

听听Nacho S谩nchez Amor (S&D), por escrito. 鈥� El arranque de la nueva Administraci贸n en los Estados Unidos de Am茅rica cuestionando no solo el 鈥渟tatus quo鈥� de las relaciones comerciales, sino todo el sistema de reglas internacionales, hace a煤n m谩s evidente la necesidad de que la UE refuerce los lazos econ贸micos y pol铆ticos con los pa铆ses de Mercosur, con los que compartimos valores, principios, intereses y cultura.

Los pa铆ses Mercosur son, y deben seguir siendo, nuestros aliados, y no deben constituir el foco de las contradicciones de los populistas, como lo fue el CETA (Tratado de Libre Comercio entre la Uni贸n Europea y Canad谩) en su momento. Tras a帽os de aplicaci贸n, el CETA se ha demostrado beneficioso para la UE, en general y sector a sector.

Es imprescindible tramitar y aprobar el acuerdo con Mercosur porque ofrece inmensas oportunidades a los agricultores, y responde a sus preocupaciones. Abre un mercado de 260 millones de consumidores a nuestras empresas y pymes. Al mismo tiempo que diversifica nuestro acceso a las materias primas cr铆ticas y abre los mercados p煤blicos a las empresas europeas. Adem谩s, ofrece garant铆as medioambientales, sociales y sanitarias que ahora no existen en el comercio entre los dos bloques.

听听President. 鈥� The next item is the debate on the Commission statement on threats to EU sovereignty through strategic dependencies in communication infrastructure ().

In the debate, I will follow the same rules: I'm not going to give any blue cards; I'm not going to open catch鈥憈he鈥慹ye; and I'm going to be very strict with the time of the speakers.

听听Glenn Micallef, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Mr听President, honourable Members of the European 合法博彩网站, dear colleagues, I want to first and foremost welcome this exchange today. Our mission is to improve Europe's tech sovereignty, security and democracy in an increasingly volatile geopolitical situation.

A short glance at the news from Europe and beyond is enough to show how significant a task this is. Our own backyard, the Baltic Sea, experiences security challenges and hybrid attacks, including to the security and resilience of critical submarine infrastructures. This kind of threat offers an example of the pressing need to improve our preparedness.

Europe has put in place a robust legal framework to protect its critical infrastructure against physical and hybrid security threats. But today, the transposition and implementation of the critical entities' resilience and the network and information security tool directives are still slow. We continue to support Member States and call on them to transpose both directives as soon as possible.

Moreover, the 2024 recommendation on secure and resilient submarine cable infrastructures provides a set of recommended actions at national and EU level aimed at improving submarine cable security and resilience. The European Union is also making substantial investments in cable infrastructures through the Connecting Europe Facility. Since 2021, over EUR听420听million has been allocated to 50 projects and more.

Looking ahead, we also earmarked another EUR听542听million, for a total investment of nearly EUR听1听billion, and the Commission is considering further measures not only to boost investment, but also to increase the security and resilience of these infrastructures.

The security of 5G and next-generation networks, the backbone of our economy, remains very high on the European Union's agenda, but the current implementation by Member States of the 5G cybersecurity toolbox is still not satisfactory. New capacities have to be provided by existing or new actors to fill gaps left by high-risk vendors in the supply chains. The Commission will urgently explore ways to speed up its enforcement and implementation.

A particularly sensitive domain is that of critical communications used by public security and safety authorities, civil protection or medical emergency responders. We need to ensure that they cannot be interfered with, disrupted or compromised via components and devices from non-trusted third country suppliers. This is why increasing our strategic autonomy is one of the key objectives of the European critical communication system, which will connect the communication networks of first responders in all Member States and Schengen countries by 2030.

But the challenge is even broader than that. Europe must remain competitive and must have the technologies it needs in order to secure its digital infrastructure. We must close our innovation gap with global partners. Future applications, such as automated driving or telemedicine will run on advanced networks that look increasingly like a computing continuum, ranging from chips and high-speed processors to connectivity, cloud, edge, software, quantum technologies and AI. This is why we need to enhance and better coordinate research efforts and multidisciplinary cooperation, as well as why we need to improve access to finance by EU actors, including by coordinating public and private investments.

To reach this goal, the 2024 white paper on digital infrastructure needs envisaged the creation of a connected collaborative computing network to set up end-to-end integrated infrastructures and platforms for telco cloud and edge.

Colleagues, this debate is also an excellent opportunity to update you on the IRIS2 satellite constellation, a beacon of the EU's commitment to deliver secure, resilient and sovereign connectivity, demonstrating the recent but high ambition of the European Union in the field of secure satellite connectivity with precursor governmental services provided by the GOVSATCOM programme.

IRIS2 was launched in 2023, paving the way for an operational state-of-the-art connectivity system. Thanks to this EU-owned infrastructure capability, enabling also commercial services based on private sector investments, the European Union will be able to maintain its competitive edge and shield its sovereignty.

Work has been ongoing on this since last December, with the signing of the concession contract with industry to develop the constellation and start the industrial supply chain in view of a timely delivery of the system. Full IRIS2 operational services are expected by 2030. This means that Member States, close partners and EU institutions will benefit from a broad set of reliable and secure applications, such as border and maritime surveillance, crisis management, critical infrastructure protection, and various security and defence operations.

There are, of course, competing non-EU solutions in the market. We remain, however, convinced that Europeans prefer guaranteed access to reliable connectivity without critical third-party dependencies, and as IRIS2 comes onto the scene, this will be a crucial selling point to all Member States as well as businesses.

The incidents that have become an all too frequent reality of heightened geopolitical tensions highlight the importance of such sovereign solutions. IRIS2 will also integrate the European quantum communication infrastructure. This pan-European initiative will help to strengthen the protection of our governmental institutions, their data centres, hospitals, energy grids and more.

Moreover, we are also supporting the development of quantum technologies to ensure that critical components use EU technologies. EuroQCI will help to counter the threat that quantum computers will pose to current encryption methods, but it will not be enough on its own. It will be complemented by our initiatives to advance and deploy post-quantum cryptography in the European Union. Last year, we issued the recommendation to coordinate the transition to PQC for public administrations and other critical infrastructures in the European Union.

Finally, let me stress that Europe can only respond to today's challenges by acting together with our partners, especially with NATO. In a hybrid threat environment, close civilian and military cooperation is and remains essential. I can assure you that the European Commission is steadfast in its commitment to foster a secure, resilient, but also innovative digital environment, and we continue to count on your support in building this future together.

听听J枚rgen Warborn, on behalf of the PPE Group. 鈥� Mr听President, Commissioner, the strength of our Union is in its openness, the ability to trade, to innovate and to compete globally. However, in today's reality, Europe's communication infrastructure is heavily reliant on global actors, and Europe must be in a position where no country or individual company can dictate our digital future.

I believe in a strong and resilient Europe, one that competes globally without excessive state interventions, but through strategic interventions, free markets and international cooperation. By that way, individuals and businesses can choose between multiple actors and alternatives.

To go forward in this situation, I think the Union must do a lot of things, but let me mention three of them.

Firstly, we need to encourage private investments in new communication infrastructure, not through subsidies or state control, but through reducing red tape and creating smart incentives.

Secondly, we need to deepen our partnership with trusted partners to ensure openness works in Europe's favour rather than making us dependent.

Lastly, as the Commissioner started his intervention with, we need to safeguard Europe's connectivity by taking coordinated action to protect submarine cables. This state terrorism has to end and we have to work together, coordinatedly, to make that sure 鈥� we have to reinforce our cable security, our repair capabilities, but also invest in the expansion of new submarine cables to enhance our redundancy and ensure resilience in our communication infrastructure.

听听Matthias Ecke, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. 鈥� Herr Pr盲sident! Herr Kommissar! Die Basis f眉r unseren digitalen Alltag bestimmen inzwischen vor allem chinesische und amerikanische Firmen: 5G-Technologie aus China, Satelliten aus den USA. Das bedroht nicht nur unsere Wettbewerbsf盲higkeit, sondern auch unsere Sicherheit und auch ganz grunds盲tzlich unsere Lebensweise.

Frau Exekutiv-痴颈锄别辫谤盲蝉颈诲别苍迟颈苍 Virkkunen hat in ihrer Anh枚rung gesagt, dass fast die H盲lfte der 5G-Kommunikation noch 眉ber Hochrisikoverk盲ufer l盲uft. Nur zw枚lf Mitgliedstaaten haben ihre Verk盲ufer gezwungen, das Risiko zu minimieren. Da muss noch mehr passieren!

Die Kommission muss hier auch L眉cken schlie脽en. Wir m眉ssen europ盲ische Netzwerkausr眉ster st盲rken. Wir m眉ssen das Roll-out beschleunigen. Wir m眉ssen Diversifizierung und Risikominimierung zu einer Priorit盲t machen, etwa indem wir EU鈥憌eit High-risk-vendor-Einschr盲nkungen einf眉hren. Und wir brauchen auch eine Vergabepolitik, die sicher und zuverl盲ssig europ盲ische Anbieter bevorzugt, weil die grundlegende Infrastruktur in Europa zuverl盲ssig, offen und f眉r alle zug盲nglich sein und auch aus Europa kommen muss.

听听Csaba D枚m枚t枚r, a PfE k茅pvisel艖csoport nev茅ben. 鈥� Tisztelt Eln枚k 脷r! Eur贸pa lemarad谩sa a digit谩lis ipar谩gak ter茅n egyre l谩tv谩nyosabb 茅s hozz谩teszem egyre zavar贸bb. Ez szuverenit谩si k茅rd茅s 茅s strat茅giai c茅l, hogy ezt a lemarad谩st lek眉zdj眉k.

A digit谩lis sz铆nt茅rnek azonban van egy m谩sik fontos terepe, ez pedig a v茅lem茅nyszabads谩g. Mik枚zben Amerik谩ban elzavarj谩k a Facebookos cenzorokat, az uni贸s int茅zm茅nyek azon t枚rik a fej眉ket, hogy tov谩bb er艖s铆ts茅k a cinikus m贸don t茅nyellen艖rz茅snek nevezett rendszert. Mindezt a DSA-rendelet k枚nt枚s茅ben. N枚velik az ezen 眉gyk枚d艖 b眉rokr谩ci谩t, 茅s a Facebook ut谩n most m谩r az X-et 茅s a TikTokot is c茅lba vett茅k.

Tudjuk, hogy mi茅rt van ez. Egyre nagyobb a szakad茅k az itteni politikai elit sz谩nd茅kai 茅s a v谩laszt贸k akarata k枚z枚tt. Erre az itteni t枚bbs茅g 茅s a Bizotts谩g nem ir谩nyv谩lt谩ssal v谩laszol, hanem azzal, hogy el akarja hallgattatni a kritikus hangokat.

Ez nem fog menni. A digit谩lis szuverenit谩s nem csup谩n technol贸gi谩k k茅rd茅se, hanem a szabads谩g茅 is. Nincsen szuverenit谩s szabad v茅lem茅nynyilv谩n铆t谩s n茅lk眉l. Legyenek benne biztosak, hogy a patri贸t谩k minden eszk枚zzel k眉zdenek majd a cenz煤ra ellen.

听听Piotr M眉ller, w imieniu grupy ECR. 鈥� Panie Przewodnicz膮cy! Szanowni Pa艅stwo! Do budowania niezale偶no艣ci infrastrukturalnej, w tym niezale偶no艣ci technologicznej, potrzebne s膮 艣rodki finansowe. Unia Europejska powinna zdecydowa膰, na co te 艣rodki z w艂asnego bud偶etu chce przeznacza膰. S膮 trzy takie du偶e polityki, kt贸re w tym samym czasie prowadzimy: jest to polityka bezpiecze艅stwa, w tym bezpiecze艅stwa technologicznego, polityka spo艂eczna, kt贸ra pozwala 偶y膰 obywatelom na odpowiednio wysokim poziomie, i niestety polityka Zielonego 艁adu, kt贸ra powoduje, 偶e te koszty 偶ycia si臋 zwi臋kszaj膮 oraz 偶e generowane s膮 r贸偶nego rodzaju wydatki w tej polityce.

Je偶eli chcemy by膰 faktycznie niezale偶ni technologicznie, to powinni艣my przeznacza膰 dodatkowe 艣rodki finansowe na ten obszar. Ale 偶eby to by艂o mo偶liwe, musimy zrezygnowa膰 z jednej z tych trzech polityk, kt贸re wymieni艂em, i powinni艣my zrezygnowa膰 z polityki Zielonego 艁adu, kt贸ra w tej chwili ogranicza rozw贸j i niezale偶no艣膰 Europy. Druga rzecz, powinni艣my przesta膰 obra偶a膰 si臋 na swoich partner贸w technologicznych z r贸偶nych kontynent贸w na 艣wiecie i z nimi wsp贸艂pracowa膰 po to, aby r贸wnie偶 w Europie powstawa艂y odpowiednie technologie.

听听Micha艂 Kobosko, on behalf of the Renew Group. 鈥� Mr President, Commissioner, let me start with thanking you, on behalf of the Renew Europe Group, for the Commission's immediate reaction to the security threats related to the Baltic submarine cables and the ongoing work to increase security of our critical infrastructure. We also need to look for more synergies between digital and energy networks, while working on detection, prevention and repairing of the undersea infrastructure that is nowadays, especially in the Baltic Sea, under constant and real threat.

Going above sea level, I can strongly encourage the Commission to do the utmost to invest in the European critical communication infrastructure. Europe cannot allow itself to be dependent on third countries when it comes to comes to strategic elements of communication infrastructure.

So I welcome the IRIS2 planned constellation, with its 290 satellites. It is a huge step forward for Europe and we should appreciate it. But we should also keep in mind that it won't be enough. We will need to do much more beyond 2030.

In order to achieve Europe's tech sovereignty, we need to have everyone on board. All Member States need to join the efforts, instead of making constant deals to secure military and government communications with third-country providers, which can put EU security in jeopardy.

Prime Minister Meloni, please join us, and let's keep Europe great and secure together. Do not waste the money of Italian taxpayers on senseless deals with global oligarchs.

听听Sergey Lagodinsky, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. 鈥� Mr President, colleagues, as every morning during the past weeks, we are waking up to a new reality.

Could you be silent there, please? Hello?

听听President. 鈥� Please, be silent and respect the speaker.

Mr听Lagodinsky, you can begin with all your time.

听听Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Thank you very much. As every morning during the past weeks, we are waking up to a new reality. Now, it's the biggest push against Europe's security interests by Trump. But frankly, we had known it all along. In this marriage, we have over-relied on one partner. In strategic communications, it's not even a country: it's one unelected, unaccountable man, driven by personal whims. Today, Musk can decide if, at a time of war, we can continue talking to each other, or not.

Our biggest strategic risk on this side of a potential frontline of a future war is communication failure. Low-Earth orbit satellites revolutionise global communication in times of crisis, but their infrastructure is in the hands of a few private non-Europeans: Starlink today, Amazon or OneWeb tomorrow. So this is not the way to go.

IRIS虏 will only be valid and will be functioning in 2030. It is good that the US Space Act is part of a Commission working programme. We have seen this. But we need clear strategic goals: equitable division of use of space; common standards for compatibility of systems; enforced cybersecurity, which closes the gaps of NIS 2; massive investment in efficient launchers, in reusable satellites, in an independent space supply chain. It is not about science fiction; it is about our survival!

听听Pernando Barrena Arza, en nombre del Grupo The Left. 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se帽or comisario, reducir la dependencia estrat茅gica en el 谩mbito de las infraestructuras cr铆ticas de comunicaci贸n es crucial para avanzar con paso decidido en el concepto de soberan铆a europea. Un sistema de telecomunicaciones tecnol贸gicamente soberano y seguro y de obediencia europea es una herramienta imprescindible no solo en el 谩mbito de las infraestructuras cr铆ticas de comunicaci贸n, sino en todas las infraestructuras de comunicaci贸n en general. Europa no puede estar a merced de grandes compa帽铆as que representan intereses geopol铆ticos ajenos a los europeos.

En estos momentos otras potencias y particularmente los Estados Unidos est谩n utilizando su posici贸n avanzada en este tema como herramienta de hard power, que, como todos sabemos, no se limita 煤nicamente a la amenaza del poder militar, sino tambi茅n a la presi贸n econ贸mica y tecnol贸gica.

Que los Estados europeos sean dependientes de Starlink, como acaba de hacer Italia, es un desastre porque deja un 谩mbito tan delicado como es el de las comunicaciones cr铆ticas en manos de una visi贸n del mundo que solo piensa en c贸mo segar la hierba bajo los pies a Europa y dejarla sin opciones en el concierto internacional.

Apostar por la soberan铆a de Europa exige disponer de medios soberanos y asegurarnos de que el despliegue de tecnolog铆a necesario compense su huella de carbono y permita tambi茅n el acceso del p煤blico a las redes de forma universal.

听听Sarah Knafo, au nom du groupe ESN. 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, chers coll猫gues, nous sommes devant deux grands mouvements historiques: l'un est technologique, l'intelligence artificielle, l'autre est politique, le vent de libert茅 qui souffle sur l'Occident. Or, nos r猫glements, comme le r猫glement sur les services num茅riques, le r猫glement sur les march茅s num茅riques et le r猫glement MiCA contre le bitcoin, sont 脿 contretemps de ces mouvements. Vous renvoyez au monde une image 脿 la fois technosceptique et liberticide de notre continent.

Si vous ne voyez le progr猫s technique que comme une menace, alors l'innovation se fera sans l'Europe et m锚me contre l'Europe. Faisons les choses dans l'ordre. L'innovation doit pr茅c茅der sa r茅gulation. Sans innovation, nous n'aurons ni prosp茅rit茅 ni souverainet茅. Sans innovation, nous aurons toujours des Emmanuel听Macron pour offrir nos donn茅es de sant茅 sur un plateau 脿 Microsoft.

Nous ne voulons plus d'un syst猫me absurde o霉 la puissance publique saupoudre nos entreprises de subventions tout en les accablant des taxes les plus 茅lev茅es du monde et tout en offrant nos march茅s publics les plus strat茅giques 脿 des entreprises am茅ricaines.

Montrons 脿 notre jeunesse qu'elle n'a pas besoin de partir aux 脡tats-Unis ou en Asie pour 茅crire l'histoire. Nous voulons de la libert茅, de l'茅nergie, des march茅s, moins d'imp么ts, des capitaux et des cerveaux. Osons la libert茅! Ayons confiance dans le g茅nie des nations europ茅ennes.

听听Lena D眉pont (PPE). 鈥� Herr Pr盲sident! Herr Kommissar! Kommunikation ist nicht nur ein zutiefst menschliches Bed眉rfnis mit gesellschaftlicher Wirkung. Kommunikationsf盲higkeit in Krisenzeiten ist wesentlich f眉r die Aufrechterhaltung staatlicher und gesellschaftlicher Ordnung. Daf眉r braucht es verl盲ssliche Strukturen und Mittel. Das gilt im Kontext nationaler Sicherheit ebenso wie im europ盲ischen. Informations- und Kommunikationsfl眉sse gew盲hrleisten zu k枚nnen, Lagebilder herzustellen und F眉hrungsf盲higkeit bereitstellen zu k枚nnen, hat entscheidenden Einfluss auf den Verlauf unterschiedlicher Szenarien und auf unsere F盲higkeit, sie zu bew盲ltigen.

Der Niinist枚-Bericht zur听Preparedness Union schreibt uns nicht ohne Grund viele Dinge ins Stammbuch, unter anderem auch den beschleunigten Roll-out eines sicheren, autonomen, interoperablen Systems f眉r Kommunikation und Informationsaustausch; die Beschleunigung und den Ausbau des听European Critical Communication System auf der zivilen und der milit盲rischen Seite; die Abh盲ngigkeiten in Lieferketten zu vermeiden; Forschung, Entwicklung, Produktion sicherheitsrelevanter Produkte in Europa; Komponenten und Dienstleistungen so attraktiv zu machen, dass wir sie nutzen k枚nnen.

Preparedness, liebe Kollegen, braucht einen umfassenden Ansatz, der aus den 眉blichen Silos auch ein St眉ck weit rausgeht. Deswegen werden ITRE, SEDE, LIBE, IMCO, TRAN, INTA, SANT 鈥� wir alle werden unseren Beitrag leisten m眉ssen. Und deswegen schlie脽e ich vielleicht mit der, neben der Priorisierung von Haushaltsmitteln, wichtigsten Forderung von Niinist枚: Sicherheitsvorbehalte und Auswirkungs眉berpr眉fung in allen Gesetzgebungsverfahren, die wir hier im Haus haben.

听听Alex Agius Saliba (S&D). 鈥� Sur President,听l-infrastruttura di摹itali saret importanti daqs l-infrastruttura tradizzjonali b魔all-pontijiet u t-toroq tag魔na. U jiena li 摹ej minn Malta, Stat Membru 偶g魔ir, g偶ira, nag魔raf aktar l-importanza ta' din l-infrastruttura, spe膵jalment g魔all-cables tal-internet ta魔t il-ba魔ar, li huma daqstant kru膵jali g魔all-funzjonament tal-魔ajja ta膵-膵ittadini tag魔na u tal-infrastruttura kritika f'kull Stat Membru.

U allura na魔seb wasal i偶-偶mien sabiex l-esperiment li g魔amilna bit-twaqqif tal-a摹enzija ENISA, li tara li jkollna koordinament fejn tid魔ol i膵-膵ibersigurt脿, cybersecurity, tkun esti偶a wkoll g魔al din l-infrastruttura kritika billi jew titwaqqaf a摹enzija separata, jew inkella l-ENISA ting魔ata aktar u aktar kompetenza sabiex naraw li jkollna aktar koordinazzjoni, aktar protezzjoni, fejn tid魔ol din l-infrastruttura.

Barra minn hekk, g魔andna b偶onn inkomplu nsa魔魔u r-re偶iljenza u g魔alhekk, li hu Digital Sovereignty Fund g魔andu jitwaqqaf mill-aktar fis possibbli.

听听Ern艖 Schaller-Baross (PfE). 鈥� Tisztelt Eln枚k 脷r! Eur贸pa a XXI. sz谩zadi strat茅giailag fontos kommunik谩ci贸s eszk枚z枚k fejleszt茅s茅ben 茅vtizedes lemarad谩sban van amerikai 茅s 谩zsiai partnereivel szemben.

Ezen term茅szetesen v谩ltoztatnunk kell. Ez a k茅rd茅s, ez az 枚tlet egy茅rtelm疟. Az eur贸pai baloldali d枚nt茅shoz贸kat ez addig a pillanatig nem nagyon 茅rdekelte ebben a H谩zban sem, am铆g az Amerikai Egyes眉lt 脕llamokban meg nem v谩lasztott谩k Donald Trumpot eln枚knek. 艕 felsz谩molja a r茅szben k枚zp茅nzb艖l finansz铆rozott baloldali m茅dia hegem贸ni谩t, a v谩laszt贸i felhatalmaz谩s n茅lk眉li, magukat NGO-nak hazud贸 politikai nyom谩sgyakorl贸 szervezetek k枚zp茅nzb艖l t枚rt茅n艖 finansz铆roz谩s谩t 茅s a social m茅dia, t枚bbek k枚z枚tt a Facebook egyoldal煤 baloldali cenz煤r谩j谩t.

F茅l艖, hogy ebben a H谩zban az eur贸pai szuverenit谩s alatt nem a n茅lk眉l枚zhetetlen infrastrukt煤ra 茅s technol贸gia fejleszt茅s茅t, hanem az Egyes眉lt 脕llamokb贸l kiszorul贸 baloldali NGO-k 茅s k茅tes finansz铆roz谩s煤 m茅diaterm茅kek, demokr谩ci谩t megvet艖 枚njel枚lt szenzorok 谩tmenek铆t茅s茅t finansz铆rozn谩k.

听听Ond艡ej Krut铆lek (ECR). 鈥� V谩啪en媒 pane p艡edsedaj铆c铆, v谩啪en媒 pane komisa艡i, bez infrastruktury, kter谩 bude bezpe膷n谩, nebudou fungovat digit谩ln铆 technologie, na kter媒ch z谩vis铆 na拧e ekonomika a spole膷nost. Jsem r谩d, 啪e 膶esk谩 republika je v t茅to oblasti pr暖kopn铆kem. Tzv. Pra啪sk茅 n谩vrhy na budov谩n铆 5G s铆t铆 z roku 2019 p艡edch谩zely souboru 5G Toolbox v n谩sleduj铆c铆m roce.

5G Toolbox je t艡eba d暖sledn臎 aplikovat nap艡铆膷 celou Evropskou uni铆, ale mus铆me tak茅 d谩le sni啪ovat strategickou z谩vislost na zem铆ch, kter茅 nejsou na拧imi d暖v臎ryhodn媒mi partnery. Pot艡ebujeme m铆t v EU regulatorn铆 prost艡ed铆, kter茅 bude usnad艌ovat 啪ivot na拧im firm谩m. Mus铆me v铆ce podpo艡it v媒zkum a v媒voj a taky n谩m chyb铆 funk膷n铆 syst茅m certifikace kybernetick茅 bezpe膷nosti. A v t茅hle souvislosti, pane komisa艡i, ptal jsem se na to i na v媒boru, st谩le je拧t臎 od v谩s nem谩me hodnot铆c铆 zpr谩vu t媒kaj铆c铆 se aktu o kybernetick茅 bezpe膷nosti. Tak ji pros铆m dodejte.

听听Bart Groothuis (Renew). 鈥� Mr听President, dear Commissioner, the main takeaway from Georgia Meloni's close manoeuvres with Elon Musk and his company, Starlink, is that it sends a clear signal to Europe. The European alternative to Starlink 鈥� 'IRIS square', not 'IRIS two', Commissioner 鈥� must be accelerated. Europe should work harder and faster.

Sure, like many colleagues have said, for Italy there are clear and imminent dangers if Elon Musk encrypts and handles government communications. Italy can easily become a signals intelligence colony of the United States. It's true that Italy is not supporting Europe's commitment to technological leadership, to security and to self-determination, as you said, Commissioner, and I agree. But the biggest problem is, of course, our own lack of ambition with the IRIS2 programme.

If Europe does not rally behind IRIS2 and the GOVSATCOM programme and accelerate its own progress, the future of European sovereignty in space communication will be decided by Elon Musk. So feel the heat: finish IRIS2 four years earlier than planned, move fast and build things!

听听David Cormand (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, Mesdames et Messieurs, mes chers coll猫gues, l'Europe est pieds et poings li茅s: 92听% de nos donn茅es sont stock茅es 脿 l'茅tranger, nos infrastructures livr茅es aux GAFAM et aux fournisseurs chinois. Et que fait l'Europe? Elle parle de souverainet茅, mais en r茅alit茅 elle se soumet. L'extr锚me droite se dit patriote, mais laisse l'Europe devenir un territoire vassalis茅, incapable de prot茅ger ses citoyens et ses entreprises face aux lois extraterritoriales am茅ricaines et 脿 la d茅pendance 脿 l'茅gard des fournisseurs chinois.

Pendant ce temps, le num茅rique avale 10听% de l'茅lectricit茅 mondiale et la tendance explose. Et que fait-on? On laisse les GAFAM dicter leurs r猫gles pendant que Bruxelles d茅r茅gule, retire des lois et plie face aux lobbys. 脌 force de reculer, elle abandonne la bataille sans m锚me l'avoir livr茅e.

Il est temps de dire stop! L'Europe doit investir dans ses propres r茅seaux, d茅velopper un cloud souverain, s茅curiser ses infrastructures et imposer des r猫gles strictes, 脿 l'image de nos valeurs d茅mocratiques. Car une Europe qui d茅pend, c'est une Europe qui subit, et une Europe qui subit, c'est une Europe qui s'efface. Nous devons reprendre le contr么le. Pas demain, pas plus tard, maintenant.

听听螡喂魏蠈位伪蟼 桅伪蟻伪谓蟿慰蠉蟻畏蟼 (The Left). 鈥� 螝蠉蟻喂蔚 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 蟽蟿畏谓 蟺蟻慰畏纬慰蠉渭蔚谓畏 螣位慰渭苇位蔚喂伪 伪蟺慰蠁伪蟽委蟽伪渭蔚 蔚渭蔚委蟼 蔚未蠋 渭委伪 伪谓伪尾伪胃渭喂蟽渭苇谓畏 螘蟺喂蟿蟻慰蟺萎 螒蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 魏伪喂 违蟺慰未慰渭蠋谓 蟿慰蠀 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏慰蠉 螝慰喂谓慰尾慰蠀位委慰蠀, 螒蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 魏伪喂 螁渭蠀谓伪蟼.

螝伪喂 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪 畏 蟽蠀味萎蟿畏蟽畏 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 蟺蟻蠅委 未蔚委蠂谓蔚喂 蠈蟿喂 蟿伪 味畏蟿萎渭伪蟿伪 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 蟽蟿畏谓 螘蠀蟻蠅蟺伪蠆魏萎 螆谓蠅蟽畏 未蔚谓 伪蠁慰蟻慰蠉谓 渭慰谓维蠂伪 渭喂伪 尉苇蠁蟻蔚谓畏 魏伪喂 蔚渭渭慰谓喂魏萎 魏慰蠉蟻蟽伪 蔚尉慰蟺位喂蟽渭蠋谓 魏伪喂 慰蟺位喂魏蠋谓 蟽蠀蟽蟿畏渭维蟿蠅谓. 螒蠁慰蟻慰蠉谓 蔚蠀蟻蠉蟿蔚蟻伪 味畏蟿萎渭伪蟿伪 魏伪喂 蔚谓未蔚蠂慰渭苇谓蠅蟼 蟺喂慰 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏维. 螙畏蟿萎渭伪蟿伪 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼 未喂魏蟿蠉蠅谓 魏伪喂 蠀蟺慰未慰渭蠋谓, 蠄畏蠁喂伪魏萎蟼 伪蟽蠁维位蔚喂伪蟼, 味畏蟿萎渭伪蟿伪 伪谓胃蔚魏蟿喂魏蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼, 味畏蟿萎渭伪蟿伪 蟺慰蠀 苇蠂慰蠀谓 谓伪 魏维谓慰蠀谓 渭蔚 尾伪蟽喂魏苇蟼 蠀蟺慰未慰渭苇蟼.

螤蟻慰蠇蟺蠈胃蔚蟽畏 纬喂伪 蠈位伪 伪蠀蟿维, 位慰喂蟺蠈谓, 蔚委谓伪喂 谓伪 渭畏谓 未蠋蟽慰蠀渭蔚 蟿慰 渭蔚纬伪位蠉蟿蔚蟻慰 尾维蟻慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 蟽蠀味萎蟿畏蟽畏蟼 蟽蔚 伪蠀蟿萎谓 蟿畏谓 蔚渭渭慰谓喂魏萎 蟽蠀味萎蟿畏蟽畏 蔚尉慰蟺位喂蟽渭蠋谓, 蟺慰蠀 苇蟻蠂蔚蟿伪喂 渭维位喂蟽蟿伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 蔚尉蠅蟿蔚蟻喂魏蠈. 螒位位维 谓伪 未蠋蟽慰蠀渭蔚 苇渭蠁伪蟽畏 蟽蟿伪 未委魏蟿蠀伪 魏伪喂 蟿喂蟼 蠀蟺慰未慰渭苇蟼 渭伪蟼 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 魏伪喂谓慰蟿慰渭委伪 渭伪蟼.

听听Hans Neuhoff (ESN). 鈥� Herr Pr盲sident! Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Schattenseite der Globalisierung ist die Verstrickung der Staaten in Netze weltweiter Abh盲ngigkeiten. Wir unterst眉tzen daher ausdr眉cklich das Ziel strategischer Autonomie f眉r Europa.

Strategische Autonomie umfasst drei Dimensionen: politische, milit盲risch-operative und industrielle Autonomie. Eigene technologische Plattformen sind dabei die Grundvoraussetzung jeder Handlungsf盲higkeit. Der Beschluss zum Aufbau des IRIS-Systems war daher richtig. Es gen眉gt aber nicht, nur die Regierungsstellen mit sicheren Kommunikationssystemen zu versorgen. Erstens muss die Bereitstellung von Infrastruktur auch den Unternehmen zugutekommen听鈥� kein starker Staat ohne starke Wirtschaft. Zweitens muss man bei den sicherheitsrelevanten Grundg眉tern 眉ber ausreichende eigene Kapazit盲ten verf眉gen, etwa in der Halbleiterproduktion.

Wer sich in Abh盲ngigkeit begibt, der kommt darin um.

听听Mika Aaltola (PPE). 鈥� Mr听President, rising geopolitical tensions are leading to serious challenges to the European Union's technological security. At the heart of the issue is the infrastructure that supports essential services for our citizens. These systems are critical for the smooth functioning of our daily lives, yet they also create vulnerabilities and expose us to hostile enemy actions.

The key to solving this security dilemma and shielding our democracies is, as always, knowing your enemy 鈥� those who show political and economic force, who ploy to harm us. For example, the Russian tactics of sabotage, specifically sabotage operations targeting our critical cables and undersea infrastructure, is something that we have to see.

The consequence of these hybrid and cyber attacks are not hypothetical. They jeopardise our societal security and I encourage the Commission's actions on securing our critical infrastructure with sensors.

听听Bruno Gon莽alves (S&D). 鈥� Senhor Presidente, Caros Colegas, h谩 cinco anos, com a pandemia, ficou claro que n茫o podemos depender da China para bens de sa煤de. Dissemos que aprender铆amos com o erro. Depois, h谩 tr锚s anos, foi a vez de perceber que depender da R煤ssia para energia barata era tamb茅m um erro. Volt谩mos a dizer que aprender铆amos. E hoje, apesar de Trump nos amea莽ar quase diariamente, h谩 quem queira depender mais dos Estados Unidos da Am茅rica, seja para armamento, energia ou plataformas digitais. Se a Europa quer menos vulnerabilidade, 茅 agora que devemos evit谩鈥憀a. A nova infraestrutura de comunica莽玫es, desde cabos submarinos 脿 rede 5G, 茅 fundamental para a nossa autonomia e deve ser constru铆da pelos europeus. A cria莽茫o de novas redes sociais e de informa莽茫o 茅 tamb茅m crucial para a nossa soberania. Por isso, em vez de aprendermos com os velhos erros, evitemos comet锚鈥憀os.

听听Aleksandar Nikolic (PfE). 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, on l'a vu 脿 Mayotte, o霉 la France s'est tourn茅e vers le r茅seau am茅ricain Starlink de Musk. L'acc猫s 脿 Internet par satellite est un v茅ritable enjeu de souverainet茅. En ce sens, Iris2 est un pas dans la bonne direction, mais ce n'est qu'un petit pas, au moment o霉 les Am茅ricains font des bonds de g茅ant.

D'abord sur le nombre de satellites d茅ploy茅s: 290 pr茅vus c么t茅 europ茅en, contre 7听000 pr茅vus c么t茅 am茅ricain. Ensuite, concernant le calendrier, nous pr茅voyons au mieux un lancement en 2030, alors que la constellation Starlink compte d茅j脿 6听300 satellites en orbite basse.

Ce n'est pas un probl猫me de budget: 10,6听milliards d'euros pr茅vus, cela nous permet de rivaliser avec les budgets quasi 茅quivalents de SpaceX et d'Amazon. Mais il faut voir comment on l'utilise, ce budget. Lancer un satellite europ茅en co没terait 35听millions d'euros. Pour ce prix, les Am茅ricains peuvent en lancer 200. Et, pendant que nous blablatons, eux le font.

Pour r茅sumer, nos satellites, aussi technologiques soient-ils, seront lanc茅s trop tard et pour trop cher. Nous avons les cerveaux, les technologies et les budgets. Finalement, le probl猫me c'est vous. Vivement qu'on vous remplace!

听听Elena Donazzan (ECR). 鈥� Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, abbiamo un tema, riguarda i bisogni e il tempo. I bisogni sono evidenti, 猫 un bisogno di sicurezza ora, immediato. E quello del tempo 猫 che non abbiamo tempo.

IRIS2 resta un programma di grande rilevanza e va sostenuto in ogni condizione, ma non 猫 pronto. Sar脿 pronto nel 2030, secondo le previsioni, ma sappiamo che le previsioni spesso vanno oltre.

Ma il tema del bisogno 猫 evidente e in tante occasioni qui ne abbiamo trattato. La preoccupazione 鈥� e rispondo ai colleghi di Renew, che sembrano essere cos矛 interessati a ci貌 che accade in Italia 鈥� 猫 esattamente questa: l'Italia e il governo Meloni hanno ben chiaro che cosa significa avere bisogni di sicurezza per l'Italia, per l'Europa, per le imprese italiane ed europee.

E, dall'altra, quello che accade rispetto alla tempistica: noi siamo aperti a ogni confronto, con al centro sempre la sovranit脿 e l'indipendenza, in questo tema cos矛 delicato che 猫 quello della sicurezza delle comunicazioni.

听听Cristina Guarda (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i negoziati tra il governo italiano e Elon Musk su Starlink sono una questione strategica per la sovranit脿 e la sicurezza dell'Unione.

Meloni vuole cedere le comunicazioni governative e militari all'uomo chiave di Trump, lo stesso Musk che sostiene l'estrema destra tedesca con l'obiettivo di destabilizzare le istituzioni europee. Quali altre e quante altre ingerenze vogliamo accettare? Vogliamo davvero che le nostre reti di informazioni classificate siano gestite da un'azienda non europea? Ricordate che cosa 猫 successo quando Musk ha interrotto l'accesso a Starlink in Ucraina?

La fretta non vale la spesa. Le destre europee vanno in ginocchio da Trump e lui ci ha ringraziato tassando le nostre industrie strategiche. Ma ora vogliamo svenderne anche altre? 脠 inaccettabile che la premier Meloni continui a volerci portare il nemico in casa, e con Starlink lo fa. Un progetto europeo alternativo a Starlink c'猫: 猫 IRIS2. Sosteniamolo.听L'Unione europea deve sviluppare un'infrastruttura autonoma, per evitare ricatti geopolitici e per garantire la nostra sicurezza.

听听Se谩n Kelly (PPE). 鈥� A Uachtar谩in, a Choimisn茅ir agus a chairde, the security and resilience of our digital networks are more vital now than ever, and the European Union's ability to reduce these dependencies is under close scrutiny. I have raised the issue of Ireland's vital role in global communication infrastructure before. Ireland's waters serve as the gateway for over 75听% of the northern hemispheres undersea cables, making us a strategic hub for transatlantic data traffic. This makes us uniquely vulnerable to disruptions in this infrastructure.

We cannot underestimate the importance of safeguarding these undersea cables, which are essential not just for Ireland's connectivity, but for the economic stability and security of the entire EU. The protection of our communication infrastructure is not just a national issue; it is a European one. We cannot afford to be over-reliant on external providers, particularly in such an uncertain geopolitical climate. We need a coordinated EU approach to ensure the security of our undersea cables and to invest in the resilience of our satellite infrastructure.

I welcome the Commission's commitment to investing EUR听865听million to improve digital connectivity, including quantum communication networks and undersea cables. But as we implement the Commission's work plan for 2025, we must prioritise the protection of these strategic assets.

B铆mis ar an airdeall, n铆l aon am le cailli煤int, go raibh maith agat a Uachtar谩in.

听听Giorgio Gori (S&D). 鈥� Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, tra i ritardi tecnologici accumulati dall'Europa spicca quello delle infrastrutture di comunicazione satellitare.

Se tutto va bene, i 290 satelliti della costellazione IRIS2 saranno disponibili nel 2030. Nel frattempo, gli oltre 6听000 satelliti Starlink gi脿 in orbita e altri 30听000 in via di autorizzazione sono un dato di fatto. Il gap competitivo 猫 macroscopico e va colmato.

Si possono immaginare nel frattempo soluzioni ponte, per貌 con due chiare condizioni. La prima 猫 relativa alla protezione e sicurezza dei dati di comunicazione, che devono rimanere in capo agli Stati membri. La seconda 猫 che ogni accordo industriale sia iscritto in una cornice istituzionale, che coinvolga la dimensione europea.

脠 urgente un piano di investimento europeo che combini politiche industriali, di difesa, investimenti in ricerca, oltre che un maggiore coordinamento della spesa pubblica. La debolezza strutturale in questo settore ci rende vulnerabili e dipendenti e mette a rischio la sovranit脿 tecnologica e democratica dell'Unione europea.

听听袠胁邪泄谢芯 袙褗谢褔械胁 (ECR). 鈥� 袚-薪 袩褉械写褋械写邪褌械谢, 谐-薪 袣芯屑懈褋邪褉, 谐芯写懈薪懈 薪邪褉械写 芯褌褋褗褋褌胁邪褕械 褋褌褉邪褌械谐懈褔械褋泻懈褟褌 锌芯谐谢械写 蟹邪 褌械褏薪芯谢芯谐懈褔械褋泻芯褌芯 褉邪蟹胁懈褌懈械 薪邪 小褗褞蟹邪. 袠 械写胁邪 褋械谐邪, 泻芯谐邪褌芯 谐谢芯斜邪谢薪邪褌邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪 褋械 锌褉芯屑械薪懈 懈 泻芯薪泻褍褉械薪褌懈褌械 薪懈 蟹邪锌芯褔薪邪褏邪 写邪 锌褉械写锌褉懈械屑邪褌 褉邪写懈泻邪谢薪懈 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻懈 胁 芯斜谢邪褋褌褌邪 薪邪 褌褗褉谐芯胁懈褟褌邪, 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 泻芯屑懈褋懈褟 褋械 褋械褌懈, 褔械 褋褗褖械褋褌胁褍胁邪褌 褌邪泻懈胁邪 褋褌褉邪褌械谐懈褔械褋泻懈 蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑芯褋褌懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 蟹邪褋褌褉邪褕邪胁邪褌 褋懈谐褍褉薪芯褋褌褌邪 懈 泻芯薪泻褍褉械薪褌芯褋锌芯褋芯斜薪芯褋褌褌邪 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褌械 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈泻懈. 袣芯屑懈褋邪褉 袙懈褉泻褍薪械薪 谐芯 泻邪蟹邪 鈥� 42% 芯褌 5G 泻芯屑褍薪懈泻邪褑懈懈褌械 屑懈薪邪胁邪褌 锌褉械蟹 褌. 薪邪褉. 胁懈褋芯泻芯褉懈褋泻芯胁懈 写芯褋褌邪胁褔懈褑懈, 褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪泄褌械 锌褉械蟹 袣懈褌邪泄, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 芯褋薪芯胁薪懈褌械 芯锌械褉邪褌芯褉懈 褋邪 泻懈褌邪泄褋泻懈 鈥� Huawei 懈 ZTE. 袙 褋褗褖芯褌芯 胁褉械屑械 懈蟹芯褋褌邪胁邪 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟褌 褋褗褞蟹 懈 胁 褋邪褌械谢懈褌薪邪褌邪 褋胁褗褉蟹邪薪芯褋褌. 孝邪屑 胁芯写械褖懈 褋邪 小袗些 懈 Starlink. 袪邪蟹斜懈褉邪屑, 褔械 芯褌谐芯胁芯褉褗褌 薪邪 袣芯屑懈褋懈褟褌邪 蟹邪 胁褋懈褔泻懈 锌褉械写懈蟹胁懈泻邪褌械谢褋褌胁邪 懈 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈 械 褋褗蟹写邪胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 薪芯胁懈 褉械谐褍谢邪褑懈懈. 袨斜邪褔械 邪蟹 褋屑褟褌邪屑, 褔械 蟹邪 写邪 谐邪褉邪薪褌懈褉邪屑械 褋懈谐褍褉薪芯褋褌褌邪, 泻芯薪泻褍褉械薪褌芯褋锌芯褋芯斜薪芯褋褌褌邪 懈 褋褍胁械褉械薪懈褌械褌邪 薪邪 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟 褋褗褞蟹, 械 薪褍卸薪芯 写邪 懈蟹谐褉邪卸写邪屑械 懈薪褎褉邪褋褌褉褍泻褌褍褉邪, 泻邪锌邪褑懈褌械褌, 写懈胁械褉褋懈褎懈泻邪褑懈褟 薪邪 写芯褋褌邪胁褔懈褑懈褌械 懈 褌褗褉褋械薪械 薪邪 薪邪写械卸写薪懈 锌邪褉褌薪褜芯褉懈.

听听Tom谩拧 Zdechovsk媒 (PPE). 鈥� Pane p艡edsedaj铆c铆, kdy啪 jde o na拧铆 bezpe膷nost, Evropa nem暖啪e b媒t z谩visl谩 na ciz铆 zemi. Je p艡eci naprosto hloup茅, pokud n臎kter茅 膷lensk茅 st谩ty cht臎j铆 pou啪铆vat pro utajenou vl谩dn铆 komunikaci Starlink. P艡itom Evropa m谩 艡e拧en铆. M谩me tady n谩拧 GOVSATCOM a IRIS2, co啪 jsou spolehliv茅 platformy, kter茅 nejsou ohro啪ov谩ny ciz铆mi z谩jmy a m谩me skrze n臎 nez谩vislost a autonomii, kter谩 nebude ohro啪ovat n谩s uvnit艡 膷lensk媒ch st谩t暖.

D谩my a p谩nov茅, je naprosto nezbytn茅, aby Evropsk谩 unie urychlila nasazen铆 GOVSATCOM a IRIS2 a nab铆dla 膷lensk媒m st谩t暖m bezpe膷nou alternativu. V拧echny evropsk茅 bezpe膷nostn铆 slo啪ky, v膷etn臎 agentury Frontex, mus铆 povinn臎 vyu啪铆vat Galileo a GOVSATCOM pro 拧ifrovanou komunikaci.

A za t艡et铆, masivn臎 mus铆me podpo艡it 膷lensk茅 st谩ty, aby investovaly do evropsk茅 infrastruktury m铆sto spol茅h谩n铆 na neevropsk茅 dodavatele. Na拧e bezpe膷nost nesm铆 b媒t v rukou ciz铆ch firem, kter茅 n谩m mohou jedin媒m tla膷铆tkem na拧i komunikaci vypnout.

听听Lina G谩lvez (S&D). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, estamos debatiendo mucho esta semana sobre la reordenaci贸n del orden mundial y la necesidad de garantizar la autonom铆a estrat茅gica tecnol贸gica para la Uni贸n Europea, para la supervivencia de nuestras democracias y, en definitiva, del propio proyecto europeo y debemos conseguirla para garantizar realmente el desarrollo de nuestra propia inteligencia artificial, la resiliencia econ贸mica y, como digo, el propio proyecto europeo.

El potencial acuerdo del Gobierno de Italia con Starlink 鈥攅l servicio de comunicaciones por sat茅lite de Elon Musk鈥� es paradigm谩tico y debemos saber que la conexi贸n entre la pol铆tica, los negocios y las amistades no es inocua y tiene implicaciones muy directas en sectores estrat茅gicos de nuestra econom铆a y en nuestra seguridad, en nuestras libertades de toda Europa, no solo de Italia.

Por eso, debemos acelerar y financiar proyectos como el Iris2, porque, frente a actores divisorios, lo que necesitamos es m谩s Europa y m谩s democracia.

听听Diego Solier (NI). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se帽or comisario, Europa est谩 perdiendo terreno en la carrera tecnol贸gica global. Mientras los Estados Unidos y China consolidan su dominio digital, nosotros seguimos dependiendo de terceros para nuestra seguridad, competitividad e independencia econ贸mica: no podemos permitirlo.

Espa帽a tiene una posici贸n geoestrat茅gica clave en este reto. Es un nexo de uni贸n entre Europa, Am茅rica y 脕frica, con infraestructuras cr铆ticas como los cables submarinos que atraviesan nuestras aguas. Este activo debe ser gestionado con visi贸n estrat茅gica y no quedar a merced de intereses ajenos.

Europa no puede ser reh茅n de potencias extranjeras. Necesitamos una pol铆tica industrial firme, que impulse nuestra autonom铆a en inteligencia artificial, semiconductores y redes avanzadas. No podemos seguir delegando nuestro futuro digital en actores extranjeros. Actuemos ya, antes de que sea demasiado tarde.

听听Paulius Saudargas (PPE). 鈥� Mr听President, dear colleagues, it is a textbook reality that when an unfriendly state prepares for military aggression, it begins with disinformation, cyber鈥慳ttacks and disruption of communication infrastructure. This strategy has been evident for decades and we have witnessed it when Russia attacked Ukraine.

The same tactics to disrupt communication networks are being observed in various parts of the European Union itself 鈥� for example, the recent undersea cable sabotage in the Baltic Sea. Our sovereignty is only as strong as our resilience, including the resilience of our strategic infrastructure.

Information is power, and the ability to control and protect our communication networks is a fundamental pillar of security. Yet the EU remains dangerously exposed to external dependencies in this domain.

Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia recently disconnected from the BRELL electricity grid. For years, the Baltic states relied on an energy system that could be manipulated externally. For years, we invested in infrastructure to finally break free.

This example must serve as a broader lesson for the EU. We must extend this thinking to our communication networks, ensuring that they remain secure, autonomous and resilient against external threats.

A Europe that cannot safeguard its own communications infrastructure is a Europe at risk.

听听Tsvetelina Penkova (S&D). 鈥� Mr President, dear colleagues, recent events have proven once again that technology is power. The digital infrastructure, such as submarine cables, 5G networks, satellites and AI, are critical for our economy, security, health care and daily lives. And yet, almost 50听% of 5G communications rely on foreign communication infrastructure. Dependency on non-EU providers limits our autonomy and exposes us to risks that are beyond our control.

We must increase the investment in EU technology. Prioritising secure and EU home-grown technology will safeguard us, strengthen our cybersecurity, drive innovation and guarantee long-term competitiveness. The time to act is now. True sovereignty can only be achieved by investing and ensuring that the EU tech sector can survive and remain competitive in this global digital race.

听听Eszter Lakos (PPE). 鈥� Tisztelt Eln枚k 脷r! A kommunik谩ci贸s infrastrukt煤r谩ink rendszere biztos铆tja a modern t谩rsadalom m疟k枚d茅s茅hez sz眉ks茅ges felt茅teleket, ez茅rt ellen艖rz茅se 茅s v茅delme strat茅giai jelent艖s茅g疟.

A kommunik谩ci贸s infrastrukt煤r谩k j贸 r茅sze k眉ls艖 szerepl艖kt艖l f眉gg, ami s煤lyos biztons谩gi 茅s gazdas谩gi kock谩zatokat rejt mag谩ban. Gondoljunk csak bele. Az 5G-h谩l贸zataink, a felh艖szolg谩ltat谩saink jelent艖s r茅sze nem eur贸pai k茅zben van. Ez nem csup谩n technol贸giai f眉gg艖s茅g, hanem egyben biztons谩gi k茅rd茅s is.

Amikor kritikus adataink k眉ls艖 szervereken utaznak, amikor strat茅giai d枚nt茅seink m谩s hatalmak infrastrukt煤r谩j谩n kereszt眉l sz眉letnek, val贸j谩ban feladjuk a szuverenit谩sunk egy r茅sz茅t. 脡ppen ez茅rt a k眉ls艖 befoly谩s cs枚kkent茅s茅re van sz眉ks茅g.

Az EU-nak s眉rg艖sen cselekednie kell. Be kell fektetn眉nk saj谩t technol贸giai megold谩sainkba. Fejleszten眉nk kell az eur贸pai alternat铆v谩kat, 茅s meg kell er艖s铆ten眉nk a kiberv茅delm眉nket. Csak 铆gy biztos铆thatjuk, hogy Eur贸pa tov谩bbra is f眉ggetlen, er艖s 茅s versenyk茅pes szerepl艖 maradjon a vil谩gpolitika sz铆npad谩n. Kez眉nkbe kell venn眉nk a digit谩lis j枚v艖nk ir谩ny铆t谩s谩t, vagy elfogadjuk, hogy m谩sok 铆rj谩k sz谩munkra a szab谩lyokat. Az id艖 pedig s眉rget.

听听Jos茅 Cepeda (S&D). 鈥� Se帽or presidente, se帽or铆as, Europa 驴est谩 o no est谩 en guerra? Yo creo que estamos en guerra. Estamos en una guerra h铆brida y, por primera vez en much铆simas d茅cadas, no somos lo suficientemente conscientes de la situaci贸n que estamos atravesando. Tenemos que invertir en nuestra seguridad y en nuestra defensa, en nuestras infraestructuras cr铆ticas de telecomunicaciones.

Y para ser realmente soberanos solamente tenemos que hacer dos cosas: invertir de una forma importante en tecnolog铆a, pero no en cualquier tecnolog铆a, en nuestro desarrollo tecnol贸gico, e invertir tambi茅n en una mayor cooperaci贸n de nuestros sistemas de inteligencia, para precisamente proteger de una forma eficiente todas las infraestructuras cr铆ticas de telecomunicaciones. En este caso hay numeros铆simos trabajos que desarrollan institutos de investigaci贸n, como por ejemplo Max Planck; tenemos que esforzarnos para que se visualicen mucho m谩s. Y tenemos que generar nuestros propios recursos si realmente queremos ser soberanos y protegernos de lo que nos est谩 hoy invadiendo de una forma directa.

听听Angelika Winzig (PPE). 鈥� Herr Pr盲sident! Herr Kommissar! Satelliten im All aus den USA, 5G aus China und manipulierte Tiefseekabel: So ist die Realit盲t unserer Kommunikationsinfrastruktur. Die technologische Souver盲nit盲t der EU ist somit in Gefahr. Das bedeutet Unsicherheit f眉r die Wirtschaft, f眉r die Verwaltung, aber auch f眉r die B眉rgerinnen und B眉rger.

Ebenso wie bei den kritischen Rohstoffen brauchen wir eine k眉nftige Infrastrukturstrategie mit verl盲sslichen Partnern, denn wir h盲ngen noch sehr an China und den USA. Dar眉ber hinaus m眉ssen wir Investitionen in europ盲ische Technologien t盲tigen. Wir m眉ssen die St盲rkung von Cybersicherheit sowie einen ambitionierten Ausbau der europ盲ischen Satellitenkonstellation f枚rdern. Denn eine leistungsf盲hige und zukunftssichere Infrastruktur ist das Fundament f眉r Innovation, Wettbewerbsf盲higkeit sowie f眉r die digitale Souver盲nit盲t Europas.

听听Brando Benifei (S&D). 鈥� Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il dibattito su Starlink in Italia ci ha posto un doppio interrogativo: possiamo affidarci per comunicazioni del governo e degli apparati di intelligence e di difesa ad aziende fondate e guidate da chi oggi pubblicamente supporta forze filo-Putin e anti-UE, con l'uso di potenti mezzi di comunicazione e di risorse illimitate? E, qualora adottassimo sistemi come Starlink, possiamo rischiare che il governo americano ne interrompa le funzionalit脿, come 猫 accaduto in una occasione in Ucraina?

Io credo serva equilibrio e approfondimento. Vale per l'Italia, che ho usato come esempio, e vale per l'Europa. Non possiamo precluderci nessuna soluzione tecnologica, ma quando si tratta della sicurezza nazionale ed europea dobbiamo essere certi di mantenere il controllo e la riservatezza necessaria.

In ogni caso, dobbiamo portare avanti i nostri progetti. L'Unione ha gi脿 lanciato il progetto IRIS2 per una connettivit脿 satellitare sicura. 脠 in ritardo questo progetto. La Commissione deve impegnarsi a realizzarlo pi霉 velocemente insieme agli Stati membri.

E poi le crescenti tensioni geopolitiche. La dipendenza da fornitori esterni per infrastrutture cruciali 猫 un tema non solo rispetto ai satelliti, ma anche per i cavi sottomarini, le tecnologie mobili. Si mette a rischio, se non si lavora su questo, l'autonomia strategica dell'Europa.

Dobbiamo fare di pi霉, adesso e insieme. Non perdiamo altro tempo, perch茅 ne va della nostra libert脿.

听听Victor Negrescu (S&D). 鈥� Domnule pre葯edinte, stima葲i colegi, securitatea infrastructurii digitale europene este o prioritate de securitate na葲ional膬. Uniunea European膬 nu 卯葯i poate permite s膬 fie vulnerabil膬 sau dependent膬. Ast膬zi, trebuie s膬 ne 卯ntreb膬m dac膬 suntem cu adev膬rat preg膬ti葲i s膬 protej膬m suveranitatea noastr膬 digital膬. Aproape 70听% din echipamentele esen葲iale pentru re葲elele europene de telecomunica葲ii provin din afara Uniunii, iar multe state membre continu膬 s膬 utilizeze tehnologii dezvoltate de companii considerate un risc de securitate.

Suntem expu葯i unor amenin葲膬ri majore. Rom芒nia a fost unul dintre statele care au decis s膬 limiteze accesul la infrastructura lor de telecomunica葲ii. Statele membre pot 葯i trebuie s膬 ac葲ioneze pentru a se proteja, dar nu este suficient ca doar c芒teva 葲膬ri s膬 ia m膬suri. Solicit Comisiei Europene s膬 propun膬 un fond european pentru securitatea infrastructurii digitale, un cadru de reglementare comun privind accesul la re葲ele, investi葲ii masive 卯n alternative europene. Dac膬 nu ac葲ion膬m acum, vom pl膬ti un pre葲 mult mai mare 卯n viitor.

听听Glenn Micallef, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Mr听President, colleagues, we share similar concerns about Europe's technology sovereignty and see the urgent need to act on the challenges that we face.

We have to act on several fronts. We need to take measures to increase the security and resilience of our digital infrastructures. These measures should advance the implementation of the 5G Cybersecurity Toolbox, increase the security and resilience of submarine cables, and accelerate the implementation of our rules on critical infrastructure as well as stepping up research and innovation efforts in key technologies relevant for secure communication networks.

But that is not enough. We also need to strengthen our capacities to ensure that Europe masters the technologies that it needs and reduce its dependencies on third countries in critical technology areas. We need to act together with you, the Members of the European 合法博彩网站, the Member States, but also with industry stakeholders and strategic partners to tackle the challenges that lie ahead of us.

(Se suspende la sesi贸n durante unos instantes)

IN THE CHAIR: VICTOR NEGRESCU
Vice-President

(The sitting resumed at 12:30)

听听President. 鈥� We will continue, dear colleagues. I would like to inform the House that I have received requests for points of order. Let us respect the timing.

听听Jean-Paul Garraud (PfE). 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, l'article听10 de notre r猫glement int茅rieur exige des d茅put茅s qu'ils pr茅servent la dignit茅 du Parlement, et l'article听17 dispose que les d茅put茅s sont responsables des actes de leurs assistants.

Ces r猫gles ont 茅t茅 pi茅tin茅es hier soir. Sous la direction et en pr茅sence de Mme听Manon听Aubry, pr茅sidente de groupe, un attroupement de d茅put茅s et d'assistants fran莽ais d'extr锚me gauche ont tent茅 d'emp锚cher la tenue d'une conf茅rence ici m锚me, au Parlement europ茅en, en vocif茅rant des injures et des slogans diffamatoires 脿 l'entr茅e de la salle de conf茅rence.

Nous demandons que des sanctions soient prises. Ce sont des violations inacceptables de notre r猫glement int茅rieur. Nous n'allons pas nous laisser intimider par des apprentis r茅volutionnaires islamo-gauchistes et antis茅mites.

Ces actes sont graves. Il vous faut, Monsieur le Pr茅sident, Madame la Pr茅sidente听Metsola, prendre des sanctions et 茅viter ainsi les prochaines actions que ces gens-l脿 pr茅parent. C'est votre responsabilit茅, Madame la Pr茅sidente du Parlement europ茅en. Nous attendons les mesures que vous prendrez pour pr茅server l'exercice de la d茅mocratie.

听听Manon Aubry (The Left). 鈥� Monsieur le Pr茅sident, l'茅v茅nement qui 茅tait organis茅 hier par le groupe听ESN portait sur la remigration. La remigration, c'est la d茅portation de personnes qui sont europ茅ennes en dehors de l'Union europ茅enne.

Monsieur听Garraud, en prenant la d茅fense de cet 茅v茅nement, vous montrez le vrai visage de l'extr锚me droite, qui est celui aujourd'hui d'un projet raciste et x茅nophobe.

Alors oui, Monsieur听Garraud, nous avons protest茅 pacifiquement. Oui, Monsieur听Garraud, vous nous trouverez 脿 chaque fois听鈥撎�脿 chaque fois!听鈥� sur votre chemin. 脌 chaque fois que vous organiserez des 茅v茅nements racistes dans les locaux de notre Parlement europ茅en, vous nous trouverez ici pour protester, parce que le racisme n'a pas sa place, ni ici au sein du Parlement europ茅en, ni 脿 l'ext茅rieur.

听听President. 鈥� Colleagues, I think we have to resume the discussion on this topic. There was another request for a point of order but, of course, being on the same topic, I think we have to not transform this into a new debate.

The last intervention on a point of order is on another topic.

听听Thijs Reuten (S&D). 鈥� Mr President, thank you for your patience, and thank you, colleagues. On behalf of my group 鈥� and I hope many more 鈥� I would like to ask our President to convey our deepest concerns about yesterday's statements by President Trump and his government. We all want peace for Ukraine, but the terms and conditions emerging are bad for Ukraine, bad for Europe and bad for the rules-based order. Just good for Putin!

The EU and other European allies are not part of the discussion. That is unacceptable and risky. An emergency Council meeting before the weekend should be on the table, ensuring a united message to our US friends that we are not going to do it like this.

Not about Ukraine, without Ukraine; not about Europe, without Europe!

(Applause)

听听President. 鈥� This being said, based on the recommendations of the services we will move directly to the vote.

听听President. 鈥� We move to the joint motion for a resolution tabled by six groups on the recent dismissals and arrests of mayors in Turkey.

- After the vote on recital E:

听听螕蔚维未畏蟼 螕蔚维未畏 (ECR). 鈥� 螝蠉蟻喂蔚 螤蟻蠈蔚未蟻蔚, 胃苇位蠅 谓伪 魏伪蟿伪胃苇蟽蠅 蟺蟻慰蠁慰蟻喂魏萎 蟿蟻慰蟺慰位慰纬委伪 渭蔚 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻慰蟽胃萎魏畏 谓苇伪蟼 伪喂蟿喂慰位慰纬喂魏萎蟼 蟽畏渭蔚委蠅蟽畏蟼 蠅蟼 蔚尉萎蟼: 螞伪渭尾维谓慰谓蟿伪蟼 蠀蟺蠈蠄畏 蟿伪 蟺蟻蠈蟽蠁伪蟿伪 纬蔚纬慰谓蠈蟿伪, 畏 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪 苇蠂蔚喂 喂蟽蟿慰蟻喂魏蠈 蠀蟺慰胃苇蟽蔚蠅谓 蟺慰蠀 伪蠁慰蟻慰蠉谓 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏苇蟼 蠁蠀位伪魏委蟽蔚喂蟼 魏伪喂 魏伪魏慰渭蔚蟿伪蠂蔚委蟻喂蟽畏 伪谓胃蟻蠋蟺蠅谓, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 纬喂伪 蟺伪蟻维未蔚喂纬渭伪 畏 蠀蟺蠈胃蔚蟽畏 伪纬谓慰慰蠀渭苇谓蠅谓 蟿畏蟼 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蠀.

螒纬伪蟺畏蟿慰委 蟽蠀谓维未蔚位蠁慰喂, 味畏蟿蠋 蟿畏 蟽蟿萎蟻喂尉畏 伪蟺蠈 蠈位蔚蟼 蟿喂蟼 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏苇蟼 未蠀谓维渭蔚喂蟼 纬喂伪 苇谓伪 蟿蠈蟽慰 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏蠈 伪谓胃蟻蠅蟺喂蟽蟿喂魏蠈 味萎蟿畏渭伪, 蠈蟺蠅蟼 慰喂 伪纬谓慰慰蠉渭蔚谓慰喂 蟿畏蟼 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蠀. 螒蟻魏蔚蟿慰委 蔚尉 伪蠀蟿蠋谓 伪纬谓慰慰蠉谓蟿伪喂 渭蔚蟿维 蟿畏 渭蔚蟿伪蠁慰蟻维 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿畏谓 韦慰蠀蟻魏委伪, 渭蔚 蟿慰 蟿慰蠀蟻魏喂魏蠈 魏蟻维蟿慰蟼 蔚未蠋 魏伪喂 蟺蔚谓萎谓蟿伪 蠂蟻蠈谓喂伪 谓伪 伪蟻谓蔚委蟿伪喂 谓伪 蟽蠀谓蔚蟻纬伪蟽蟿蔚委 蠂蠅蟻委蟼 委蠂谓慰蟼 蟽蔚尾伪蟽渭慰蠉 蟽蟿慰 魏蟻维蟿慰蟼 未喂魏伪委慰蠀. 危伪蟼 魏伪位蠋 渭蠈谓慰 谓伪 伪谓伪位慰纬喂蟽蟿蔚委蟿蔚 蟿慰 渭苇纬蔚胃慰蟼 蟿慰蠀 蟺蟻慰尾位萎渭伪蟿慰蟼. 韦慰蠀位维蠂喂蟽蟿慰谓 蟿蟻蔚喂蟼 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰蠀蟼 苇尉喂 螝蠉蟺蟻喂慰蠀蟼 蟽蠀谓伪未苇位蠁慰蠀蟼 蟽伪蟼 蔚蠀蟻蠅尾慰蠀位蔚蠀蟿苇蟼 蟺慰蠀 魏维胃慰谓蟿伪喂 未委蟺位伪 蟽伪蟼, 苇蠂慰蠀谓 蟽蠀纬纬蔚谓蔚委蟼 伪纬谓慰慰蠉渭蔚谓慰蠀蟼. 危蔚 伪谓伪位慰纬委伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蟽伪谓 谓伪 位苇渭蔚 360 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰蠀蟼 720 蔚蠀蟻蠅尾慰蠀位蔚蠀蟿苇蟼 伪蠀蟿慰蠉 蟿慰蠀 危蠋渭伪蟿慰蟼.

螕喂伪 伪蠀蟿蠈, 蔚蟺喂尾维位位蔚蟿伪喂 谓伪 蟽蟿蔚委位慰蠀渭蔚 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻蠈 渭萎谓蠀渭伪 蔚谓蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼 伪蟺苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟽蔚 蠈蟽慰蠀蟼 未蔚谓 蟽苇尾慰谓蟿伪喂 蟿伪 伪谓胃蟻蠋蟺喂谓伪 未喂魏伪喂蠋渭伪蟿伪. 螠萎谓蠀渭伪 伪位位畏位蔚纬纬蠉畏蟼 魏伪喂 蟽蠀渭蟺伪蟻维蟽蟿伪蟽畏蟼 蟽蟿慰谓 伪纬蠋谓伪 蟿蠅谓 蟽蠀纬纬蔚谓蠋谓 蟿蠅谓 伪纬谓慰慰蠀渭苇谓蠅谓 蟿畏蟼 螝蠉蟺蟻慰蠀.

听听President. 鈥� Is there any opposition to the oral amendment? Yes. So the oral amendment cannot be taken, based on the opposition of the Members.

The resolution is adopted (see minutes, item 6.1).

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the repression by the Ortega鈥慚urillo regime in Nicaragua, targeting human rights defenders, political opponents and religious communities in particular (see minutes, item 6.2).

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the continuing detention and risk of the death penalty for individuals in Nigeria charged with blasphemy, notably the case of Yahaya Sharif-Aminu (see minutes, item 6.3).

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia (see minutes, item 6.4).

听听President. 鈥� The next vote is on the escalation of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo听(see minutes, item 6.5).

(The vote closed)

(The sitting was suspended at 12:47)

IN THE CHAIR: CHRISTEL SCHALDEMOSE
Vice-President

(The sitting resumed at 15:01)

听听President. 鈥� The minutes of yesterday's sitting and the texts adopted are available. Are there any comments? No. The minutes are approved.

听听President. 鈥� The next item is the debate on the Commission statement on cross鈥慴order recognition of civil status documents of same鈥憇ex couples and their children within the territory of the EU ().

听听Glenn Micallef, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Madam President, honourable Members, I would like to thank you for proposing a debate on the recognition of civil status documents of same鈥憇ex couples and their children within the Union.

Families, in particular rainbow families, can currently face difficulties in having their marriage or partnership or the parenthood of their children recognised in another Member State, for example, when they move to another Member State or returned to their Member State of origin.听The recognition in a Member State of civil status documents on marriage, partnerships and parenthood issued in another Member State is at the basis of the right to free movement and an essential element of the construction of a Union of equality.

The Court of Justice ruled in its 2018 judgment in the Coman case that already today Union law on free movement requires Member States to recognise, for certain purposes, civil status documents on marriage or partnerships issued in another Member State, irrespective of the sex of the spouses or partners.

This recognition obligation aims to enable Union citizens and their spouses or partners, including same鈥憇ex couples, to benefit from rights under Union law, such as the right to travel to or take up residence in another Member State, or to be treated equally in a host Member State in respect of all matters within the scope of the Treaty, even if that host Member State does not provide for same鈥憇ex marriage or same鈥憇ex partnerships.听But let me be clear: this does not require Member States to provide, in their national law, for the institution of same鈥憇ex marriage.

Similarly, the Court of Justice confirmed in its 2021 judgment in the VMA case that the Member States are already required under Union law free movement to recognise a civil status document on the parenthood of a child issued in another Member State. This recognition obligation aims to enable all children and their parents, including children with same鈥憇ex parents, to benefit from their rights under Union law, such as the right to travel to or take up residence in another Member State, and in their right to travel documentation even if the host Member State does not allow parenthood by same鈥憇ex couples.

The Commission considered that the protection of children's rights in cross鈥慴order situations should be extended, and in 2022, it adopted a proposal for a regulation that would require Member States to recognise civil status documents on parenthood issued in another Member State for all purposes.

The regulation would require Member States to recognise parenthood to enable all children to also benefit from their rights under national law, such as the right to inherit from either parent in another Member State, the right to receive financial support from either parent in another Member State, or the right to be represented by either parent in another Member State on matters such as their schooling and health.听This recognition obligation would apply irrespective of how that child was conceived or born, and irrespective of the child's type of family, therefore also applying to children with same鈥憇ex parents.

The proposal would facilitate the recognition of parenthood by harmonising the Member States' rules on private international law, that is, rules that determine which Member State's court would be competent to establish parenthood in cross鈥慴order cases, which national law would apply to establish parenthood in cross鈥慴order cases, and how judgments and public documents on parenthood issued in one Member State should be recognised in another Member State.

The proposal also provides for the creation of a European certificate on parenthood 鈥� a certificate that children or their parents could use to prove children's parenthood in another Member State.

As the proposal concerns rights going beyond rights for which recognition is already granted under Union law, the proposal had to be adopted under the Union's competence to adopt measures on family law with cross鈥慴order implications, pursuant to Article听81(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

Such measures must be adopted by the Council by a unanimous vote, after having consulted 合法博彩网站. 合法博彩网站 gave a large support to the proposal in December听2023. In the Council, the Member States are discussing the proposal's provisions constructively, and progress is gradually being made.

听听Se谩n Kelly, thar ceann an Ghr煤pa PPE. 鈥� Go raibh maith agat a Uachtar谩in agus go raibh maith agat a Choimisin茅ir, aonta铆m leat sa mh茅id a d煤irt t煤.

We are faced with a very important question. Should same sex couples and their children receive the same recognition and protection of their civil status across all EU Member States? The answer is clear: yes.

This is about ensuring equality and fairness for all families across Europe. This is not a question of ideology, but simply a question of fundamental human rights.

The European Union is founded on the principles of equality, dignity and freedom. When a same-sex couple legally marries in one Member State, or when their child is legally recognised as theirs, that legal status should not dissolve at a border. A family is a family, whether they live in Dublin, Warsaw, Madrid or Budapest.

Yet today, many same-sex couples and their children find themselves in legal limbo simply because they move between Member States. A child recognised as the legal offspring of two parents in one country may suddenly find themselves without legal guardianship in another. This is not just an inconvenience. It is a violation of their rights, creating insecurity, fear and unnecessary suffering. Worse still, this legal uncertainty directly infringes on one of the fundamental pillars of the EU: the right to free movement.

What freedom is there if crossing a border can strip away a person's legal relationship with their child? No EU citizen should have to choose between their right to live and work anywhere in the Union and the legal security of their family. Yet that is precisely the choice some families are forced to make.

This 合法博彩网站 has a duty to defend all families. EU law must guarantee that civil status documents 鈥� marriages, partnerships, birth certificates 鈥� are recognised across borders, regardless of the gender of the parents or spouses.

The European Court of Justice has already affirmed that all EU citizens, including same sex families, must be able to move freely without discrimination. Now we need our legislation to reflect this. We must ensure that legal rights are already granted by one country, are not stripped away by another. This is about legal certainty, respect for human dignity and the freedom of movement that is the heart of the of the European project.

Families should not have to fear crossing a border. Children should not lose their legal parents overnight. We have a responsibility to ensure that love, commitment and parental care are recognised and respected no matter where in the EU they exist. Let us choose the path of equality, dignity and fundamental rights.

Tugaimis, agus seasaimis suas d谩r gclann i ngach 谩it san Aontas agus aitheantas a thabhairt d贸ibh i ngach aon Bhallst谩t.

听听Krzysztof 艢miszek, w imieniu grupy S&D. 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! Zasada wzajemnego uznawania dokument贸w mi臋dzy pa艅stwami cz艂onkowskimi. Zasada wzajemnego zaufania. Zasada r贸wno艣ci bez wzgl臋du na orientacj臋 seksualn膮. Zasada swobodnego przep艂ywu os贸b. Zasada zakazu dyskryminacji. To s膮 podstawy funkcjonowania Unii Europejskiej.

Dzisiaj powiem Pa艅stwu o sytuacjach, prawdziwych sytuacjach, w kt贸rych te zasady w Unii Europejskiej nie obowi膮zuj膮. Prawo Unii Europejskiej nie obowi膮zuje, je偶eli po sp臋dzeniu 15 pi臋knych lat ze swoim partnerem w Polsce, umiera on we W艂oszech i musisz sprowadzi膰 jego cia艂o do kraju, jak w przypadku Polak贸w - Krzysztofa i 艁ukasza. Te zasady nie istniej膮 kiedy zawierasz zwi膮zek ma艂偶e艅ski z mi艂o艣ci膮 swojego 偶ycia w Danii albo w Portugalii. W Polsce ten zwi膮zek nie ma 偶adnego znaczenia. Twoja mi艂o艣膰 w 艣wietle prawa nie istnieje, tak jak mi艂o艣膰 polskiej pisarki Renaty i jej partnerki. Tak jak mi艂o艣膰 aktywist贸w Dawida i Jakuba. Tysi膮ce polskich, s艂owackich czy rumu艅skich par jednop艂ciowych zawiera zwi膮zki ma艂偶e艅skie i wychowuje dzieci w Niemczech, w Portugalii, Holandii, Szwecji czy Hiszpanii. Kiedy podr贸偶uj膮 do Polski, Bu艂garii czy S艂owacji, ich zwi膮zki ma艂偶e艅skie ju偶 nie istniej膮 i ich rodzicielstwo w 艣wietle prawa zostaje odrzucone. Ich 偶ycia s膮 uniewa偶nione. Staj膮 si臋 niewidzialni. Staj膮 si臋 dla siebie obcymi osobami.

Podstaw膮 Unii Europejskiej jest wolno艣膰 poruszania si臋 po jej terytorium. W jaki spos贸b ta wolno艣膰 jest respektowana, je偶eli w jednym kraju jestem m臋偶em i ojcem, a w drugim nikim. Je偶eli odbiera si臋 mi moj膮 to偶samo艣膰, moj膮 mi艂o艣膰 i moj膮 rodzin臋 w momencie, kiedy wsiadam do poci膮gu w Berlinie, a wysiadam we Wroc艂awiu czy Warszawie. Artyku艂 21 Karty Praw Podstawowych zakazuje dyskryminacji ze wzgl臋du na orientacj臋 seksualn膮. Czy na pewno tak jest w Unii Europejskiej? Panie Komisarzu, czas zako艅czy膰 t臋 jawn膮 dyskryminacj臋. Czas na dzia艂anie Unii Europejskiej i Komisji Europejskiej.

听听Paolo Inselvini, a nome del gruppo ECR. 鈥� Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, i bambini, la parte pi霉 fragile, coloro che hanno bisogno di protezione pi霉 di tutti, devono avere la priorit脿. Questo in generale, ma anche e soprattutto per il dibattito odierno. Siamo tutti d'accordo, credo e spero, su questo aspetto.

E allora perch茅 qualcuno vuole sacrificare i diritti dei pi霉 piccoli sull'altare dell'ideologia? Perch茅 si vuole esaudire a tutti i costi i desideri, pi霉 o meno legittimi, degli adulti? I bambini hanno il diritto ad avere un padre e una madre. Non perch茅 lo decidiamo noi, brutti e cattivi, non perch茅 lo decide uno Stato, ma perch茅 cos矛 猫, senza alcuna possibilit脿 di smentita.

Avere dei bambini, invece, non 猫 un diritto. Avere dei figli non 猫 un diritto che pu貌 essere esaudito a tutti i costi. Questo semplicemente, perch茅 le persone non sono delle cose.

Ecco perch茅 mi sorge un dubbio. Evidentemente, la discussione di oggi 猫 fatta per ingannare. 脠 un inganno: un inganno da parte di chi vuole legittimare la barbara pratica dell'utero in affitto, ossia la mercificazione della donna, dei bambini e della vita.

E se questo 猫 il vostro obiettivo, bene, sappiate che ci troverete pronti alle barricate. Saremo l'argine che fermer脿 la vostra furiosa marea ideologica. Non smetteremo mai di ribadirlo: i bambini possono nascere solo da un padre e una madre, solo da un uomo e da una donna. Ed 猫 assurdo dover sempre ricordare ci貌 che 猫 ovvio. Ma se ci costringerete, noi lo riaffermeremo ogni giorno con coraggio. Non arretreremo un centimetro nella difesa della famiglia, della donna e dei bambini.

听听Fabienne Keller, au nom du groupe Renew. 鈥� Madame la Pr茅sidente, Monsieur le Commissaire听Micallef, chers coll猫gues, la mont茅e de l'extr锚me droite en Europe repr茅sente une menace grandissante pour tout le monde, et plus particuli猫rement pour la communaut茅 LGBTI. En t茅moigne la r茅cente mesure du gouvernement听Meloni, qui vise 脿 annuler les enregistrements des actes d'茅tat civil des enfants des couples de m锚me sexe. En Italie, plus de 20听000 enfants 茅lev茅s par des couples de m锚me sexe sont ainsi menac茅s par la remise en cause de leur filiation l茅gale.

Aujourd'hui, dans l'Union europ茅enne, ce sont plus de 2听millions d'enfants qui pourraient faire face 脿 une situation dans laquelle ce lien avec leurs parents n'est pas reconnu. Il est donc urgent d'agir maintenant, d'autant plus que, Monsieur le Commissaire, la solution, nous l'avons d茅j脿 trouv茅e, vous l'avez rappel茅.

La Commission europ茅enne a propos茅, il y a deux ans d茅j脿, un r猫glement pour harmoniser cette reconnaissance et introduire un certificat europ茅en. Cette reconnaissance ne permettrait pas simplement de mettre fin 脿 l'incertitude, mais elle offrirait 茅galement une garantie r茅elle de protection des droits et l'茅galit茅 pour les familles.

Alors, chers coll猫gues, qu'attendons-nous pour la mettre en 艙uvre? Avec mon groupe Renew Europe, nous portons haut et fort les valeurs europ茅ennes d'茅galit茅. J'appelle donc les 脡tats membres 脿 faire avancer cette proposition, essentielle pour la s茅curit茅 juridique pour tous, pour l'茅galit茅, pour la protection des enfants dans l'Union europ茅enne. Nous devons cela 脿 tous les enfants europ茅ens.

听听Kim Van Sparrentak, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. 鈥� Madam听President, dear colleagues, this summer I am getting married and I honestly can't wait to call my beautiful fianc茅e my wife. I can't wait to celebrate with all our friends and family and use our legal rights to be recognised as partners for life.

And two weeks later, one of my best friends is also getting married and I know he is as excited as me to tie the knot with his girlfriend. But the sad reality is that within our union of equality, my friend and I aren't equal, because there are still Member States that disavow a marriage between me and my girlfriend. They are allowed to prevent us from accessing our social security or our claims to residency and they can disregard the other if we have to make unthinkable medical choices. They are still allowed to hinder us in our right to free movement. Some marriage certificates are apparently more meaningful than others.

And this is definitely not about me. It is about baby Sara, who is a toddler by now, and her mums, who have been fighting for their child not to grow up stateless. This is about Adrian Coman, whose partner was prevented from living with him in his home country of Romania. It is about Arian Mirzarafie-Ahi not having to fight for the legal gender recognition he already obtained, especially when the possibilities are limited and dehumanising.

The courts are clear: freedom of movement means that if you are a parent in one country, you are a parent in every country. If you are a spouse in one country, you are a spouse in every country. If you obtain legal gender recognition in one country, you obtain legal gender recognition in every country.

Commission, I'm looking forward to you putting this into law and I'm especially looking forward to seeing that happen within the new LGBTIQ equality strategy.

听听Siegbert Frank Droese, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Verehrte Kollegen! Ich wundere mich schon, dass wir heute die Tagesordnung nicht ge盲ndert haben. Sie haben es wahrscheinlich mitbekommen: Ein Weltereignis von Weltrang hat sich gestern ereignet. Die Pr盲sidenten Trump und Putin werden einen Friedensprozess in Gang setzen, was die Ukraine betrifft. Die Kommission, das Parlament, die EU spielen dabei keine Rolle. Da h盲tte ich mir ehrlich gesagt gew眉nscht, dass wir heute 眉ber dieses Thema reden. Nun ist es so. Wir reden jetzt heute 眉ber das Problem gleichgeschlechtlicher Paare.

Die Kommission propagiert jeden Tag pausenlos ihre EU-Werte und will sie m枚glichst global durchsetzen. Was f眉r eine Vermessenheit! Dass dadurch Abkommen verhindert werden, oft die Wirtschaft der EU Schaden nimmt, ist der Kommission dabei vollkommen egal. Dabei scheint die Kommission nicht zu interessieren, dass die Mehrheit der L盲nder auf der Welt andere Werte als diese EU hat. Dies gilt insbesondere f眉r den Bereich Familie. Sechs L盲nder haben nicht der Idee von gleichgeschlechtlichen Ehen zugestimmt, darunter Bulgarien, Rum盲nien und Polen. Diese L盲nder haben andere Traditionen. Warum kann man das nicht respektieren? Diese EU macht doch immer Reklame f眉r Einheit in Vielfalt. Gilt das normale und traditionelle Familienbild aus Mutter, Vater, Kindern, das in Europa seit Anbeginn der Zeit herrscht, nicht als sch眉tzenswerter Teil einer Vielfalt? Warum werden hier L盲nder wie Rum盲nien bedroht, die ihre Verfassung ver盲ndern m眉ssen? Das finden wir 眉bergriffig, das ist widerlich, das ist abzulehnen.

Um es klar zu sagen: Niemand soll diskriminiert werden. Es soll aber auch niemand bevorzugt werden. Gleichbehandlung f眉r jedermann. Diese EU will nun grenz眉berschreitend, dass alle privaten Lebensformen 眉berall in der EU anerkannt werden. Nein, das soll jedes Land selbst entscheiden. Das ist eine nationale Aufgabe der Mitgliedsl盲nder. Diese EU, solange sie noch besteht, soll sich auf ihre Kernkompetenzen, wenn sie die denn hat, konzentrieren und sich nicht in das Privatleben der B眉rger einmischen. Wir respektieren das Privatleben aller B眉rger. Wir stehen aber auch f眉r Familie aus Mutter, Vater, Kindern.

Die Souver盲nit盲t einer Nation hei脽t auch Souver盲nit盲t in den Familienfragen und Respekt vor Privatangelegenheiten seiner B眉rger. Und von dieser Stelle aus m枚chte ich meinen Landsleuten zurufen: Wenn Sie Freiheit, Frieden und Souver盲nit盲t gro脽e Beachtung schenken, haben Sie n盲chste Woche am Sonntag die Gelegenheit. Wir sagen dazu: Von den Alpen bis zur See w盲hlen alle AfD. Oder in einfacher Sprache: Sei schlau, w盲hl blau!

听听Evin Incir (S&D). 鈥� Madam President, it is absurd that a person or a state can even think the thought that it should deprive children of their fundamental right to their parent. The refusal to fully recognise parenthood across Member States is rooted in homophobia. It is not protecting children; it is actually harming children.

The hatred against the LGBTI community doesn't belong in a modern society. Conservatives and the far right here in the EU: your echo that children should be deprived their fundamental right to their parents are the same words that are being said by the mullahs in Iran and by the Taliban in Afghanistan.

Children have the right to be protected from the far-right hatred, not from their parents!

听听Lucia Yar (Renew). 鈥� Dnes tu stoj铆m s v铆ziou Eur贸py, ktor谩 je spravodliv谩, l谩skav谩 a vern谩 svojim spolo膷n媒m hodnot谩m, p谩n predre膷n铆k. Eur贸py postavenej na tolerancii, kde o vz钮ahu dvoch dospel媒ch 木ud铆 rozhoduj煤 ich city, ich vz谩jomn茅 city, a nie povolenia politikov, kde ka啪d茅 die钮a, bez oh木adu na orient谩ciu alebo pohlavie svojich rodi膷ov, m谩 pr谩vo na stabilitu, bezpe膷ie a rodinu. Ver铆m v Eur贸psku 煤niu, ktor谩 sp谩ja, nie rozde木uje. Tak煤, ktor谩 nedovol铆, aby prekro膷enie hranice znamenalo stratu rodi膷a. Aj Eur贸psky s煤dny dvor, u啪 sme o tom po膷uli, tvrd铆, 啪e ak je pr谩vny vz钮ah uznan媒 v jednej krajine, mus铆 ho re拧pektova钮 aj in谩 krajina. Kv么li princ铆pu spravodlivosti a ochrany t媒ch najzranite木nej拧铆ch, to je ten d么vod. A predsa, napr铆klad u n谩s na Slovensku, vid铆me opak. Populistick茅 vl谩dy predkladaj煤 n谩vrhy, ktor茅 pr谩va rod铆n neroz拧iruj煤, ale ich obmedzuj煤, zra艌uj煤 ich. My ale m谩me naviac. Vyberme si cestu, ktor谩 je cestou re拧pektu. A sk煤sme aj v tejto dobe poveda钮 jasn茅 谩no spravodlivosti. Postavme sa za Eur贸pu, v ktorej ka啪d茅 die钮a, ka啪d谩 rodina a ka啪d媒 膷lovek m谩 svoje bezpe膷n茅 miesto.

听听Rasmus Andresen (Verts/ALE). 鈥� Frau Pr盲sidentin! Ich m枚chte, dass alle Europ盲erinnen und Europ盲er die gleichen Rechte haben, unabh盲ngig davon, wo sie leben und wen sie lieben.

Niemand hat Hass und Hetze verdient; alle haben Respekt und gleiche Rechte verdient. Es ist doch absurd, dass Menschen sich in der EU zwar frei bewegen k枚nnen, aber sie selbst und ihre Familien nicht 眉berall anerkannt werden. Es hat in der Vergangenheit mehrere F盲lle gegeben, wo gleichgeschlechtliche Paare ihre Rechte vor Gericht einklagen mussten. Zwei polnische Frauen, die in Wien ein Kind bekommen haben, aber zu Hause damit nicht anerkannt wurden. Homosexuelle M盲nner, die nach ihrem Umzug in einen anderen EU-Mitgliedstaat ihre Ehe nicht anerkannt bekommen haben.

Es ist untragbar, dass gleichgeschlechtliche Paare in der Europ盲ischen Union 2025 immer noch diskriminiert werden. Es ist unsere Pflicht, die Grundrechte von allen EU-B眉rgerinnen und -B眉rgern zu sch眉tzen. Daf眉r brauchen wir europ盲ische Gesetze, mit denen die Freiheit der Menschen gesch眉tzt und Regenbogenfamilien EU-weit anerkannt werden. Gegen Staaten wie Rum盲nien, die das systematisch untergraben, muss die EU-Kommission mit Sanktionen vorgehen.

Ich m枚chte Sie auch ganz herzlich auffordern, hier nicht nachzulassen, sondern nachzulegen, auch wenn die politische Stimmung in einigen Mitgliedstaaten vielleicht kompliziert ist. Aber Sie haben hier gemeinsam mit uns eine Verantwortung. Der m眉ssen Sie gerecht werden.

听听Robert Biedro艅 (S&D). 鈥� Pani Przewodnicz膮ca! Jutro Walentynki, 14 lutego. Niestety nie wszyscy w tej Unii R贸wno艣ci b臋d膮 mogli 艣wi臋towa膰 to 艣wi臋to. Nadal mamy w Unii Europejskiej obywateli lepszego i gorszego sortu. Nadal mamy w Unii Europejskiej rodziny, kt贸re nie maj膮 r贸wnych praw. Nadal mamy 2 miliony dzieci w Unii Europejskiej, kt贸re nie s膮 obj臋te ochron膮. Europejski certyfikat rodzicielstwa chce to zmieni膰, to dobry kierunek i dlatego dziwi臋 si臋, naprawd臋 dziwi臋 si臋 prawicy, 偶e z tak膮 nienawi艣ci膮 podchodzi do czego艣, co Wy zawsze popierali艣cie 鈥� ochrony rodziny i ochrony dzieci. Przecie偶 tu chodzi o bezpiecze艅stwo tego dziecka. Chodzi o to, 偶e kiedy jego rodzice znajduj膮 si臋 w sytuacji, kt贸ra nie jest uregulowana prawnie, to by dziecko po prostu najnormalniej w 艣wiecie by艂o bezpieczne. Nic wi臋cej i nic mniej.

(M贸wca zgodzi艂 si臋 na pytanie zasygnalizowane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki)

听听Bogdan Rzo艅ca (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. 鈥� Mam pytanie do Pana Pos艂a. Nie rozumiem tego lamentu, kt贸ry tutaj Pan Pose艂 przedstawia wraz ze swoim partnerem. Od ponad roku rz膮dzicie pa艅stwo w Polsce - Pana formacja z Donaldem Tuskiem. Rz膮dzicie w Polsce od 14 miesi臋cy. Macie wi臋kszo艣膰, mo偶ecie tak zmieni膰 prawo w Polsce, jak chcecie i nie umiecie tego zrobi膰. No i powiedzcie dlaczego?

Poza tym, Panie Po艣le, Unia Europejska jest organizacj膮 prawn膮 鈥� artyku艂 5 Traktatu o Unii Europejskiej m贸wi bardzo wyra藕nie, 偶e kompetencje nieprzyznane innym s膮 kompetencjami krajowymi. Wi臋c tak偶e tu macie wi臋kszo艣膰 w tym Parlamencie, mo偶ecie robi膰, co chcecie i nie robicie tego. Wi臋c kr贸tko m贸wi膮c, ja jestem za prawem naturalnym, mam troch臋 inne zdanie niz Pan, ale niech Pan nie ma pretensji do Kaczy艅skiego, do Prawicy o to, 偶e jeste艣cie mniejszo艣ci膮, bo jeste艣cie ...

(Przewodnicz膮ca odebra艂a m贸wcy g艂os)

听听Robert Biedro艅 (S&D), odpowied藕 na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. 鈥� Ja chcia艂em podzi臋kowa膰 panu pos艂owi, 偶e on tak pe艂en emocji podchodzi do tej sprawy i tutaj podpowiada, jak to zmieni膰. Prosz臋 si臋 przy艂膮czy膰. Ja my艣l臋, 偶e tutaj warto, 偶eby艣my wszyscy ponad podzia艂ami chronili ka偶dego obywatela i ka偶d膮 obywatelk臋. Je艣li chodzi o prawo unijne, Panie Po艣le, to warto doczyta膰 鈥� Europejski Trybuna艂 Sprawiedliwo艣ci wydawa艂 wyroki w tej sprawie. Brak takiej regulacji to nie tylko jest pogwa艂cenie traktat贸w, ale pogwa艂cenie tak偶e podstawowych praw cz艂owieka.听Dlatego, Panie Komisarzu, dzi臋kuj臋 za t臋 inicjatyw臋, kt贸r膮, jak rozumiem, pan Rzo艅ca b臋dzie popiera艂.

听听Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). 鈥� Madam听President, Commissioner, of course, no child should be discriminated against because of the way they were born or the type of family they were born into. It is crucial. It is enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty, Article听2. Please read this article. We are all obliged to fulfil the requirements of human rights. All.

It's not a question of religion. Those who are mentioning Christianity, please read the Bible. Abraham and his first son and, of course, Saint Mary's story. It would be good to listen and to understand about what you are speaking. Of course, you know that all families, including rainbow families, should have the same rights in the EU. This includes, for instance, the right to maintenance and schooling, education and others.

But it is a pity we see that such a trend is growing, especially in those countries where the far right are trying to violate human rights. Of course, the parenthood regulation is still blocked in the Council. It is also a shame that the Council still, until now, has no chance to solve this problem. It is our duty to implement all human rights.

Catch-the-eye procedure

听听Margarita de la Pisa Carri贸n (PfE). 鈥� Se帽ora presidente, se帽or铆as, el Derecho de familia es competencia de los Estados miembros. La Declaraci贸n de los Derechos del Ni帽o es clara: todo ni帽o tiene un padre y una madre y tiene derecho a conocerlos y a ser cuidado por ellos en la medida de lo posible. Los v铆nculos naturales entre padres e hijos deben ser respetados, pues trascienden la propia existencia: 驴qui茅n soy?; 驴de d贸nde vengo?; el inicio de nuestra vida en el vientre materno; el v铆nculo con nuestros padres... Otras formas de paternidad interfieren en esta realidad y exponen al ni帽o y a las personas implicadas no solo a graves dilemas 茅ticos y legales, sino tambi茅n a situaciones donde se agrede su propia dignidad.

Garantizar la seguridad jur铆dica de las familias es leg铆timo; sin embargo, vemos c贸mo este principio est谩 siendo instrumentalizado para dar una nueva forma a las relaciones entre padres e hijos transform谩ndolas en contractuales, a veces incluso en mercantiles, como es la gestaci贸n subrogada. El ser humano deja de ser tratado como un sujeto de derechos y pasa a considerarse un objeto de transacci贸n, un bien de consumo, a trav茅s de la explotaci贸n de las mujeres, causando un doloroso desgarro con el hijo y normalizando la ruptura de los lazos naturales.

La dif铆cil situaci贸n en la que se puedan encontrar estos ni帽os debe ser resuelta caso a caso a nivel nacional, no por un mecanismo general europeo como es el certificado de filiaci贸n: esto alentar铆a estas pr谩cticas exponiendo a m谩s personas a esta...

(la presidenta retira la palabra a la oradora)

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

听听Glenn Micallef, Member of the Commission. 鈥� Madam听President, the gender-neutral right to free movement is a cornerstone of our citizens' Union. The gender-neutral Union family law, the right to love and the right to be loved is an essential block to build a union of equality.

By requiring or facilitating the recognition of civil status documents, including for same sex couples, Union law on free movement and Union family law aim to protect the rights of couples and also of children in cross-border situations, without leaving behind any spouse or partner due to their sexual orientation and without leaving behind any child because of the way in which he was conceived or born, or because she has the same sex parents.

In facilitating the recognition of civil status documents also for same sex families, Union law does not interfere with the Member States' substantive family law, such as their rules on the definition of family or their rules on surrogacy, which fall within the competence of Member States.

However, with the recognition of civil status documents for all spouses or partners and for all children, Union law will ensure that same sex couples and their children can benefit from all their rights in any Member State.

听听President. 鈥� Thank you very much, Commissioner. The debate is closed.

Written Statements (Rule 178)

听听Rosa Estar脿s Ferragut (PPE), por escrito. 鈥� En relaci贸n al debate en el Pleno sobre el reconocimiento transfronterizo de los documentos de estado civil de parejas del mismo sexo y sus hijos dentro del territorio de la Uni贸n, tenemos que defender que se garantice la libre circulaci贸n de todas las familias incluidas las familias arco铆ris en la Uni贸n Europea.

Las familias arco铆ris siguen enfrent谩ndose a importantes obst谩culos en su derecho a ejercer la libre circulaci贸n y, por lo tanto, con consecuencias negativas para sus hijos.